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1 5 JUN. 1910 







No. 60. 


The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the 
History, Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition 
of the present and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its 
Geology and Mineralogy, its Climate and Meteorology, 
its Botany and Zoology. 

Price : to Members, Rs, 2 ; to Non-Members > Rs. 3-50. 




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No. 60. 


The design of the Society, is to^HSiilBpe^nd promote inquiries into the 
History, Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition 
of the present and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its 
Geology and Mineralogy, its Climate and Meteorology, 
its Botany and Zoology, 





The History or Ceylon, from the Earliest Times to 
1600 a.d., as related by Joan de Barros and Diogo do 

Translated and Edited 


Donald Ferguson. 




TIMES TO 1600 A.D. 

As Related by Joao de Barros and Diogo do Couto. 

Translated and Edited by Donald Ferguson. 

Joao de Barros and Diogo do Couto 1 . 

Joao de Barros was born, of noble family, in or about the 
year 1496 2 , and at an early age entered the service of the king 
Dom Manuel. Like other youths in the royal household he 
received a good education in the various branches of knowledge, 
and he developed a special taste for history, his ambition being 
to write a general history of Portugal. This wish he confided 
to Dom Manuel in 1520 when presenting the king with a work 
of fiction that he had composed, entitled Chronica do Emperador 
Clarimundo. Dom Manuel in reply stated that for some time 

1 For the details here given I am indebted largely to the Lives of 
Barros and Couto by Manoel Severim de Faria, printed in the 1778-88 
edition of the Decades. Various errors in those Lives I have pointed out 
in footnotes. In the case of Couto, however, the information is based 
mainly on royal letters and other official documents. 

2 Neither place nor date of birth is known. 

rf* b 36-08 



he had desired that the affairs of India should be recorded, but 
that hitherto he had been unable to find a person fitted for the 
task ; that, if Barros liked to undertake it, his labour would not 
be in vain. Accordingly the young man set about preparing 
for the work ; but in little over a year's time 1 Dom Manuel died, 
and the scheme had to be abandoned temporarily. 

The new king, D. Joao III., appointed Barros to the 
captaincy of Mina 2 , for which place he sailed in 1522, remain- 
ing there for over two years 3 . On his return to Portugal, in 
May 1525, the king bestowed upon him the office of treasurer 
of the Casa da India, Mina e Ceuta 4 , a post which he held until 
December 1528, continuing to reside in Lisbon until the out- 
break of plague in that city in 1530 drove him to his country- 
house near Pombal. In 1532 he returned to Lisbon, and was 
appointed factor of the Casa da India e Mina, an office 
involving very heavy duties, in spite of which, however, Barros 
found time to continue his literary pursuits, producing various 
works, one of the most interesting being a Portuguese grammar 
(printed 1540), intended for the use of four Paravars who had 
been brought to Portugal, selected from those converted on 
the Fishery Coast in 1538. 

In 1552 was published in Lisbon the first Decade of Barros's 
long projected work, with^the title Asia de Joam de Barros, dos 
fectos que os Portugueses fizeram no descobrimento & conquista 
dos mares & terras do Oriente ; the second Decade appearing 
the following year 5 . The death of King D. Joao III. in 1557 
probably delayed the appearance of the third Decade, which 
was not published until 1563. It is on this work that the fame 
of Barros rests, and deservedly so ; for though he never went 
further East than to Mina, he took great pains to insure 

1 13 December 1521. 

2 Erroneously called Elmina (on the Gold Coast of Africa). 

3 Of his doings there he seems to have left no record. 

4 The " India and Colonial Office." 

6 The first seven books of Fernao Lopez de Castanheda's Historia do 
Descobrimento e Conquista da India were published at Coimbra between 
1551 and 1554 (the eighth book appearing after his death in 1564). 
Castanheda had the advantage of Barros in having been in India, and 
his work is generally accurate and of much value, though his literary 
style is not to be compared with that of Barros. 

NO. 60. — 1908.] LIFE OF BAKROS. 


accuracy, by consulting persons who had been to India and 
beyond, and by procuring and having translated chronicles in 
various oriental languages. Barros intended to complete the 
history of Portugal by writing similar books on Europe, Africa, 
and Santa Cruz (Brazil), and he also projected a Universal 
Geography and a Natural History of the East, its Commerce, 
&c. ; but these and other works that he had in view remained 
unwritten owing to his arduous official duties. 

At the end of 1567, in consequence of the infirmities of age, 
Barros retired from active work, and King D. Sebastiao 
conferred upon him various privileges and emoluments calcu- 
lated to free his last years from care. In this retirement, in 
bis country-house near Pombal, Barros died on 20 October 
1570, over seventy years of age. His body was interred in a 
hermitage in the district of Leira, whence it was removed in 
1610 to the monastery of Alcobaca by the bishop D. Jorge de 
Ataide, who caused a monument to be erected over the 
historian's remains. 

Diogo do Couto, like Joao de Barros, came of noble parent- 
age. He was born in Lisbon in 1543 1 , his father, Gaspar do 
Couto, being in the service of the infante Dom Luiz. Hence it 
was that Diogo, while still a boy, entered the service of the 
infante 2 , and, like Barros, Couto received a careful education 
in the various branches of learning. But the death of his 
father, following shortly after that of the infante 3 , obliged him 
to abandon his studies and take to the profession of arms. In 
1559 4 he sailed for India, where he served as a soldier for the 
space of nine 5 years, taking part in a number of engagements 
which he describes in his Decades. Early in 156,9 he left India 

1 Man. Sev. de Faria has 1542 ; but in Dec. VII. vm. ii. Couto says 
hat he was fifteen years old when he went to India in 1559. 

2 Couto says in VII. vm. ii. that he served the king for two years ; 
but in VII. in. vi. he states that he began to serve the prince Dom 
Luiz at the age of ten. 

3 Dom Luiz died in 1554. 

4 Man. Sev. de Faria has 1556. 

5 Man.J3ev. de Faria says " eight." 

B 2 



for Portugal, meeting at Mocambique his friend the poet 
Camoens, and arriving at Lisbon in April 1570, to find the 
city just recovering from another epidemic of plague. 

Couto's stay in his native land was but a brief one, for he 
again left for India in March 1571, never (as it fell out) to 
return. He settled down as a citizen in Goa, where he married 
Luiza de Mello, whose brother, Frei Adeodato da Trinidade, a 
Franciscan, afterwards assisted in the publication of Couto's 
Decades 1 . Coutowas versed in mathematics and geography, 
and knew Latin and Italian well, writing poetry in both these 
languages. He also took much interest in the history of India 
and other countries of Asia, as well as in the manners and 
customs and religious beliefs of the peoples of those lands. 
When he first entertained the idea of continuing the work left 
unfinished by Barros, I do not know ; but he appears to have 
been (consciously or unconsciously) fitting himself for it for 
many years. It was not, however, until some years after the 
accession to the throne of Portugal of Philip II. of Spain in 
1581 that Couto took any action in this matter. Noticing the 
great interest taken by this king in all the affairs of the 
Portuguese oversea dominions, Couto seems to have conceived 
the idea of writing a volume after the style of one of Barros' s 
Decades, commencing however, not where Barros left off (at 
February 1526), but with the year of Philip's proclamation as 
king of Portugal, 1581. His object in so doing was doubtless 
to flatter Philip's vanity, and thus insure the royal patronage 
for the work he proposed ; and in this he was successful. 

By 1593 Couto had finished the book that forms Decade X. ; 
and on 15 November of that year he wrote to the king 
informing him of this fact, and begging Philip to pass a provi- 
sion enabling him to have access to all state documents 
necessary for his carrying out his project. To this letter the 
king replied on 28 February 1595, expressing his approval 
of Couto's intention, asking him to send him the volume he had 
written 2 , and requesting him to commence his work where 
Barros had left off ; adding, that in order that Couto might the 

1 See below, p. 10, note 2 . 

2 It was not, however, sent to the king until 1601. 

No. 60.— 1908.] 



better do this he had ordered to be passed the provision asked 
for, and had also appointed Couto chief guardian of the Torre 
do Tombo that he was ordering to be built in Goa, to which all 
the papers in the custody of the state secretary of India were 
to be transferred 1 . Accordingly a Torre do Tombo was built 2 , 
the Indian archives 3 were transferred to it, and Couto was 
installed therein as guarda mor. This installation appears to 
have taken place in 1596 4 . 

Meanwhile Couto , in obedience to the king's command, set 
to work to write the history of India from the point at which 
Barros had left it, and by the end of 1596 he had completed his 
Decade IV. and had begun Decade V. 5 He found himself 
somewhat hampered in his task, however, by the refusal of 
successive viceroys to allow him access to all official documents, 
the reason given being that many of these were of too confi- 
dential a nature to pass out of the power of the viceroy. The 
force of this objection Philip recognized, asking, however, that 

1 See the king's letter to Couto, of 28 February 1595, prefixed to 
Dec. V. ; the alvard of 25 February 1595, in A.P.-O. iii. 497-8 ; and 
chap. xiii. of the royal letter to the viceroy, of 27 February 1595, in 
A.P.-O. iii. 508-9. (In the last Philip tells the viceroy to charge Couto 
to commence his history where Barros and Castanheda left off, from 
which it would seem that the king knew of the existence in manuscript 
of Barros's Decade IV., which ends at January 1539, while Castanheda's 
eighth book terminates in the latter part of 1538.) In view of these 
documents, and in the absence of any other evidence, I regard as entirely 
fictitious the statements of Man. Sev. de Faria that the idea of continuing 
the history of India originated with Philip, that Couto was recom- 
mended to him for the work, and that the king incharged the task on 
Couto, bestowing on him the title of " Chronicler of India." Equally 
unfounded seems to be the same writer's assertion that it was by Philip's 
command that Couto wrote Decade X. first. 

2 Inside the fort, next to the Casa da Matricola, or general registry 
(see A.P.-O. iii. 686). 

3 Such as had survived the ravages of damp and white-ants and the 
carelessness of officials. 

4 See A.P.-O. iii. 843. 

5 So the king informs the viceroy, in a letter of 3 (? 5) March 1598 
(A.P.-O. iii. 842 ff.), on the authority of Couto himself, who had written 
to Philip to that effect, also saying that he was sending Decade X. 
(which he did not), that he would send Decades IV. and V. that year 
(he sent the first only), and that he hoped in future to send a volume 
each year (a hope that was not entirely fulfilled). 



every assistance possible should be afforded to Couto in the 
preparation of his history 1 . At the same time the king 
appears to have begun to entertain doubts regarding Couto's 
capacity forvthe work that he had intrusted to him 2 . No 
doubt these suspicions were due to enemies of Couto's ; and 
they were soon set at rest. 

By D. Affonso de Noronha, captain-major of the homeward 
fleet, who left Goa on 21 December 1597, Couto sent his 
Decade IV. to the king 3 ; but Philip II., who had committed 
to Couto the task of writing this history, was fated not to see 
a single volume of it : for when the ships reached Lisbon in 
August 1598 he was already past cure, and he died on 13 
September. In a letter 4 , dated 20 November 1597, accom- 
panying this volume Couto states that he had already completed 
six Decades, viz., IV., V., VI., and X., XI., XII. 5 , these last 
three having been written before he received the royal com- 
mand to go back and begin where Barros left off. The history 
of the intervening period, he adds, he will strive to write, if life 
and the royal favour be continued to him. The receipt of this 
letter and the sight of the volume that it accompanied seem to 
have dispelled any doubts that the new king Philip III. may 
have had in regard to Couto's capabilities, and we find him 
writing now and then to his viceroy to afford the historian all 
the assistance he might require 6 . In accordance with his 

1 See A.P.-O. iii. 842-5, 498 n. 

2 In his letter of 15 February 1597 {A.P.-O. iii. 710-1), the king 
speaks of having incharged the writing of the history of India upon one 
Diogo do Couto of Goa, and requests the viceroy to obtain information 
as to his talent for the task ; while in hi s letter of 3 ( 5) March 1598 
{A.P.-O. iii. 845-6), the crown prince tells the viceroy that he learns 
that Couto is not as capable as he was at first informed, and that he has 
a fault in his birth : regarding which matters he orders the viceroy to 
inquire in consultation with the archbishop of Goa, and that if they find 
him not fit to be intrusted with the history, or the care of the Torre do 
Tombo, the king is to be advised thereof, Couto being dissembled with 

3 As he states in Dec. XII. i. ix. 

4 It is prefixed to the printed edition of Dec. IV. 

5 Probably no more than the first five books of this Decade. 

6 See royal letters of 11 January 1599 (c. 5), 25 January 1601 (c. 1). 
31 January 1602 (c. 22), and 26 February 1602 (c. 2), in Brit. Mus. Lib. 
I dditl. Mss. 20861-2. 

No. 60.— 1908.] 



expressed intention to send the king a volume each year, 
Couto seems to have kept back Decade V. , in order to forward 
it by the homeward fleet of 1599 1 ; but he was unable to do 
this, the ships that were to have left Portugal for India in 
March 1598 having been prevented from sailing by an 
English armada under the command of the Earl of Cumberland 
blockading the mouth of the Tagus 2 . It is probable therefore 
that he sent this volume, together with Decade VI., by the 
homeward fleet of 1600 3 . 

In compliance with a request of the king's, and possibly 
because his seventh Decade was not quite complete, Couto 
sent to Philip III. by the fleet leaving India in 1602 4 the 
volume that he had " finished " so far back as 1593, and for 
which Philip III. had several times asked in vain, viz., Decade 
X. 5 By one of the ships of the homeward fleet of 1602 Couto 
forwarded his Decade VII. 6 ; but unfortunately this vessel, 
the Sao Tiago, was captured by the Dutch at St. Helena on 
16 March after a severe fight, Couto's manuscript perishing 
with all other documents on board 7 . On receiving the news 
of this disaster, which might have staggered a younger man, 
Couto (who seems to have sent home nothing by the fleet of 
1603) with characteristic energy set to work and re-wrote the 
whole Decade, completing it in time to send it to the king by 
the ships that left India for Portugal in 1604. Well might he 
say, in the letter 8 to King Philip that accompanied this 

1 In his letter of 6 November 1603 (prefixed to Dec. VII.) Couto 
states that he sent the fourth and fifth Decades by the armada of 1597-8, 
but in his letter of 20 November 1597 (quoted above), and in Dec. XII. I. 
ix. , he distinctly mentions only Decade IV. as having being sent. 

2 See Travels of Pedro Teixeira, Introd. xli. n. 

3 Couto in his letter of 6 November 1603 (u.s.) says only that he sent 
his sixth Decade by this fleet. 

4 See Couto's letter of 6 November 1603 (u.s.). 

5 Internal evidence shows that between 1593 and 1600 Couto must 
have made additions to and alterations in this Decade. 

6 See his letter of 6 November 1603 (u.s.). 

7 See Faria y Sousa Asia Port. III. n. vi. 5. According to this writer 
the galleon itself was destroyed ; but Valentyn tells us (Sumatra 29) that 
the two Dutch ships (Zeelandiaaxid-Langebercque) carried her to Zealand, 
where silver medals were struck in commemoration of the event. 

8 Dated 6 November 1603. 



volume : — " Every time (most Catholic and powerful king 
and our lord) that I consider the brevity and little time in 
which I finished five Decades of the History of India, which 
by command of the most Catholic king D. Filippe, your 
father of glorious memory and the first of that name 1 , I went 
continuing on the three of Joao de Barros 2 , . . . certainly 
I myself marvel : because I know not what spirit led 
me to gather and discover things that were so forgotten, and 
of which there was almost no remembrance ; and of countries 
so distant and separated as are from remote Maluco to the 
Cape of Good Hope : for which were necessary season? and 
monsoons, in order to send for and get the matters and infor- 
mation so that the History might be written . ' ' No wonder , also . 
that his letter to the king concludes hopefully with these 
words : — " And I beg your majesty to be pleased to accept 
this small service, in order that with the more gusto I may 
prosecute this History, which the king your father and your 
majesty have enjoined on me, until I arrive at the time of 
your majesty, whom may our Lord preserve in health and 
long years of life, as is necessary to all Christendom ;"— for 
on 10 February 1602 Philip III. had written to Couto 3 
acknowledging a letter of his, with suggestions regarding the 
Torre do Tombo, of which the king expressed approval, add- 
ing that he had ordered provisions to be passed 4 , which he 
was commanding the viceroy to have fulfilled 5 . Philip con- 
cluded his letter thus : — " I have seen the Decades of the 
History of India that you sent me 6 , in which I consider myself 
very well served by you, and in the good manner in which you 
are proceeding with this, which I enjoin on you to go on 

1 That is, the first King Philip of Portugal. 

2 Couto then specifies the Decades and the years in which he sent 
them, as I have stated above. 

3 The letter is prefixed to Dec. V. 

4 This provision, dated 13 February 1602, is printed in a footnote 
in A.P.-O. hi. 498-501. It refers to the provision of 25 February 
1595 (see above), which, it says, had not yet been fulfilled, and pro- 
ceeds to formulate it anew, ordering that it be duly carried out. 

5 The letter to the viceroy containing this command is dated 31 
January 1602. 

6 These were Decs. TV., V., VI., and X. 

No. 60.— 1908.] 



continuing, and sending me all that you shall do, in order to 
have it printed, for which reason I shall keep in mind your 
services, in order to do you the favor that I shall think well." 

Another thing that inspired Couto with hope was probably 
the receipt, shortly before he penned his letter to the king, 
of a copy of his Decade IV. in print, it having been published 
in Lisbon in 1602. But it is just at this point that Couto's 
outturn of Decades falls off, the reason not being evident. As 
we have seen, according to his own statement, he had com- 
pleted Decades X., XL, and XII. (only half of this last piob- 
ably) by 1595 ; and of these the first had been dispatched 
to Portugal. Why the other two were not sent immediately 
afterwards I do not know ; probably they were kept back for 
revision. When they were actually sent we have no record 
to show: all we know is, that they were in Portugal by 161 4 1 , 
and that the half Decade XII. at any rate was not sent home 
before 1612 2 . It must be remembered that Couto was now 
over sixty years of age, and had spent the greater part of his 
life in India. The high pressure at which he had been work- 
ing to produce so many volumes in addition to carrying out 
his official duties doubtless began to tell on him, and he realized 
with regret that he was no longer able to produce a Decade 
each year, as he had hoped to do. 

From the time when he wrote his letter of 6 November 
1603 to the king until the early part of 161 1 3 I can find not a 
single reference to him in the official documents : we only 
know that he continued to hold his office of guarda mor of the 
Torre do Tombo, and we may surmise that he continued with 
the compilation of the two Decades (VIII. and IX.) needed 
to fill the existing gap. From a royal letter to the viceroy, 

1 So Couto states in his letter of 28 January 1616 (prefixed to Dec. 

2 This is proved by the fact that in XlL in. v. Couto speaks of 
" this [year] of 1611 in which I write this." 

3 In a letter of 9 March 1611 (Doc. Rem. ii. 77) to the viceroy 
the king refers to his letter of 5 March 1598, and his provisions of 
1595 and 1602, which he orders to be fulfilled, and he gives certain 
instructions for Couto to carry out in connection with his duties at the 
Torre do Tombo. 



dated 3rd February 1614 1 , we learn that Couto had written 
to the king (at the end of 1612 evidently), but this was on a 
matter connected with his duties, and had nothing to do with 
his Historyof India. During that year (1612) Couto's Decade 
V. had been published in Lisbon 2 , and in 1614 Decade VI. was 
all printed 3 , awaiting only the preliminary leaves and the 
title-page, when a disastrous fire took place in the printer's 
premises, whereby many of the copies were destroyed 4 . The 
sight of these two Decades in print, and the receipt of Decades 
XI. and XII. in manuscript from Couto, were probably the 
causes that moved Philip III. to write to his viceroy (D. 
Jeronimo de Azevedo) on 21 February 1615 as follows 5 : — 
" Having respect to the services of Diogo do Couto, guar da 
mor of the Torre do Tombo of that state, and to the continu- 
ation and work with which he proceeds in the said office and 
in the writing of the histories of those parts that he has taken 
upon himself, I think well to bestow upon him the favor of 
five hundred xerafins each year during his life 6 , and that for 
the exercise of the said occupations be given him two clerks 
who may assist him therein, who shall be paid quarterly, in 
the form in which those of the secretary of that state are 
paid ; with the declaration that he actually has them, and 
that this shall be made manifest by certificate, before payment 

1 See Doc. Rem. iii. 38. 

2 I do not know why there should have been such a delay in the 
printing of this and the subsequent Decades, unless it were the death, 
in 1605, of Couto's brother-in-law, Fr. Adeodato da Trinidade, to 
whom the king had committed the task of seeing the volumes through 
the press. 

3 According to Barbosa Machado (Bibl. Lusit. i. 10), this Decade 
was altered by Couto's brother-in-law, Fr. Adeodato da Trinidade (who 
died in 1605). A comparison of this Decade with Francisco d'An- 
drada's Cronica do .... rey .... D. Jodo III., published 1613, shows 
that much of the matter in both works is identical. 

4 Man. Sev. de Faria says that the only copies that escaped were six 
that happened to be in the convent of St. Augustine in Lisbon. This 
is a manifest error, as many more than six copies of this edition (for 
which no title-page and prefatory matter were ever printed) are in 

5 See Doc. Rem. iii. 254-5. 

6 Of. Bocarro xviii. 

No. 60.— 1908.] 



be made to him for them. I enjoin upon you and charge you 
much that you tell him of the favor that I am bestowing upon 
him, and that you order to be passed to him the necessary 
dispatches, in the form that is notified to you" 1 . This shows 
that King Philip appreciated Couto's services ; but as the 
historian was now over the three score years and ten, it was 
unlikely that he would long enjoy the royal grant, and so it 

Before passing on, however, I must mention that during 
the year in which the king wrote the above letter (1615) there 
was published in Lisbon what professed to be Barros's Decade 
IV. The manuscript left by Barros had, by the king's orders, 
been intrusted to Joao Baptista Lavanha 2 , principal cosmo- 
grapher of Portugal, who not only altered the order of events 
as Barros had arranged them, but actually interpolated in 
the text passages written by himself, some of them utterly 
anachronistic 3 . He also added footnotes embodying informa- 
tion from Couto's Decade IV. and from other writers. Conse- 
quently it is impossible to say how much of this work is 
actually by Barros, and whether he is responsible for this or 
that statement occurring in it. 

In 1616 was published in Lisbon Couto's Decade VII., a 
copy of which he was, however, destined never to see. Mean- 
while an event had taken place in India that embittered Couto's 
last days and will ever remain a matter of vexation to students 
of the history of Portuguese Asia. The old man tells the 
story in a letter 4 to King Philip written from Goa, 28 
January 1616. It seems that by the end of 1614 he had 
completed Decades VIII. and IX. , and was to have sent them 
in 1615 to the king ; but some evil-disposed person stole the 

1 On the margin of the original is the note : — " He was informed of 
it and a dispatch was passed to him." 

2 According to Man. Sev. de Faria two persons had previously been 
intrusted with the work of editing, but neither had been able to fulfil 
the task. 

3 See the caustic remarks of Faria y Sousa in the Advertencias pre- 
fixed to torn. I. of his Asia Porhiguesa. And yet Man. Sev. de Faria 
highly commends this piece of patchwork, which he describes as " one 
of the best books that we have today in our vulgar tongue." 

4 Prefixed to Dec. VIII. 



volumes 1 , intending (so Couto thought) after the death of 
the author to publish them as his (the thief's) production 2 . In 
consequence of this catastrophe Couto set to work, and with 
amazing energy succeeded in the course of the year in com- 
piling a summary of the whole of the eighth and a good part 
of the ninth Decade 3 . This he dispatched to the king by the 
homeward ships of 1616, accompanying the manuscript with 
the letter referred to above, probably the last he ever wrote 
to Philip, for on 10 December 1616 Couto died, at the good 
old age of 73. The news of his death was conveyed to the 
king by the viceroy D. Jeronimo de Azevedo in the following 
letter 4 :— 

Sire, — Diogo do Couto, guarda mor of the Torre do Tombo of 
this State, and who was writing the history of it by order of your 
majesty, is dead. And as in his lifetime, because of his being so 
deserving and old, and because of the great persistency with 
which he addressed me regarding it, I granted him that on his 
death the said office of guarda mor should go to Domingos de 
Castilho 6 , married to a niece of his, whom he had in place of 
daughter 6 , and to this end passed to him an alvard of reminder, 

1 Man. Sev. de Faria says that at the time Couto was seriously ill, 
but what his authority is for this statement I do not know ; Couto 
says nothing in his letter of any illness. 

2 Whatever the object of the theft, the manuscripts were evidently 
destroyed, as no trace of them has ever been found. 

3 The summary of Dec. IX. goes only as far as July 1575, so that 
five years and a half remain unrecorded. At the end of this fragment 
is a note, presumably by Couto: — "I reached thus far, and did not 
get further." 

4 Printed, from the Livro das Mongoes No. 12, last fol., in the Chro- 
nista de Tissuary iv., No. 41 (May 1869), p. 82. 

5 Couto mentions this man in Dec. XII. n. vii. as taking part in 
the attack on Cunhale in 1599. He calls him a " native of Ceita." 
The only other reference to him that I have found is in a royal letter 
of 22 February 1613 (Doc. Rem. ii. 330), from which it seems that 
he killed a certain Francisco de Mello whom he found in his house for 
the purpose, as he suspected, of committing adultery with his wife, whom 
also he was inclined to kill, until she showed his suspicions to be baseless. 
Domingos de Castilho was acquitted of the murder, but it was left open 
to the relatives of the slain man to take action against him within 
twenty years. 

6 Couto had but one child, a daughter, who died unmarried. 

No. 60.— 1908.] 



I found myself obliged to fulfil it to him : and so in virtue thereof 
there passed a letter of the said office to the said Domingos de 
Castilho for it to be confirmed by your majesty. And neverthe- 
less the said Domingos de Castilho has not the talent for continu- 
ing the history, and of the subjects over here, of whom, it seems to 
me, one can take account for this occupation , which must always 
go united with the said office of guarda mor, I find that the most 
suitable is the licentiate Nicolao da Silva 1 , who was chief justice 
of this supreme court, and served with satisfaction both in it as 
well as in other offices of importance in which he was employed, 
and is very experienced, and of much learning, and besides these 
good qualities uniting in his person, and his being well equipped 
with one thing and another, I shall receive a favour from your 
majesty 2 in all that you shall be pleased to do to him. God keep, 
&c. From Goa, 30 December 1616. 

That the king did not confirm the above appointment 
(though why, we can only surmise) is evident from the follow- 
ing passage in a letter 3 of 12 February 1620, from the 
governor Fernao de Albuquerque to the king : — " The office 
of guarda mor of the Torre do Tombo, which fell vacant by the 
death of Diogo do Couto, has been badly bestowed upon Gaspar 
d'Ares 4 , upon whom the count 5 bestowed it on the petition 
of the city, and it is very important to the service of your 
majesty to order this office to be bestowed upon a person 
of understanding, and that he do his duty." What the result 
of this representation was, I do not know ; but the death of 
Philip III. in 1521 probably put an end for a time to the idea 

1 Bocarro mentions (cap. xii.) that in 1613 the viceroy and council 
at Goa resolved to send to Ormuz a person with the powers of veador da 
fazenda, and chose for that purpose " the licentiate Nicolau da Silva, 
in whom were united the qualities of intelligence, integrity, good dis- 
course, and all else that could be desired for such an office." 

2 When D. Jeronimo wrote this the king had probably already 
given instructions for his arrest and deportation from India in fetters 
(see Bocarro, cap. lxxxvi.). 

3 Printed from Livro das Monroes 22, fol. 450, in the Chron. de 
Tissuary, u.s. 

4 I can find no reference elsewhere to this man. 

5 D. Joao Coutinho, Conde de Redondo, who succeeded D. Jeronimo 
de Azevedo as viceroy in November 1617, and died 10 November 



of continuing the Decades 1 . It was not until nine years after 
his accession that Philip IV. wrote to the viceroy, the Conde 
de Linhares, to look for a man to continue the history of India, 
in accordance with which command Antonio Bocarro was 
chosen 2 , who, however , wrote the history of only five years, 
and, through a misunderstanding, commenced his record 
with the succession to the viceroyalty of D. Jeronimo de 
Azevedo in December 1612 3 , thus leaving a period of twelve 
years unchronicled. 

We have seen above that up to the time of Couto's death 
four of his Decades had been printed, viz., the fourth, fifth, 
sixth, and seventh. Decade VIII. (or rather the summary thereof 
made by Couto) was not printed until 1673, when it was pub- 
lished in Lisbon, but from a faulty manuscript apparently 4 . 
The fragmentary summary of Decade IX. was never published 
separately, but first appeared in 1736 in conjunction with the 
preceding Decades. Of Decade X. 120 pages were printed, 
to form part of this edition, but for some reason the volume 
was never finished 5 ; so that it was not until 1788 that this 
Decade, the first that Couto wrote, appeared complete in 
print 6 , forming part of the 1778-88 edition of Barros and 

1 See, however, Teixeira de Aragao, Descr. Ger. e Hist, das Moedas , &c. , 
iii. 79, where it is stated that by an alvard of 21 May 1620 Fernao 
de Albuquerque appointed Joao Vasco Casco (?) in substitution of 
Gaspar- Aires (sic) ; that on 31 December 1622 D. Fran, da Gama 
appointed to the office Gaspar de Sousa de Lacerda, knight of St. 
James, on 14 November 1623 Alvaro Pinto Coutinho, intitled cosmo- 
grapher, and on 2 December 1626 Bartholomeu Galvao, "with the 
charge also of continuing to write the history." 

2 See Bocarro Introd. xvii. 

3 See Bocarro Introd. xvii. 2, 377. 

4 Inn. Fran, da Silva, in his Dice. Bibl. Port. ii. 154, says that, among 
other faults, this edition is " full of locutions and phrases very different 
from the style of Couto." The British Museum Library contains a 
manuscript, written in 1654, of this summary of Dec. VIII., which 
varies much from the printed edition. (It is evidently a duplicate of 
the manuscript owned by the Visconde de Azevedo, described in Silva' s 
Dice. Bibl. Port, ix., supplt. 122-3.) 

5 See Silva's Dice. Bibl. Port, ix., supplt. 122. 

6 From a manuscript in the library of the convent da Graca in Lisbon 
(Dice. Bibl. Port. ii. 154). 

No. 60.— 1908.] 



Couto's Decades. The first five books of Decade XII. 
(evidently all that Couto wrote of it) were published in 1645, 
not in Portugal, but in Paris, from a mamiscript discovered 
there by the Portuguese consul. The fate of Decade XI . is an 
unsolved mystery. That Couto wrote it and sent it to Por- 
tugal, we have already seen ; and that the manuscript was 
extant for many years afterwards seems certain, since Faria 
y Sousa claims to have used it in compiling the third volume of 
his Asia Portuguese^ 1 ; but it had disappeared by the eighteenth 
century, and no trace of it has been discovered since — a most 
serious and irreparable loss. 

The Present Translation. 

In the following translation I have endeavoured to be as 
literal as possible, and have not hesitated to employ a number 
of words now obsolete in English, which are recorded in the 
New English Dictionary. For convenience sake I have made 
the translation from the standard edition of Barros-Couto of 
1778-88, but have corrected it by the earliest printed editions 
of the Decades, and in the case of Decades VIII, to X. by the 
early manuscript in the British Museum Library referred to 
in a footnote above. I have also restored the spelling of proper 
names as given in the earliest versions : hence a sacrifice of 
uniformity. The only liberty I have taken is with the punc- 
tuation, which I have altered where necessary, in many cases 
splitting up paragraphs and sentences, some of the latter, 
especially in Couto, being terribly long. 

In the notes to each chapter I have given in as succinct a 
form as possible such information from other sources as I 
thought needful for the better understanding of the matters 
dealt with. The gathering of this information has cost me 

1 See the Prologue and list of manuscripts in torn. I. And yet, if we 
examine the history of the period covered by the lost Decade as narrated 
by Faria y Sousa, we can find nothing (except, possibly, one short 
passage) to lead us to suppose that he had made the slightest use of 
Couto's work. 



[Vol. XX. 

no little time and trouble ; and I hope that the facts recorded 
(many of them for the first time in English) will prove of 
interest to students of Ceylon history. 

I have to express my thanks to Mr. H. C. Cottle, Ceylon 
Government Printer, for the pains he has taken to insure 
accuracy in the spelling of names, &c. 

D. F. 


Alg. Doc. — Alguns Documentos do Archivo National da Torre 
do Tombo, &c. Lisbon. 1892. 

Arch, da Rel. de Goa. — Archivo da Relagdo de Goa, &c. Por 
J. I. de Abranches Garcia. 2 pts. Nova Goa. 1872-4. 

Arch. Port.-Or. — Archivo Portuguez-Oriental. (Ed. by J. H. 
da Cunha Rivara.) 6 fascic. Nova Goa. 1857-76. 

Bald. — Beschryving van het machtige Eyland Ceylon, &c. Door 
Philippus Baldseus. 1672. (The English trans, in vol. III. 
of Churchill's collection of voyages being very erroneous, 
I have made reference to the original edition. ) 

Barb. — A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar 
in the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by Duarte Barbosa. 
Trans, by Hon. H. E. J. Stanley. (Hakluyt Soc.) London. 

Boc. — Decada 13 da Historia da India. Por Ant. Bocarro. 
Lisbon. 1876. 

Bowrey. — A Geographical Account of Countries round the Bay 
of Bengal, 1669 to 1679. By T. Bowrey. Ed. by Sir R. C. 
Temple. (Hakluyt Soc.) London. 1905. 

Cartas de S. B. — See Tombo do Est. da Ind. 

C. A. S. Ji. — Journal of the Asiatic Society of Ceylon. 
Colombo, v. y. 

Cast. — Historia do Descobrimento e Conqvista da India pelos 
Portvgveses. Por Fernao Lopez de Castanheda. Nova ed. 
8 vols. Lisbon. 1833. 

C. Lit. Reg. — Ceylon Literary Register. Vols. I. to VII. 
Colombo. 1887-92. 

Col. de Trat. — Colleccao de Tratados e concertos de pazes, &c. 
Por J. F. Judice Biker. 14 torn. Lisbon. 1881-7. 



Com. of Af. Dalb. — The Commentaries of the Great Afonso 
Dalboquerque, &c. Trans., &c, by W. de Gray Birch. 
4 vols. (Hakluyt Soc.) London. 1875-84. 

Cor. — Lendas da India. Por Gaspar Correa. (Pub. by the Acad. 
Real das Sciencias de Lisboa.) 4 vols. Lisbon. 1858-66. 

C. P. Gaz. — A Gazetteer of the Central Province of Ceylon. 
By A. C. Lawrie. 2 vols. Colombo. 1896-8. 

Des. Cat. — A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit, Pali, and 
Sinhalese Literary Works of Ceylon. By James d'Alwis. 
Colombo. 1870. 

Doc. Rem. — Documentos Remettidos da India, ou Livros das 
Mongoes. (Pub. by Royal Acad, of Sciences, Lisbon.) 
4 torn. Lisbon. 1880-93. 

Fig. Falc. — Livro em que se contem toda a fazenda e real patri- 
monio dos reinos de Portugal, India e ilhas adjacentes, &c. 
Por Luiz de Figueiredo Falcao. Lisbon. 1859. 

Fitch, Ralph. — Ralph Fitch, England's Pioneer to India and 
Burma, &c. By J. H. Ryley. London. 1899. 

Fonseca. — An Historical and Archaeological Sketch of the City 
of Goa. By J N. da Fonseca. Bombay. 1878. 

Forg. Emp. — -A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar). By R. 
Sewell. ' London. 1900. 

F. y S. — Asia Portuguesa. De M. de Faria y Sousa. 3 torn, 
Lisbon. 1666-75. 

Galvao, Ant. — The Discoveries of the World, &c. By Antonio 
Galvano. Reprinted, from ed. of 1601, with the original 
Portuguese text. Edited by Vice- Admiral Bethune. (Hak- 
luyt Soc.) London. 1862. (The English translation being 
very incorrect in many parts, the references are to the 
Portuguese text as reprinted. ) 

Garcia da Orta. — Coloquios dos Simples e Drogas da India por 
Garcia da Orta. Dir. e annot. pelo Conde de Ficalho. 2 vols. 
Lisbon. 1891-5. 

Heydt. — Allerneuester Geographisch- und Topographischer Schau- 
Platz von Africa und Ost-Indien, &c. Von J. W. Heydt. 
Wilhermsdorff. 1744. 

Hist. Seraf. — Historia Serafica Cronologica da Ordem dos 
Frades Menores de S. Francisco na Provincia de Portugal. 
Composta por Manoel da Esperanca e Fr. Fernando da 
Soledade. 5 torn. Lisbon. 1656-1721. 

Hob. -Job. — Hobson-Jobson : a Glossary of Colloquial Anglo- 
Indian Words and Phrases, &c. By Col. H. Yule and 
A. C. Burnell. New edition, ed. by W.Crooke. London. 1903, 

Hunter. — A History of British India. By W. W. Hunter. 
2 vols. London. 1899-1900. 





[Vol. XX. 

Imp. Gaz. — The Imperial Gazetteer of India. By W. W. Hunter. 
14 vols. London. 1885-7. [New ed. 24 vols. London. 

Ind. in the Fift. Gent. — India in the Fifteenth Century, &c. 
Trans, and ed. by R. H. Major. (Hakluyt Soc.) London. 

Knox. — An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon, in the 
East-Indies, &c. By Robert Knox. London. 1681. 

Letters from Portuguese Captives in Canton, written in 1534 and 
1536. Trans, and ed. by D. Ferguson. (Reprinted from 
the Indian Antiquary.) Bombay. 1902. 

Lopes. — Historia dos Portuguezes no Malabar por Zinadim. 
Publ. e trad, por David Lopes. Lisbon. 1898. 

Mahdv. — The Mahdvansa. Trans, by L. C. Wijesiuha. 
Colombo. 1889. 

Marco Polo, — The Book of Ser Marco Polo. Trans, and ed. by 
H. Yule. 3rd ed. 2 vols. London. 1903. 

McCrindle. — Ancient India, as described, in Classical Literature. 
Trans., &c, by J. W. McCrindle. London. 1901. — Ancient 
India as described by Ptolemy. By J. W. McCrindle. Bombay. 
1885. — The Commerce of the Erythraean Sea. (Arrian.) 
By J. W. McCrindle. Bombay. 187 '9. -r- Ancient India as 
described by Megasthenes and Arrian. By J. W. McCrindle. 
Bombay. 1877. 

Miss, dos Jes. — Missdes dos Jesuitos no Oriente nos seculos 
XVI e XVII. Por J. P. A. da Camara Manoel. Lisbon. 

M. Lit. Reg. — Monthly Literary Register and Notes and Queries 
for Ceylon. Vols. I. to VI. Colombo. 1893-6. 

Orient. — The Orientalist, &c. Ed. by W. Goonetilleke. 4 vols. 
Bombay. 1884-94. 

Phil. — The History of Ceylon, &c. By Philalethes [Rev. R. 
Fellowes]. London. 1817. 

Prim, e Hon. — Primor e Honra da Vida Soldadesca no Estado 
da India, &c. [? By Fr. A. Freyre, 1580.] Lisbon. 1630. 

Purchas. — Hakluytus Posthumus : or, Purchas His Pilgrimes. 

By Samuel Purchas, B.D. New ed. 20 vols. 

Glasgow. 905-6. 

Pyr. — The Voyage of Francois Pyrard of L val to the East 
Indies, &c. Trans, by Albert Gray, assisted by H. C. P. 
Bell. 2 vols. (Hakluyt Soc.) London. 1887-90. 

Rdjdv. — The Rdjdvaliya : or, a Historical Narrative of Sinhalese 
Kings from Vijaya to Vimala Dharma Surya II. Trans, by 
B. Gunasskara. Colombo. 1900. 

Reb. de Cey. — Rebelion de Ceylan, &c. Juan Rodriguez de Saa 
y Menezes. Lisbon. 1681. 


Rep. on Keg. Dist. — Report on the Kegalla District, &c. (Arch. 
Survey of Ceylon.) By H. C. P. Bell. Colombo. 1892. 

Rib. — Fatalidade Historica da Ilha de Ceildo. Escrita pelo 
Capitao Joao Ribeiro. (In torn. v. of Colleccao de Noticias 
para a Historia e Geoo^aphia das Nacoes Ultramarinos, pub. 
pela Acad. Real das Sciencias.) Lisbon. 1836. 

Sela L. S. — Sela Lihini Sandese. Ed. and trans, by W. C. 
Macready. Colombo. 1865. 

Skeen. — Adam's Peak. Legendary, Traditional, and Historic 
Notices of the Samanala and Sri-Pdda, &c. By W. Skeen. 
London. 1870. 

Stephens, H. Morse. — Portugal. (Story of the Nations.) 
London. 1891. 

Suckl. — Ceylon : a General Description of the Island, &c. By 
an Officer, late of the Ceylon Rifles [i.e., Capt. H. J. Suckling], 
2 vols. London. 1876. 

Teix. — -The Travels of Pedro Teixeira, &c. Trans, and annot. 
by W. F. Sinclair, with notes and introd. by D. Ferguson. 
(Hakluyt Soc.) London. 1902. 

Ten. — Ceylon, &c. By Sir J. Emerson Tennent. 2 vols. 
5th ed. London. 1860. 

Three Voy. of V. da Gama. — The Three Voyages of Vasco da 
Gama and his Viceroyalty. From the Lendas da India of 
Gaspar Correa. Trans, by H. E. J. Stanley. (Hakluyt 
Soc.) London. 1869. 

Tombo do Est. da Ind. — Tombo do Estado da India. (Por 
Simao Botelho.) In Subsidios para a Historia da India 
Portugueza, pub. by the Acad. Real das Sciencias. Lisbon. 

Val. — Oud enNi°,uw Oost-Indien, &c. Door Francois Valentyn. 
5 deelen. Dordrecht and Amsterdam. 1724-6. (The 
Ceylon portion is in deel v.) 

Varth. — The Travels of Ludovico de Varthema, &c. Trans, by 
J. Winter Jones, and ed. by G. P. Badger. (Hakluyt Soc.) 
London. 1863. 

Whiteway. — The Rise of Portuguese Power in India, 1497-1550. 
By R. S. Whiteway. London. 1899. 

c 2 



[Vol. XX. 


593-1506 a.d. 

Beginning with the rise of Islam in 593, Barros describes 
the occupation of Spain by the Moors, the elevation of Portu- 
gal to a separate kingdom, and the expulsion of the Moors 
from Europe. He then treats of the navigator Prince Henry, 
and the various Portuguese voyages of discovery during the 
15th century, culminating in the pioneer voyage to India of 
Vasco da Gama in 1497. The subsequent expeditions to India 
are then described, including that of the first viceroy D. 
Francisco de Almeida, in 1505 ; and almost at the end of the 
Decade we are told of the " discovery " of Ceylon by the 
viceroy's son, D. Lourenco de Almeida. 

For several years after Vasco da Gama's pioneer voyage to 
India, 1497-9, the Portuguese, though well aware that the 
finest cinnamon came from Ceylon, made no attempt to open 
up direct communication with that island. The reasons for 
this I have explained fully in my paper on ' ' The Discovery of 
Ceylon by the Portuguese in 1506," and need therefore here 
only say that the principal reason was that they were able to 
obtain a sufficiency of cinnamon for their homeward ships 
from the Moorish merchants at Calicut and Cochin, and that 
the Malabar ports supplied them with abundance of pepper, 
whictajspiee always formed the bulk of their cargoes for 

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon. — Vira Parakrama Bahu VIII., 
1485-1505 (Kotte) ; Vijaya Bahu VII., 1505-34 (Dondra and 

Dec. I., Bk. v., Chap. vi. 
He 1 learnt that from Cochij, a city some twenty 

miles from there, had set sail a ship, which had come from the 

1 Coge Cemecerij, a leading Moor of Calicut, who was jealous of the 
greater confidence placed in his rival Coge Be qui j by the Portuguese 
factor Aires Correa, and sought for some means of revenge. The time 
is October 1500. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceylon. 21 

island of Ceilam, and carried seven elephants, which it was 
conveying for sale to the kingdom of Cambaya 1 ; and it 
belonged to two merchants of the same Cochij, who were called 

Mammale Mercar and Cherina Mercar 2 he went to 

Aires Correa, and pretending that in this he was doing him a 
service, told him that he had had news, that from the port of 
Coulam 3 had set sail a ship laden with all kinds of spicery, 
with which he could well load two of our ships, and that it was 
bound for Mecha, and on the way had to take in some ginger 
at Cananor 4 ...... 

Dec. I., Bk. vi., Chap. vi. 

The king of Cochij during this time had not yet seen 

the admiral 5 ; and because he learnt [November 1502] that 
there was about to enter his port a ship of Calecut, which was 
coming from Ceilam, and which belonged to a Moor of Calecut 
called Nine Mercar, fearing that Vincente Sodre on going out 
would capture it, he sent and begged the admiral that he 
would not impede that ship, which he wished to enter that 
port of his, although it was from Calecut 6 

1 Cambay was at this time one of the chief markets for the sale of 
Ceylon elephants (see Barb. 55, 64, 167 ; and infra, p. 23). 

2 These two brothers were the leading Moorish merchants at Cochin, 
and their operations were very widespread. The Laccadives were 
known to the early Portuguese as "the islands of Mamale " (see Pyr. 
i. 323 n., ii. 481), and this man had a monopoly of the Maldive trade 
until deprived of it by the Portuguese. 

3 Quilon. The edition of 1778 has " Ceilao." 

4 Misled by this story, the Portuguese attacked the ship, which, 
worsted in the fight, took refuge in the bay of Cananor, whence the 
victors conveyed it to Calicut, where the Portuguese " common people " 
feasted on the flesh of the elephants that had been killed in the engage- 
ment. Discovering the fraud, the Portuguese commander, Pedralvares 
Cabral, returned the vessel to its captain, with apologies for the damage 
done. Such is Barros's version, but Castanheda (I. xxxvii.) simply 
says that the samuri, wishing to buy an elephant, asked the Portu- 
guese to intercept the ship. 

5 Vasco da Gama. 

6 Since the massacre at Calicut, in December 1 500, of the factor 
Aires Correa and between thirty and forty others, the Portuguese had 
declared unceasing war against Calicrit and all connected therewith. 



[Vol. XX. 

Dec. I., Bk. x., Chap. v. 

How the viceroy sent his son Bom Lourenco to discover the 
islands of Maldiva and the island of Ceilam ; and what he 
did on this voyage until he returned to Cochij. 

The Moors who engaged in the traffic of the spiceries and 
riches of India, seeing that with our entrance into it they could 
no longer make their voyages because of these armadas that 
we maintained on the Malabar coast, at which they all called, 
sought for another new route by which to convey the spiceries 
that they obtained from the parts about Malaca, such as 
cloves, nutmegs, mace, sandalwood, pepper, which they ob- 
tained from the island of Qamatra at the ports of Pedir and 
Pacem, and many other things from those parts ; which route 
they followed by coming outside of the island of Ceilam and 
between the islands of Maldiva, crossing that great gulf until 
they reached the mouths of the two straits that we have men- 
tioned 1 , in order to avoid this coast of India which we had 
closed to them. When the viceroy learnt of this new route 
that they were taking, and also of the island of Ceilam, where 
they loaded cinnamon because all that was to be found in 
those parts was there, on the ground of the great importance 
that it would be to the king's service to stop that route, and 
to discover that island, and also those of Maldiva, by reason 
of the coir that was obtained from them, which was the one 
essential for all the Indian navigation, all the rigging being 
made of it, he determined to send his son Dom Lourenco on 
this enterprise, it being the monsoon weather for that passage 2 . 
The latter took nine sail of those that formed his armada ; and 
owing to the little knowledge that our people had of that route, 
although they took with them some natives, they were carried 
by the currents to the island of Ceilam, which the ancients 
call Tapobrana, regarding which we shall give a copious 
relation 3 when we come to describe what Lopo Soarez did 
there when he founded a fortress in one of its ports called 
Columbo, which is fourteen leagues above that of Gale, at 
which Dom Lourenco made landfall 4 , which is at the point 

1 The " two straits " are those of the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, 
the spice trade with which, before the arrival of the Portuguese in 
India, Barros describes in I. vin. i. 

2 On this see my " Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese in 1506," 
in C.A.S. JL, vol. xix., No. 59 (1907), where I show the date to have 
been September 1506. 

3 See III. ii. i. (p. 29 ff."). 

4 On this error see my " Discovery of Ceylon," pp. 308-9, and cf. 
infra, p. 27, note 3 . 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceylon. 23 

of the island, in which he found many ships ofiVEoors, who were 
engaged in loading cinnamon and elephants for Cambaya 1 , 
who when they saw themselves surrounded by our armada, 
in order to secure their persons and property, pretended to 
desire peace with us, and that the king of Ceilam had en- 
joined upon them that when they crossed over to the coast of 
India they were to notify the viceroy to send him some person 
to conclude peace and friendship with the king of Portugal 
on account of his proximity to his captains and the fortresses 
that thej 7 were making in India, and also because of the cinna- 
mon that was in that island of his, and other wares, which he 
could give him for the loading of his ships by way of trade. 
As Dom Lourenco had set out to discover and capture the 
ships of the Moors of Mecha that were sailing from the strait 
to Malaca by that new route, and as by the cargo of elephants 
that these had, as well as from other information that he 
received from the native pilots that he carried, he knew them 
to be ships of Cambaya, with which we were not at war, he 
did not wish to do them any harm ; and also because of arriv- 
ing with an armed force at that port, where the Moors had 
spread the report that the Portuguese were sea-pirates ; so he 
rather accepted what they offered on behalf of the king. And 
by their means he got together some of the people of the coun- 
try, with whose approval he erected a stone padram 2 on a rock, 
and upon it ordered to be cut some letters saying how he had 
arrived there, and had discovered that island ; and Goncalo 
Gongalvez, who was the stone-cutter that did the work, 
although he was not a Hercules to boast of the padrdes of his 
discovery, because these were in a place of such renown, put 
his name at the foot of it ; and so Goncalo Gongalvez remains 
more truly the stone-cutter of that pillar than Hercules is the 
author of many that the Greeks attributed to him in their 
writings 3 . 

When the Moors saw that Dom Lourenco trusted in the 
words that they spoke to him on behalf of the king, they pre- 
tended to go and come with messages to him, and finally 
brought four hundred bahdres of cinnamon of that which they 
had collected on shore for loading, saying that the king in 
token of the peace and amity which he desired to have with the 
king of Portugal, although it had not been agreed to by his 
ambassadors, offered him all that cinnamon to load his ships 
with, if he wished. And because Dom Lourenco said that he 

1 See p. 21, note K 

2 Regarding this padrao see my paper cited, pp. 311-2. 

3 Barros alone gives these details. 


wished to send a message to the king, they offered to take and 
bring back the persons that he should select for that purpose, 
who were, Payo de Sousa, who went in the capacity of ambas- 
sador, and for his clerk Gaspar Diaz, son of Martim Alho, a 
resident of Lisbon, andDiogo Velho, a servant of Dom Martinho 
de Castellobranco, the king's comptroller of revenue, who 
afterwards became Conde de Villanova, and one Fernam Cotrim , 
and other persons of his service 1 . These being intrusted to 
the Moors who had arranged this expedition were conducted 
through such dense thickets that they could scarcely see the 
sun, taking so many turns that it seemed to them more like 
a labyrinth than a direct road to any place ; and after travel- 
ling for a whole day they brought them to an open place, where 
were many people, and at the end of it were some houses of 
wood which seemed to be something superior, where they said 
he had come to take his pleasure, that place being a kind of 
country-seat. At the end of this open space, at a good dis- 
tance from the houses, they made them wait, saying that it 
was not proper for them to go further without leave of the 
king; and they began to go and" come^with messages and 
questions to Payo de Sousa, as if they came from the king, 
feigning to be pleased at his coming. Finally Payo de Sousa 
with only two of his company was conducted to that place, 
where, according to the Moors, was the person of the king ; 
and as soon as they reached him he at once dispatched them, 
feigning to be pleased at seeing things of the king of Portugal's, 
giving thanks to Payo de Sousa for coming and to the captain- 
major for sending them to him ; and saying that as regarded 
the peace and amity that he desired to have with the king of 
Portugal, he would send his ambassadors to Cochij, and that 
in token thereof he had sent the cinnamon, and would order 
to be given them whatever they might need for the provision 
of the armada ; and with this he dispatched him. The which 
manner of Payo de Sousa's going and coming at the hand of 
these Moors, and his arrival at this place, and the conversa- 
tion that he had with this person, who they told him was the 
king of Ceilam, — the whole was a trick of theirs, and in a 
way a representation of things that did not exist, part of which 
Payo de Sousa understood, and afterwards knew of a truth. 
For this man with whom he spoke, although from the bearing 
of his person and the reverence paid to him by his people he 
seemed to be what they said, was not the king of Ceilam, but 
the lord of the port of Galle ; and others had it that it was not 
he, but some other noble personage, who by his order and the 

1 On the embassy see my paper referred to, pp. 309-10. 

Ko. 60. — 1908.] bareos : history of ceylon. 


artifice of the Moors showed himself to our people in that 
manner and place, to the end|that for that time they might 
secure their ships ; and whilst they were occupied in this, they 
would collect the goods that they had on shore, which they did. 

When Dom Lourenco learnt from Payo de Sousa what had 
passed, and perceived how matters stood, he dissembled with 
the Moors, because, as that island was under a heathen king 
(although at that time there was no certain knowledge of its 
affairs), it seemed to him that, whether it were he with whom 
Payo de Sousa spoke, or not, the whole might have been 
arranged by him, all the heathen kings being very supersti- 
tious in their mode of communication with us, and that per- 
chance the Moors had frightened him that he should not do it ; 
so without desiring to inquire further into the matter, because 
the weather would not allow his remaining longer in that port, 
where he ran risks, he set sail to return to Cochij. And be- 
cause Nuno Vaz Pereira, through the rough weather that had 
forced them to leave, broke the mainyard of his ship, he found 
it necessary to return once more to the port 1 , where he found 
that our padram was already blackened by fire, as if they had 
lighted one at the foot of it ; and on asking the reason of this 
of the Moors who were there, they laid the blame on the 
heathens of the country, saying that the latter being an 
idolatrous people had their fancies about a thing wherever it 
was made. Nuno Vaz, dealing with the matter in the form of 
threats if they carried this further, overlooked the past offence ; 
and having mended the yard of his ship returned to Dom 
Lourenco, whom he found on the coast of India in a place 
called Berinjam 2 , which is in the lordship of Coulam. And 
because some Moors who were there had taken part in the 
murder of Antonio de Sa 3 , Dom Lourenco went ashore and 
burnt the village ; in which affair moreover there was blood 
shed, both of the natives and of our people, owing to the 
resistance that they made to the landing and the burning of 
certain ships that were there awaiting cargo ; and having 
taken this revenge for the injury that those Moors had done, 
Dom Lourenco left for Cochij, where he arrived with his fleet. 

1 Barros alone relates this incident. 

2 Vilinjam in Travancore, 12 miles south of Trivandrum. 

3 At Quilon in 1505. 



1506-1515 a.d. 

Portuguese Governors of India. — D. Erancisco de Almeida, 
viceroy, to October 1509; Affonso de Albuquerque, governor, 
October 1509 to September 1515. 

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon. — Vijaya Bahu VII., 1505-34 
(Dondra and Kotte) ; Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX., 1508-27 

The only reference to Ceylon in this Decade is that here 
given, of great importance, in that it testifies to the fact that 
Columbo, and not Galle, was the port at which the Portu- 
guese made landfall when they first " discovered " Ceylon. 

Eor other visits to Ceylon by the Portuguese during this 
period, see my paper already referred to. 

Dec. II., Bk. hi., Chap. i. 

While thus giving final orders in the matters of this 

fleet against the Rooms 1 and the cargo of spicery for the ships 
that had to come that year to this kingdom, as cinnamon was 
wanting for them, he sent Nuno Vaz Pereira 2 in the ship 
Sancto Spirito to the island of Ceilam to bring it, who had come 
from Sofala in the ships of the fleet of Jorge de Mello, handing 
over the fortress to Vase o Gomez Dabreu, as mentioned above 3 . 
By which journey he got nothing, only there came with him 

1 Turks (see Hob.- Job. s.v.). 

2 See p. 25. The time is September-October 1508. 

3 In II. i. vi. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history or ceylon. 27 

Garcia de Sousa", who had been there since the expedition he 
made when he went to supply the ships of Ruy Soarez 1 : and 
the cause of his not bringing cinnamon was that the king of 
the country was very ill 2 , and the Moors had incited the hea- 
then to hatred of us. And though Nuno Vaz might have done 
them harm, he bore an order from the viceroy that he should 
not levy war, by reason of the peace that his son Dom Loureneo 
had agreed to, the witness of which was the padram that he 
left standing in the town of Columbo, which Nuno Vaz saw 3 . 

1 Who had arrived at Cape Comorin after the south-west monsoon 
had burst, and was in danger of losing his ship. 

2 Barros only records this fact. 

3 Here Barros flatly contradicts his assertion in I. x. v. (pp. 22, 24) 
that Galle was the port at which the padrdo was erected. 


[Vol. XX. 

1515-1526 a.d. 

Portuguese Governors of India. — Lopo Soares de Albergaria, 
governor, September 1515 to September 1518 ; Diogo Lopes 
de Sequeira, governor, September 1518 to January 1522 ; D. 
Duarte de Menezes, governor, January 1522 to September 
1524 ; D. Vasco da Gama, viceroy, September to December 
1524 ; D. Henrique de Menezes, governor, January 1525 to 
February 1526. 

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon. — Vijaya Bahu VII., 1505-34 
(Dondra and Kotte) ; Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX., 1508-27 

Portuguese Captains of Columbo. — D. Joao da Silveira, 
1518-20 (?) ; Lopo de Brito, 1520(?)-2 ; Fernao Gomes de 
Lemos, 1522-4. 

The chief events in connection with the history of Ceylon 
described in this Decade are the erection of a fort at Columbo 
in 1518 by Lopo Soares de Albergaria ; the subsequent siege 
(in 1620) by the Sinhalese of that fort, which was defended 
against them by the captain Joao de Brito ; and its demolition 
by royal command in 1524. In bk. n. chap. i. Barros gives 
a learned dissertation on Ceylon as known to the ancients, and 
a succinct description of the island as it was in the middle of 
the sixteenth century. 

Dec. III.,Bk. i., Chap. x. 

And he 1 also sent Antonio de Saldanha [in April 

1518] with a fleet of six sail to the coast of Arabia, as the king 
Dom Manuel had commanded ; and he did not take as many 
rowing vessels as he had intended to take, because Lopo Soarez 

1 The governor Lopo Soares. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of oeylon. 


had need of them for the Ceilam expedition, as will be seen 

further on he 1 set out for India, and arrived at the time 

that Lopo Soarez had gone to the island of Ceilam to build 
a fortress, which the king Dom Manuel had commanded 
him to make 2 . And because of this island's being so notable 
a thing, and one regarding which many have written some 
things without trustworthy information, we shall enter upon 
the second book of this Third Decade by describing the position 
and the notable things of it. 

Dec. III., Bk. h., Chap. i. 

In which is described the position and things of the island of 
Ceilam, which the ancients call Tapobrana 3 . 

The island which we generally call Ceilam 4 , whose king 
Lopo Soarez had gone to place under the obedience of the 
king Dom Manuel, is situated in front of Cape Comorij, which 
is the southernmost land of the whole of Indiafthat lies between 
the two famous rivers Indus and Ganges. The which island 
is almost of an oval form, and its direction is along this coast 
of India towards the rumb that the seamen call north-east, 
the point of which, that which' lies furthest south, is in the 
altitude of six degrees, and that of the north almost in ten 5 , 
whereby the length of it will be seventy- eight leagues, and 
the extreme breadth forty-four 6 ; and the point nearest to the 
mainland will be distant therefrom sixteen leagues a little more 
or less 7 . And this passage and strait between the two coun- 
tries is so full of islets, shoals, and sandbanks, that it can only 
be navigated through certain channels ; and if it is out of the 
season, with so much danger, that there is current among the 
people of that East another fable like that of Charybdis and 

1 Antonio d© Saldanha. 

2 See III. ii. ii. (p. 38). 

3 It will be noticed that Couto also (V. I. vii., p. 80 ff.) uses this 
erroneous form. In Portuguese writers of the 15th and 16th centuries 
we find frequent instances of similar metathesis : such as, frol for flor, 
Madanela for Madalena, Grasto for Castro, &c. 

4 Of. what follows with Couto V. i. vii. (p. 88). 
6 Really 5| and 9|-. 

6 The actual length and breadth are 270 and 140 English miles, to 
about 4^ of which the Portuguese league corresponded : so that Barros's 
figures are exaggerations. 

7 This, again, is too much. From Point Palmyra to Point Calimere 
is about 46 miles. 



Scylla between Sicily and the land of Italy. And moreover, 
as the opinion is here 1 held that the two countries were con- 
tinuous one with the other, so also in those parts they have a 
similar one regarding the island of Ceilam and the land of Cape 
Comorij ; and from the proofs that they both exhibit their 
opinion appears more worthy of belief than ours 2 . For in 
weather when the sea is calm the men who sail there are able 
as they go along to see all that lies at the bottom of the water, 
the rocky bed forming a shoal , and the water being very clear : 
and they that have most experience of this are those that fish 
for seed-pearl. Of which fishery, it being one of the most 
important of those parts, we treat particularly in the books of 
our Commerce in the chapter on pearls and seed-pearl 3 . This 
opinion of the country, of the island's having been joined to 
the coast of the mainland, is confirmed by what is said by the 
peoples of it, principally those of Choromandel, when speaking 
of the time that the blessed apostle Saint Thomas converted 

that region to the faith of Christ 4 

There is moreover current among the natives of the island 
of Ceilam a tradition that this name is not its proper one, but 
One given to it by chance ; for its ancient name is Ilanare, 
or Tranate, as others say 5 , and among the learned it is so 

1 That is, in Europe. 

2 On this subject, see Ten. i. 6-7, 13-4. 

3 In III. vi. iv. Barros, after speaking of the pearl fishery of Bahrein 
in. the Persian Gulf, adds : — "But this fishery is not as great as that 
of the island of Ceilam in India, and Aynam in China, which three 
islands are the principal sources of the whole of that East where that 
oyster breeds. Of which fisheries, and of those that there are in the 
Antilles of Castile, we treat in detail in our Books of Commerce, in 
the chapter on pearls and seed-pearl, as we have already pointed out 
in another place." Unhappily, the book referred to was never written, 
or has utterly disappeared. 

4 Barros proceeds to relate a story of St. Thomas at Meliapor, which, 
he says, was at that time twelve leagues from the sea, while in the time 
of the Portuguese it was only a stone's throw therefrom, showing how 
the sea had encroached in the space of some fifteen hundred years. (He 
repeats the details, in much the same words, in III. vn. xi.) 

5 Barbosa (166) says "the Indians call it Ylinarim." Couto (p. 65) 
spells the name " Illenare," and Castanheda (II. xxii.) " Hibenaro " 
(where b is an error for I). All these varieties of spellings represent 
Tamil Ilan-n&du, " the country of Ceylon " (Ilam= Silam = Sihalam)- 
" Tranate " may stand for Tam. tiru-n&du, " the sacred country," just 
as " Itterubenero," which, according to Ant. Galvao (104), was the 
name by which the Moors called Ceylon, seems to represent Tam. tiru 
tlan-nddu, " the sacred country of Ceylon" (b again being an error for I). 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceylon. 


called, although common usage and time have now taken so 
firm a hold, thftt it is generally called Ceilam : and the event 
by which it got this name, according to what its learned men 
recount, who have some record of ancient things, was this. 
At the time that the Chijs 1 had conquered those parts by 
reason of the spicery 2 , in the passage between this island 
and the mainland, through a tempest that they call vara 3 , 
which is what causes the marvels of their Scylla and Charbydis, 
in one day they lost eighty sail 4 , whence that place is called 
Chilao, and by us the shoals of Chilao, which, in reference to 
them, means "the perils, or loss, of the Chijs" 5 . And as in 
newly discovered countries the first thing noticed by the seamen 
that discover them is the perils of the sea where they may 
receive hurt, for the warning of after-comers, rather than the 
proper name of the country, when the Arabs and Parsees, 
who after the Chijs for the sake of commerce entered on the 
navigation of those parts, from Cape Comorij onwards, as a 
thing to which they ought to pay heed in their navigating, 
had these shoals of Chilao much in their mouths, and through 
not knowing the proper name of the island, which was Ilanare, 
they gave it this one of its shoals. And because this syllable 
chij has not much currency in the mouth of the Arabs and 
Parsees, and there is frequently on their tongue this other one 
ci, they having two letters in their alphabet which attempt to 
imitate it in pronunciation, the which are cim and xim, 
changing chi into ci they called the island Ceilam, or (to speak 
more conformably to them) Cilan, and we call it Ceilam 6 . This 
is the name according to the common people, but the learned 
Arabs and Parsees in their geographies call it by the ancient 
name Serandib , of which we have several volumes in their own 

1 Chinese. 

2 On the intercourse between China and Ceylon, see Ten. i., pt. v., 
chap. iii. 

3 The Portuguese writers usually refer to this as the vara de Choro- 
mandel, and describe it as a tempestuous wind (c/. infra, p. 359). 
The word vara represents Tamil vada^ " north." 

4 There may be some foundation for this story, though the number of 
junks said to have been lost is probably an exaggeration. Barbosa 
(171) does not mention this tradition, but says that in 1502 twelve 
thousand Indians were drowned there. 

5 Evidently Barros derived Chilao from Tarn. Chini-ilavu ! I need 
scarcely say that his derivation is entirely wrong. There seems little 
doubt that Chilaw — Tam. saldpam, " diving." 

6 This etymology is as erroneous as the other : Port. Ceilam is from 
the Arab. Sailan, Sildn, which go back to Pali Sthalam (see Hob. -Job. 
s.v. " Ceylon "). 



language, where we saw it ; and the cause why they gave it 
this name we have written in our Geography. 

And it appears that in that most ancient time, of which its 
geographers wrote, it was of the size that its natives make it, 
saying that it had a circumference of more than seven hundred 
leagues, and that the sea went on eating it away, and hence 
would result (if we wish to justify Ptolemy) the giving to it 
such a length , that it extends beyond the equinoctial line two 
and a half degrees towards the south 1 . And this being so, 
it may be true, as Pliny relates, that in the time of Claudius 
there came four ambassadors" to Rome from the king of this 
island, Tapobrana, and that they were amazed to see the 
shadows that the sun made falling in the direction of this our 
habitation and not towards theirs, which was over against the 
south, they dwelling beyond the equinoctial line 2 . And it 
appears moreover that in the time of Ptolemy there was already 
some knowledge of this name Ceilam ; because in speaking of 
it he says that anciently they called it Salyca, and the natives 
Sali. The name Simondi would be at the time when the Chijs 
ruled it, and that because of them, with reference to those 
that sailed to it from these parts of the Red Sea, they would 
give it that name, because the same Chijs Ptolemy, 
speaking of their proper region, calls Sinde. And afterwards, 
for the cause which as we have said proceeded from them, 
having lost possession of that island, it was called Seilam, 
which corresponds to the corrupt name of Salyca, or Sali, by 
which he calls it 3 . 

And the peoples of the kingdom of Siam 4 , speaking of it. 
call it Lamca, and hold by the tradition of their writings that it 
was formerly joined to the opposite mainland of Cape Comorij , 
and this at the time that Adam came to inhabit it, for so they 
call by his proper name the first man, and by another name 
they call him Po Con, which means " first father" 5 , of which 

1 On this see Ten. i. 6-10, 558-9 n. 

2 See Ten. i. 558. But it is very doubtful if these " ambassadors " 
came from Ceylon at all. 

3 All this is mere unscientific conjecture on the part of Barros. 
On the statements of Ptolemy see the work referred to infra, p. 81, 
note 6 . 

4 The reason for bringing Siam in here seems to be that Barros was 
about to describe that country and its people (he does so in III. n. v.). 
He does not seem to have known, when he wrote, that the name Lahka 
came from India. (On this name see p. 65 infra. ) 

6 According to E. B. Michell's Siamese-Eng. Diet., paiv= father, and 
poo = male ; while horn = first, and khon = man, person. (Cf. also 
C. Lit. Reg. iv. 118.) 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceylon. 


man we shall see presently what the same people of the island 
think. That the Chijs were masters of the Choromandel coast, 
part of Malabar, and of this island Ceilam, and of those called 
Maldiva, besides that the natives thereof affirm it, as testimony 
of it there are buildings, names, and language that they left in 
it 1 , as did the Romans with regard to us Spaniards 2 , whereby 
we cannot deny that we were formerly conquered by them. 
In which island they left (according to what the natives say) 
a language, which they call Chingalla, and the people them- 
selves Chingallas, principally those that live from the point of 
Galle onward on the tract of country facing the south and 
east. For near to this point they founded a city by name 
Tanabare, of which a great part is standing today 3 ; and from 
being close to this Cape Galle, the other people, who lived up 
above in the middle of the island, called those who dwelt here 
Chingalla, and their language likewise, as much as to say, 
" language" or "people of the Chijs of Galle" 4 . The which 
Chijs gave up voyaging to India because of its consuming 
so much of their men , ships , and capital 5 ; and the peoples that 
remained of them, on account of being a mixed race of many and 
divers regions, abhorred by the dwellers on the sea-coast of the 
other part of the island opposite to the land of Cape Comori j , 
left the sea-ports, and betook themselves to the mountain 
ranges, where they have always dwelt 6 . And of this race are 
the mountaineers, with whom at present they are at war 7 , and 
others went to the district of Choromandel, which is on the 
mainland, where there were many colonies and settlements 

1 That the Chinese ever dominated any territory in India or Ceylon 
is improbable ; and the arguments Barros adduces are, to say the 
least, dubious. 

2 Barros rightly says " us Spaniards," since in the time of the Romans 
the Portuguese did not exist as a separate people (see Morse Stephens's 
Portugal, chap. i.). 

3 When Barros wrote (about 1560) the famous temple of Dondra was 
still standing. For an account of its destruction by the Portuguese see 
infra, p. 375. Of course the statement regarding the foundation of the 
city is erroneous (c/. Couto, loc. cit.). 

4 This derivation is on a par with the others given by Barros in this 

6 The real cause of the Chinese withdrawal from Indian and Persian 
waters was Arab competition. 

6 This idea of a Chinese origin of the inland Sinhalese persisted 
down to Dutch times (see Bald., chap. i. and the illustrations). 

7 Barros doubtless refers to the fact that when he wrote the Portu- 
guese and their ally Dom Joao Perea Pandar were at war with Maya- 
dunne (see Decs. VI. and VII.). 

t> 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

of the same Chijs, whence the people of this country likewise 
have the Chingalla language, of which we have spoken 1 . 

The other names that the geographers give to this island, 
and other details relating to it, we leave for the commentaries 
on the tables of our Geography , it being matter appropriate to 
that place, where will be seen the delusion under which some 
modern writers labour in saying that the Golden Chersonese, 
which we call Samatra, is Tapobrana, and the rest that the 
ancients fabulated regarding these two islands 2 . What now 
concerns us is to know that it has very excellent and pure air, 
and is for the most part fertile, luxuriant, principally from 
eight degrees downward along the sea- coast as far as the 
cape of Galle, and the mountain region. And in this distance, 
which will be a tract of twenty leagues in length and ten in 
breadth, is the bulk of the population, and most of the sea- 
ports, and where Nature produces all the cinnamon that is used 
in those and these parts. True it is that in many parts of the 
East is found some, but it is uncultivated and wild, as will be 
seen in the books of Commerce in the chapter on it, and also of 
the rubies, catseyes, sapphires, and other kinds of precious 
stones that it contains ; however none approaches in fineness in 
its own kind to the three that we have named : here these three 
sorts, the finest of them, are the most perfect of all those parts. 
Of metals it has only iron, which is obtained in two parts, which 
are called Cande and Tanavaca 3 ; and if there had been in it 
as much gold as the ancients say 4 , the natives are such lovers 
of it, and so diligent in demanding of the earth the metal and 
precious stones that it holds within itself, that they would 

1 In I. ix. iii., which is devoted to a description of Malabar and its 
peoples, Barros says : — " .... the native heathenry and proper indigena 
of the country is that people whom we call Malabares : there is there 
another, which came thither from the coast of Choromandel by reason 
of the trade, whom they call Chingalas, who have their own language, 
whom our people commonly call Chatijs." It is evident, I think, that 
here Barros has confused Ghingdla and Chelim (see Hob.- Job. s.vv. 
" Cheling," " Kling"). Barbosa (167) says of the inhabitants of Ceylon : 
— " Their language is partly Malabar and partly of Cholmendal ;" while 
Castanheda (II. xxii.) says : — " The language of the heathens isCanara 
and Malabar." 

2 Barros' s Geography having been lost, Couto deals with this subject 
in V. i. vii. 

3 " Dinavaca " in later Portuguese writers. The name has dis- 
appeared from modern maps, the division of Denavaka no longer exist- 
ing. It lay east of Ratnapura (c/. map in Rib. ). It is called Donivagga 
in the Mahav. (lxxv. 70, 73). 

4 That is, taking Taprobane to have been Ceylon. 

No. 60. — 1908.] bakros : history of ceylon. 35 

long ago have come upon it. Of spicery, besides cinnamon, 
of which it is the mother (as we have said), it has pepper, 
cardamom, brazil 1 , and several dyes that the natives use for 
dyeing their cloths : of these, some are roots, others wood, 
and others leaves and flowers. It has large palm groves, 
which is the best inheritance of those parts ; because, beside 
its fruits being the common food, these palms are profitable 
for divers uses, of which food, called coco, there is here great 
loading for many parts . Its elephants , of which a good number 
are bred, are those with the best instinct in the whole of India, 
and because they are notably the most tamable and handsomest 
they are worth much 2 ; and there is much breeding of cattle 
and buffaloes, from which is made a large quantity of butter, 
which is carried as cargo to many parts 3 . It has much rice, 
principally in a district that lies on the side of the island that 
faces the east, called Calou, that is, "kingdom," by reason of 
which rice, which they call bate, the kingdom is called Batecalou, 
which they interpret as " the kingdom of rice " 4 . In fine, in 
native fruits and seeds, as well as in foreign ones that are planted 
and sown there, it is so fertile, that it seems as if Nature had 
made of it a watered orchard 5 , because there is not a month 
of the year that it does not rain there 6 , and the sea-coast is 
largely marshy, and cut up by rivers, some of them of fresh 
water, which descend from the midst of the mountain ranges 
of the interior, and others in the manner of salt marshes 
formed by the sea. The which mountain ranges are almost 
of the oval fashion of the island itself, arranged in such manner 
that they appear like a pen [curral\ of loose stones, because in 
the middle they leave the land flat without those peaks and 
ruggedness that this circuit of mountains has. Not that they 
are so bare that they have no trees on them, because among 
those rocks and peaks the whole is filled up with trees of many 
kinds ; and by three or four parts, after the manner of the 
passes in the Alps of Italy, one enters within this circuit, 
which is a kingdom called Cande. And if its kings did not 
constitute themselves the heirs of their vassals, taking from 
them all the property that they possess at the hour of death, 
of which, if they choose, they give some things to the children, 

1 Meaning sapanwood (see Hob.-Job. s.v. " Brazilwood "). 

2 Cf. Couto V. i. vii. (pp. 85-6). 

3 Cf. III. in. vii. (p. 47). The " butter " was really ghee. 

4 This is one of the most amusing of Barros's etymological atro- 
cities. Of course, Srnh. bat is boiled rice ; and neither in Sioh. nor in 
Tarn, is there a word like calou meaning " kingdom," 

5 Cf. Couto V. vi. ii. (p. 117). 

6 Cf. Couto X. x. xi. (p. 359), 




it would be much more fruitful and well supplied ; but through 
fear of this they do not care to cultivate anything. 

Almost at the edge of this mountain range, a matter of 
twenty leagues from the sea-coast, is a mountain 1 so high and 
steep that it rises to the height of seven leagues 2 ; and on 
the summit of it is a flat surface of such small extent in 
circumference, that it will be little more than thirty paces 
in diameter. In the middle of which is a stone of two cubits 
higher than the other flat surface in the manner of a table, 
and in the middle of it is figured a man's footprint, which will 
have a length of two spans, the which footprint is held in great 
reverence, on account of the opinion that prevails among the 
natives; for they assert ifc to be that of a holy man, a native 
of the kingdom of Delij, which is below the sources of the 
rivers Indus and Ganges, who came to this island, where he 
stayed for the space of many years, bringing men to the usage 
of believing and adoring one only God, the creator of heaven 
and earth, whom they call Deunu 3 , and afterwards returned 
to the kingdom of Delij, where he had a wife and children. 
And many years of his life having passed, in the hour of death 
he extracted a tooth, and commanded that it should be brought 
to this island, and given to the king of the country, to be 
kept in memory of him, beside the footprint on the peak, the 
which tooth at the present day the kings hold as a sacred 
relic, to which they commit all their needs 4 . And from this 
heathen opinion our people came to call this mountain the 
Peak of Adam, whom they 5 call by the proper name of Budo. 
In which mountain rise three or four rivers, which are the 
principal ones that water the greater part of the island ; and 
in some places this mountain range is so steep, that for the 
space of thirty fathoms it is ascended by means of iron chains, 
to which men cling, in order to make their pilgrimage to this 
footprint. The which thing is so celebrated among all the 
heathenry of that East, that from more than a thousand 
leagues away there assemble there pilgrims, chiefly those that 
they call jogues 6 , who are like men that have left the world 

1 Of. what follows with Couto V. vi. ii. (p. 108 ff.). 

2 An absurd figure ; perhaps Barros has confused the height with 
the latitude, which is about 7* 15. (But c/. Couto's statement on p. 109.) 

3 Sinh. deviyanne. 

4 Cf. Couto VII. ix. ii. (p. 191). The manner in which Barros refers to 
the tooth would seem to prove that when he wrote he had not learnt of 
the capture of the relic in Jaffna and its destruction in G-oa in 1560 and 
1561, as described by Couto in VII. ix. ii. and VII. IX. xvii. (pp. 191,213). 

6 The natives of Ceylon. 

6 See Hob.-Job. s.v. " Jogee," 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceylon. 37 

and dedicated themselves entirely to God, and make great 
pilgrimages to visit the temples dedicated to him. Many- 
things do the natives of this island relate of his sanctity and 
that of his priests and brdmanes, which we defer until we treat 
thereof in our Geography, and also of the customs of the people 
and state of their kings, and the ceremonies that they observe 
and regard amongst themselves. 

At present what is to the purpose of our history is to know 
that it is divided into nine states, and each of these is called 
a kingdom. The first and most notable is ruler of about 
that tract of land in which we have said that all the cinnamon 
grows, which lies in the western part of the island, and has 
most of the sea-ports, and the best, that there are in it, the 
chief city of which is called Columbo. Near to which is a 
fortified place, called Cota (as we here say "fortress" 1 ), 
in which the king dwells retired 2 , in order to keep himself 
apart from the concourse of merchants who assemble at 
that port of Columbo, and this was the one that Lopo 
Soarez had gone to visit. Another kingdom lies to the 
south of this at the point of this island, which they call 
Galle, and on the eastern side it confines with the kingdom 
of laula 3 , and in the north with another called Tanavaca ; 
and that which is in the midst of the interior of this land 
entirely surrounded by mountain ranges, which it has in place 
of a wall, is the kingdom of Cande. And along the sea-coast 
of this island are these kingdoms : Batecalou, which is the 
easternmost in it ; and between it and that of Cande , which lies 
to the west of it, is another called Vilacem 4 ; and going along 
the coast of the island toward the north above Batecalou is 
the kingdom of Triquinamale , which by the coast upward 
comes to adjoin another called Jafanapatam, which is at the 
point of the island towards the north, the which kingdoms 
adjoin one another in the interior. And so great are they 
amongst themselves, by so much the greater power that the 
heathens and infidels have who possess them ; for they have 
no other demarcations than the power of each, wherefore 
we cannot define them with accuracy, since the covetousness of 
men has no certain limits, even though they may have laws 
divine and human as to how far what they may have extends. 

1 For once, Barros is right. 

2 A few years after this was written Cota was abandoned by the 
puppet-king Dharmapala at the instance of the Portuguese (see infra, 
p. 241). 

3 Yala. 

4 Wellassa. 



[Vol. XX. 

Dec. III., Bk. il, Chap. ii. 

How Lopo Sodrez, by command of the king Dom Manuel, went 
to the island of Ceilam to build a fortress : and that which 
passed before it was built with the king of the country, who 
became tributary to this kingdom. 

The king Dom Manuel, because he had much information 
regarding the fertility of this island, and knew that from it 
came all the cinnamon in those parts, and that the lord of Galle 
by the manner in which he comported himself towards Dom 
Lourenco (as we have related above) wished to pay him tribute 
in order to retain his friendship, and that afterwards through 
the medium of Afonso Dalboquerque the king of Columbo, 
who was the real lord of the cinnamon, wished to have that 
peace and friendship, wrote to the same Afonso Dalboquerque, 
that he was to go in person to this island, if it semed well to 
him, to build in this port of Columbo a fortress, in order 
thereby to make sure of the offers of the king. However, 
as Afonso Dalboquerque whilst he lived considered other 
matters more important to the state of India, and that it was 
proper that they should be made sure of before this island of 
Ceilam, and also because the king was very prompt in sending 
all the cinnamon that was needed by us, dissembled with the 
reminders that the king sent him every year on this subject, 
giving him these and other reasons why he neglected to do it 1 . 
When Lopo Soarez was coming to India he likewise carried 
this reminder ; and nevertheless he first went to the strait of 
the Red Sea, which by the reasonings of Afonso Dalboquerque 
was more important ; and seeing how little he had done in this 
journey, on account of matters having succeeded so badly 2 , 
and that in that year of 1518 there might come out another 
captain-major and governor, wished before he went to leave 
this work completed by his hands. And although he had this 
year sent many men and ships to divers parts, such as Antonio 
de Saldanha to the strait, Dom Aleixo to Malaca, and Dom 
Joam da Silveira to the islands of Maldiva 3 , all of whom he 
lacked for carrying out this work, and it was an honest excuse 
for not attempting it, nevertheless he determined upon it ; 
because, according to the information that he had regarding 
the navigation of the island by reason of the shoals that it has, 
galleys and other rowing vessels were sufficient, and some ships 
of high build to carry implements for the work of the fortress. 

1 Regarding these statements see my " Discovery of Ceylon by the 

2 See Whiteway 184-6. 

3 See III. i. x., III. ii. iii. (pp. 28, 46). 

No. 60. — 1908.] BARROS : HISTORY OF CEYLON. 

And as to the number of fighting men, he considered it certain, 
judging by what had passed as to the willingness that the king 
had shown 1 , that he would have no impediment to the building 
of the fortress. So that, with this assurance, in September 
of that year 1518 he set out from Cochij, taking a fleet of seven- 
teen sail, of which seven were galleys, the captains being 
Manuel de Lacerda, Lopo de Brito, Antonio de Miranda da 
Zevedo, Joam de Mello, Gaspar da Silva, Christovam de 
Sousa, and Dinis Fernandez de Mello, in whose vessel Lopo 
Soarez went 2 . And there were also eight foists, which Dom 
Fernando de Monroy 3 had brought from Goa, which Lopo 
Soarez had that winter ordered him to get ready for this 
voyage ; and he also took two ships with munitions : in which 
fleet went as many as seven hundred Portuguese men of 
arms 4 . 

Lopo Soarez went pursuing his voyage, and when he had 
almost reached the port of Columbo, at which he was going 
to put in, the winds set so full astern, that the seas that ran with 
them along the coast took him out of his course, and carried 
him to the end of the island into the port of Galle, which will 
be twenty leagues from Columbo, where he was detained more 
than a month 5 , until the weather gave him the opportunity 
of going to Columbo, where he arrived with all his fleet. This 
port of Columbo has almost the shape of a hook, for it has a 
spacious entrance, the middle of which is cut by a river* and 
the point that forms the barb of the hook is so sharp, and is so 
separated from the main body of the rest of the land, that a 
stone could be thrown across its breadth, and being cut off by a 

1 I can find no authority for this statement (c/. below at note 6 , page 

2 Cf. this list with those given by Castanheda (C. Lit. Reg. iv. 197) and 
Correa (ib. iv. 180), the last writer, however, being untrustworthy, one 
captain he names, Fernao Peres de Andrade, being then in China (see 
my Let. from Port. Gapt. 13). The mention by Castanheda and Barros 
of Lopo de Brito is puzzling, since both state that Lopo de Brito 
left Portugal for India in 1519 to take up the captaincy of Columbo. 
Perhaps this was a namesake. 

3 A brother of the captain of Goa. 

4 Castanheda says eight or nine hundred, all Portuguese ; while 
Correa says that the whites exceeded a thousand, and that there were 
two hundred Malabar mercenaries with their captain. 

5 Castanheda says 1| month ; Correa does not specify the period. 
Both these writers record encounters between the Sinhalese and the 
Portuguese, owing to the slaughter of cattle and robberies by the latter. 

6 The outlet of the Columbo lake (the present Lotus Pond) is probably 
meant. Correa shows this " river " in his drawing of Columbo. 



ditch 1 forms as it were an island, having no other entrance but 
by the ditch. When Lopo Soarez saw the shape of the port, and 
how suitable the narrow end of that point was for building the 
fortress 2 , he at once agreed with the captains that it should be 
on that spot 3 . However, before he went on shore he sent a 
message to the king by Joam Flores 4 , notifying him of the 
cause of his coming to that port, giving several reasons why 
his lord the king desired to have a fortress there, ascribing the 
whole of this step to the faithlessness of the Moors who resorted 
thither, and to the ancient hatred that they bore towards the 
Portuguese, but chiefly to the great gain that it would bring 
to the king to have that fortress made there : both by reason 
of his lord the king Dom Manuel's becoming thereby commit- 
ted to the defence of him (the king) against his enemies, as well 
as because by having commerce with the Portuguese his whole 
kingdom would become very wealthy and fully supplied with 
the productions of the West 5 . The king, as he had some time 
ago been occupied in treating of this matter with Afonso 
Dalboquerque 6 , and was very desirous of this commerce, 
seeing how rich the king of Cochij had become by it, and that 
since we had entered India he (the king) himself had begun to 
experience in his revenue the profit that was to be paid, as 
soon as he saw the message of Lopo Soarez conceded him the 
fortress, sending to interview him with words that showed 
his satisfaction. 

As the Moors of Calecut and of all that coast of Malabar 
since our entry into India had been scared away by us from 
all those parts, and had some refuge in this island of Ceilam, 
because of our armadas' not going to it, some who were there 
on the arrival of Lopo Soarez, although they were terrified 
at seeing him in the port, when they learnt that the king 
had conceded him a fortress became altogether as dead men. 
Finally by force of bribes, which everywhere are able to 
effect more than solid reasons, they so changed the mind of the 

1 The ditch was cut by the Portuguese (see below). 

2 D. Lourenco de Almeida had noticed this twelve years before (see 
D. Francisco de Almeida's letter of 27 December 1506, in my "Dis- 
covery of Ceylon," p. 338). 

3 Lopo Soares, in his haste to get the fortress erected before the 
arrival of Diogo Lopes de Sequeira should prevent him, had to decide 
without waiting for the advice of D. Joao da Silveira, whom he had sent 
in advance to spy out the land (see III. n. iii., p. 46). 

4 Correa describes him as " a trustworthy man." Later on we shall 
read of his death at the hands of the Moors when occupying the post of 
captain of the guard of the Kilakarai pearl fishery (see p. 58). 

5 Gf. the reasons given by Castanheda and Correa. 

6 This may be true, but I cannot confirm it. Cf. extract C 15 at 
p„ 373 of my " Discovery of Ceylon." 

No. 60. — 1908.] bakros : history of ceylox. 


king's advisers, and his own through the counsel of these, 
representing to him dangers to his life and loss of his state if he 
thus granted us a place for a fortress 1 , that when one morning 
Lopo Soarez intended to go on land to cut the ditch in that point 
which he had chosen for the fortress, he found that by the 
industry of the Moors there were there some mud- walls 2 after 
the manner of intrenchments with defences of wood, in which 
they had placed certain iron bombards with bowmen posted 
for defending the land. And this was not all, but there were 
also some of our men taken prisoners, who as in a safe place had 
gone ashore, of those who went with these messages between 
Lopo Soarez and the king, as if in the way of hostages so as 
afterwards to make use of them if the affair did not succeed well. 
Lopo Soarez , when he learnt of the welcome with which they in- 
tended to receive him on land, having taken counsel with the 
captains, altered the manner of landing, being convinced that 
by the power of the sword he would have to remove that 
impediment which prevented his building the fortress, the 
which he understood had been planned by the Moors, chiefly 
after he had sent to view from near at hand the positions 
and what people they were who were in defence of them. 
The which determination caused among all the men of arms 
as great a transport of delight as they had previously been 
sorrowful, on seeing that the king of goodwill granted a place for 
building a fortress , and that in that transaction they had to exer- 
cise more the strength of their arms, like mechanics, with stone 
and lime on their backs, without any reward in treasure and 
honour, than with sword in hand like knights, with which they 
obtained these two things. Lopo Soarez. although he saw this 
eagerness among the men, after they had been notified of what 
he had agreed to with the captains, didnot choose to land that 
day, deferring it for the following fore-dawn, so as to go better 
prepared : and this he did, getting ashore without hindrance 
from the enemy. Because, as their strength lay more in the 
bombards and tranqueira 3 than in courage, they did not dare 

1 Castanheda invents a long speech, and puts it into the mouth of the 
leading Moor. According to Correa the opposition did not begin until 
after the building of the fortress had made some progress, and was in 
part due to the king's brother, who ruled in another part of the island. 

2 The original has cavallos, which gives no sense Barros here seems 
to have copied from Castanheda, who has vaUados, for which cavallos 
appears to be an error. 

3 This is a word that we shall come across frequently in the course of 
this history. I have left it untranslated in all cases, because in some 
the sense is doubtful. The general meaning seems to be a stockade ; 
but it is used vaguely to mean an enclosed defence of limited size. 



[Vol. XX. 

to come away from them, and remained in that place like men 
who wished to act on the defensive rather than the offensive. 
As soon as Lopo Soarez gave the "Santiago! 9,1 our men, 
taking no account of the smoke of their bombards, nor looking 
to see where they were aimed, competed with one another as 
to who should first climb over the top of the positions, as 
if on the summit of them was the special prize of victory 
of each. However, this courage cost some of them blood 
and life ; for not only were several wounded by arrows 
and firelock shots, but some were also killed by the bombards, 
the chief of whom was Verissimo Pacheco, who (as we have 
said) had come from Malaca with the news of the imprison- 
ment of his brother Antonio Pacheco 2 . This conflict having 
gone on amidst the obscurity of the smoke of the artillery 
for a short space of time, during which our men tarried in their 
ascent of the position, as soon as a handful of them had made 
themselves masters of it, they cut up the enemy in such fashion 
that they put them all to flight; not failing to fallow on their 
heels, driving them at the sword's point 3 . Lopo Soarez, 
seeing that some captains had got a little opposite to where 
there were trees, from which they might receive some harm, 
chiefly Christovam de Sousa, who had crossed over a stream a 
long way from the position, commanded to sound the trumpet 
for them to return 4 , since he was now master of his enemies' 
fortress, and to carry off those pieces of artillery that he found 
there : and without making further stay, in order to give the 
men a rest, he once more embarked. 

On the following day, everything being already in readiness 
for his purpose, he went ashore : and the first thing that he 
set about was to fortify himself, making himself master of the 
point which he desired for founding the fortress, the which 

1 The Spanish (and Portuguese) war-cry, the apostle James being the 
patron saint of Spain. 

2 Barros relates this in III. i. ix. On the death of Jorge de Brito, 
captain of Malacca, the succession to the post was disputed by the 
alcaide mo> Nuno Vaz Pereira (c/. p. 25) and the captain-major of the 
sea Antonio Pacheco, which culminated in the former's imprisoning the 

3 Correa in his account of the engagement states that D. Fernando 
de Monroyo with his twelve foists and the galliot and brigantine bom- 
barded the Moors from the sea. As Castanheda and Barros say nothing 
of this I take it that Correa has confused this engagement with that of two 
years later (see pp. 52, 53), which he does not record. 

4 According to Castanheda, Christovao de Sousa returned of his own 
accord, and, on making a somewhat vainglorious remark to the governor, 
received in reply a characteristic snub. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history or ceylon. 


fortification was no more than a ditch and a defence of wood, 
in which he placed much artillery, in the part that lay over 
against the land, by which the enemy might attack him. And 
one of the things that perplexed him most after he saw himself 
master of that spot was, not to find there stone or shells for 
making lime : because before he left Cochij, in obtaining 
information from some of our men who had already been there, 
they led him to believe that there was stone from which it 
would be possible to make lime, and if this did not serve there 
was plenty of shell-fish, from the shells of which a large quantity 
could be made. And seeing that there was not one of these 
things for making lime 1 , only shells which it was necessary to 
bring from a distance, which might detain him a longer time 
than he had to spare, it being already in October, and it was 
necessary for him to be in India, by reason of the loading of the 
ships that were expected from the kingdom, by which, he 
thought, might come the governor who was to succeed him, he 
agreed, with the approval of all the captains, that as lime 
could not be made quickly they should build the fortress of 
stone and clay. Because as the land was separated from the 
point from sea to sea, that sufficed for the time being as a 
secure retreat for those who were to remain, until it should be 
provided from India according as there was need. All having 
concurred in this opinion, Lopo Soarez ordered in great haste 
the foundations to be dug, and stone to be brought for com- 
mencing the wall, dividing the responsibility of each task 
among the captains. 

The king of Ceilam, when he saw many of his people killed 
and wounded in that incursion of ours on land, and that with 
little trouble they made themselves masters of the fortification 
that the Moors had made , and besides this had begun the work of 
the fortress contrary to his wish, having taken counsel with his 
fellow-countrymen, without giving heed to the Moors, desired 
the peace that he had agreed to with Lopo Soarez rather than 
the breaking of it which they had advised. Regarding which 
subject he sent to him his governor, giving various excuses for 
what had occurred, attributing all to the bad counsels of men 
who had got him to believe things contrary to what he (Lopo 
Soarez) had promised of the peace and amity that by means of 
the fortress he might have with the king of Portugal. And 
since he by the death and injury of his people had been paid 
for accepting counsel from evil men, who had caused that 
rupture, he begged him that they might return once more 
to the state of peace which at his coming he had at once 

1 When the fortress was rebuilt two years later, oyster-shells for 
making lime were brought from Kilakarai (see infra, p. 49). 


[Vol. XX. 

accepted, consenting to the building of the fortress where 
he wished. Lopo Soarez, although in his reply he showed 
that he was offended with the king for the little truth in which 
he had acted towards him and the treachery which he (the 
king) had committed, both as regards the men whom he had 
ordered to be seized, as well as in what he had done over the 
agreement of peace, concluded his reply thus : That he was' 
content to return to the peace in which they were before ; 
nevertheless, for the insult that he had offered to the royal 
banner of the king of Portugal his master in permitting the 
Moors and the natives to come against him with an armed force, 
in which affair several Portuguese were killed and wounded, 
he (the king) would have to compensate this injury by sub- 
mitting to the title of vassal of the king Dom Manuel his 
master, whose insignia were those on the banner of his king, 
which represented his person : who when he was insulted, or 
anyone despised his peace, his vassals would sacrifice their 
lives until they had put his enemy under its yoke. The king's 
governor, having left with this message, returned and went 
many times, until at last he agreed with Lopo Soarez that the 
king was willing to become a vassal of the king Dom Manuel's 
with a yearly tribute of three hundred bahdres of cinnamon, 
which in our weight are one thousand two hundred quintals, and 
besides twelve rings of rubies and sapphires of those that were 
dug from the gem-pits of Ceilam, and six elephants for the 
service of the factory at Cochij 1 , all to be paid to the captain 
of the fortress who should be there, or to whomever the gov- 
ernor of India should send. And that the king Dom Manuel 
should be obliged to protect and defend him (the king) from 
his enemies as his vassal ; with other conditions besides 
which are set forth in the agreement of that treaty, of which 
Lopo Soarez had one copy and the king the other, written on 
leaves of beaten gold (according to their usage), and ours on 
parchment 2 . This agreement having been made, the king sent 
to excuse himself to Lopo Soarez for not coming to see him, 
on account of being indisposed, and for matters of his religion 
of Bramme 3 to which he belonged; because, as regards the 

1 Cf. p. 73. Castanheda gives the promised tribute as ten elephants, 
four hundred bahares of cinnamon, and twenty rings. Correa would 
have us believe that any additions to the ordinary tribute were paid for 
by the governor. 

2 Barros does not profess to have seen this treaty, no copy of which 
now exists. 

3 The 1777 edition has " Brammane." Of course Barros is in error : 
the king (Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX.) was a Buddhist. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceylon. 45 

heathens of those parts, these two things go together, priest- 
hood and government of men. And as the kings have a great 
regard for their priests, and much more for the chiefs of them, 
who have that jurisdiction that as regards the clergy the 
bishops have amongst us, the kings themselves are brammanes 
and are superior to all in their kingdom. So powerful is the 
ambition to rule, that the princes of the earth are not content 
to hold in subjection their vassals by means of the adminis- 
tration of the secular government which God has given to 
them, by which they have made themselves masters of their 
bodies and external actors of the works that each one does, in 
order to execute upon him the laws of justice, according to 
those that were given for that purpose ; but they have also 
wished to be masters of the souls and internal authorities of the 
mind, which belong to God alone, or to those who (according 
to our gospel) are heirs of this mystery. Having made this 
agreement, Lopo Soarez, both with the help that the king 
commanded to be given for that purpose , of the people of the 
country, as also with the people of the armada, in a few days 
finished the fortress, almost at the end of November, to 
which he gave the name of Nossa Senhora das Virtudes 1 . 
And at this time there arrived at it Dom J oam da Silveira, who 
(as we have said above) was sent with certain ships to the 
islands of Maldiva 2 ; on whom, because of his being a person 
who had the necessary qualifications and being also his nephew , 
Lopo Soarez bestowed the captaincy of it, leaving with him the 
troops needful for its defence, and also officials for transacting 
the affairs of commerce. And because the Moors were accus- 
tomed to go to that island, having been scared away by our 
armadas that went about Malabar (as we have said), Lopo 
Soarez wished to deprive them of that place of refuge, leaving 
as captain -major of the sea, with four sail for the guarding of 
that port of Columbo, Antonio de Miranda Dazevedo 3 . 

1 Barros and Correa both give this as the name of the fortress. If it 
was actually so called by Lopo Soares, the name must have been soon 
changed ; for Antonio de Miranda de Azevedo, writing to the king on 
8 November 1519, from the fortress, calls it Santa Barbara (see Alg. 
Doc, 436). The festival of St. Barbara falls on 4 December. 

2 The reference is to III. i. x. (p. 29). In the chapter following 
this one Barros describes Dom Joao's expedition (see p. 46). 

3 Correa does not mention this man. Castanheda says that he was " a 
man who had been long in India and who was very experienced in war," 
and that it was for this reason Lopo Soares left him as captain-major of 
the sea at Columbo, his nephew, D. Joao da Silveira, being only a 


Having made provision for these matters , Lopo Soarez depart- 
ed for Cochij, and in going out of the port, by a disaster 
the galley of Joam de Mello was lost, but the people were 
saved 1 

Dec. III., Bk. ii., Chap. iii. 

Of what happened to Dom Joam da Silveira in the islands of 
Maldiva, whither Lopo Soarez sent him 2 , and also in 
Bengdlla where he went, until he arrived at Ceilam to be 
placed in possession of the captaincy of the fortress of 

And that on the way he was to pass by the island 

of Ceilam 3 , and from the port of Columbo, whither our people 
were accustomed to go to seek cinnamon, he was to take pilots 
to carry him to Bengalla ; and also that he was secretly to 
inspect and take soundings in this port of Columbo, and the 
lie of the land, in order with his advice to come to a determina- 
tion on what had to be done by command of the king, which 
was a fortress in that place 4 , the captaincy of which was to be 
his (Dom Joam's). Who, having set out with the four ships 
with which he went to the islands of Maldiva, reached Colum- 
bo 5 , and having taken note of the place and obtained pilots, 

took his way for Bengalla : the discovery of which 

deceit 6 caused him to determine to make his voyage to Ceilam, 
where he knew that Lopo Soarez was sure to be at that time 
building the fortress, of the captaincy of which he had given 
him his promise, and on his arrival he put him in possession 
(as we have said) 

1 Correa's version is that the galley ran on a sand-bank outside the 
port (of which sand-bank we shall read again in Couto), but lost only 
her keel and a quantity of cinnamon that wa,s thrown overboard in 
the confusion. 

2 In April 1518. The events recorded in this chapter preceded those 
described in the foregoing one. 

3 This is from the orders given by Lopo Soares to D. Joao da Silveira 
when he was about to leave Cochin for Bengal. 

4 As I have said above, Lopo Soares had, after all, to decide without 
waiting for Dom Joao's opinion. 

5 Probably in August 1518. 

6 An attempt by the ambassador of the king of Arakan to entrap the 
Portuguese ships in the river. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceylon. 


Decade III.. Bk. m., Chap. i. 

* * * * * * * 
Diogo Lopez having left Mocambique arrived on the 

8th of September at Goa, where he stayed only a few days, 
because of having news that Lopo Soarez was on the way to go 
to Ceilam, thinking that he might catch him before he left for 

there because his intention was (as we have said) to 

catch Lopo Soarez before he left Cochij to go to Ceilam, and 
stop him from that expedition, the fortress that he was 
going to build not being a thing of such importance at 
that time as other things which had been more strongly 
commended to him by the king in the instructions that he 
carried, for which he needed the men and ships that Lopo 
Soarez had taken for that work. But the weather was such, 
that it detained him nine days at Baticala 1 , whence he sent a 
message to Lopo Soarez simply to stay him ; and this message 
of his reached Cochij one afternoon, on the day in the morning 
of which Lopo Soarez had left. And although by the order 
of Diogo Lopez this message went no further, on the way Lopo 
Soarez had advice of the arrival of Diogo Lopez, over which 
he dissembled, and went forward with his purpose, which he 
carried out (as we have said) 

* * * * * * * 

Dec. III., Bk. in., Chap. vii. 

$ * * * =k H 5 ❖ 

They 2 breed cattle, sheep and ewes ; but not as 

much as to enable them to do without the butters that come 
to them from Ceilam 3 and other parts, in which much profit 
is made 

*■ * * * * * * 

Dec. III., Bk. rv., Chap. vi. 

Of what Lopo de Brito, captain of the fortress of Ceilam, 

underwent with the people of the country. 
At this same time the captain of the fortress of Ceilam was 
Lopo de Brito, son of Joam de Brito 4 , whom the king Dom 

1 Bhatkal on the coast of Kanara (see Hob. -Job. s.v. " Batcul "). 

2 The inhabitants of the Maldives, of which island Barros gives a 
description in this chapter. 3 Cf. III. n. i. (p. 35, note 3 ). 

4 Barros mentions the father in order to distinguish this man from 
another Lopo de Brito. who. like his brother Jorge de Brito, was one of 
Albuquerque's captains. I do not know if this man had been in India 


Manuel in the past year of 1518 had ordered to go and build 
this fortress with as many as eight hundred men, among whom 
were many artizans skilled in this work ; which task having 
been accomplished, he was to remain with the troops necessary 
for its defence, and revenue officials, and the rest were to go 
to other fortresses. And it happened that after the king had 
come to this determination there arrived Lopo de Villalobos, 
whom Lopo Soarez dispatched to this kingdom when he left 
the strait (as we have described above 1 ), by whom he wrote 
to the king that as soon as he reached India he intended to go 
and build this fortress of Ceilam. Nevertheless in the year 
1519 the king dispatched him to go and serve in the captaincy 
there 2 , and his brother Antonio de Brito who was out there 3 
was to be alcaide mor^ ; and as factor Andre Rodriguez de 
Beja, and as clerks Joam Rabello and Gaspar Daraujo 5 
nicknamed Benimagre, both of them his grooms of the bed- 
chamber. On Lopo de Brito's arrival in India this fortress 
was handed over to him by Dom Joam da Silveira 6 , who was 
stationed in it as captain. And as he (Lopo de Brito) brought 
four hundred men, among whom were many stone-masons and 
carpenters, and it was in such a condition that it seemed about 
to fall to the ground, being made of stone and clay, Lopo de 

1 The reference is to III. i. vi. It was on 10 September 1517 that 
Lopo Soares dispatched Lopo de Villalobos from Kalhat for Portugal 
with letters to King Manuel relating the result of his expedition to the 
mouth of the Red Sea. When he reached Lisbon, I do not know. 

2 In III. in. ix. Barros names him as one of the captains in the fleet of 
1519 under Jorge de Albuquerque, but does not mention his appoint- 
ment. Castanheda (V. xv.) and Correa (ii. 574) both do so, how- 

3 When he came to India, and what position he occupied, I cannot 

4 Chief magistrate. 

5 Of these three men I can find no previous mention. J oao Rabello , 
however, is spoken of by Barros in III. ix. viii. as factor of Calicut in 

6 I cannot find when Lopo de Brito arrived in India, but it was doubt- 
less before the end of 1519. Correa alone (ii. 623) gives the date of his 
leaving Goa for Ceylon, viz., March 1520, which may be right, but he 
cannot be trusted. Castanheda (V. xxi.) says that his brother Antonio 
de Brito accompanied him as captain-major of the sea ; while Correa 
(ii. 624) states that the governor dispatched Antonio de Brito, " chief 
huntsman," and Rafael Perestrello to accompany Lopo de Brito as far 
as Ceylon, and then to go with Jorge de Brito to Pacem and load pepper 
for Bengal. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceylon. 


Brito arranged to build it of stone and lime 1 . And because 
near there he could find no stone, nor shell-fish for lime, he 
sent some champanas 2 to the seed-pearl fishery of Callecare 3 , 
which is very close to there, to load with the shells from which 
the seed-pearl is taken, from which he made as large a quantity 
of lime as he needed, with which he built not only the fortress 
but also some houses 4 ; and in addition to this work he 
very strongly protected the ditch that cut the land from sea 
to sea, whereby the fortress stood on an island in the manner 
that we have already described. 

The people of the country, when they saw this reformation of 
the fortress , like folk affrighted at what the Moors had told them 
about us, began to be more afraid of that fortification, think- 
ing that all was in order to take the country from them 5 . Finally 
to this suspicion were added other causes, which affected their 
liberty, since our people would not consent that the Moors 
should come there and trade with them, by which they suffered 
much loss, both one and the other. From which prohibition 
resulted that they did not supply our people with the produce 
of the country, which they had been coming to sell to them ; 
and beside this, if they found anyone contrary to orders out- 
side of our fortress, he was wounded, or killed if they could 
accomplish it 6 . Lopo de Brito, in order to preserve the peace 
that had been agreed to by Lopo Soarez, overlooked some of 
these affairs, treating them as such trivial matters that there 
began to be a murmuring among our people, who called this 
forbearance not prudence but cowardice : whence it came 
about that he thought better to carry out the wish of the men 

1 In writing to the king on 27 October 1519, D. Joao da Silveira 
said that a piece of the fortress had fallen down, and that he had dug a 
ditch round it to save the rest. Antonio de Miranda de Azevedo, in his 
letter of 8 November 1519, speaks of repairs being carried out with 
stone and lime, the latter being made from shells brought by him from 

2 Small vessels (see Hob. -Job. s.v. " Sampan "). 

3 See IV. ii. vii. (p. 58, note 

4 The houses had been built of mud and covered with olas (cadjans) ; 
and D. Joao da Silveira, in the letter referred to above, expressed his 
fear lest the Sinhalese should set fire to them. It will be seen below that 
the fear was not groundless. 

5 Both D. Joao da Silveira and Antonio de Miranda de Azevedo 
(u.s.) say that the Moorish merchant Mamale of Cananor had written to 
the king of Kotte that he was arranging with the governor to demolish 
the fortress and return to the status quo ante. 

6 D. Joao da Silveira (u.s.) complains of similar conduct on the part 
of the Sinhalese. 

e 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

of arms than his own forbearance, although he considered it 
to be more profitable for the government of the country. 
Finally, being goaded by both enemies and friends, during a 
siesta, the time when the heathenry of the country after eating 
lie down to sleep, and are the less suspicious on this account, 
with about one hundred and fifty picked men he attacked the 
town of Columbo 1 , which was close to our fortress 2 . And 
as this sally was of a sudden, the enemy were so stricken with 
fear, that without thinking of wife or children they all took to 
flight at the first onset. As his intention was to intimidate, 
and not to kill, in order that they might become afraid of again 
attempting what they had done, Lopo de Brito ordered them 
to bind the women and children to the doorways of the houses, 
so that they might see that they had them in their power 
and did not wish to do them harm. However, when he was 
leaving, he ordered to set fire to a broad and straight street, 
which was the principal one of the city 3 , and of greatest resort 
by the people, fearing that, on the retirement of our men, as 
the street led direct to our fortress, the enemy would come 
and fall upon his rear, whereby he might receive some harm ; 
and so it happened. For when the first impulse of fear had 
passed, which had caused them to place themselves in safety, 
seeing that wife and children remained to them, they returned 
from love of them, like men devoted to death. And although 
the fire was a great protection to our men, being now great, 
and intervening between them and the others, nevertheless that 
fury cost the lives of many of them and of our men : for before 
they got free of that onrush of theirs more than thirty had been 
wounded, some of whom afterwards died. And truly, if they 
had not occupied themselves in extinguishing the fire, 
and had not found the women and children bound to the 
doorways, by which they understood that that sally of 
Lopo de Brito' s was more of a menace than a desire to 
injure them, since many hastened to their help, and they came 
on madly, it would not have taken much for them to enter 
the fortress together with our men. 

1 In II. in. i. (p. 27) supra, Barros speaks of the " lugar of Columbo," the 
first word meaning literally " place," but used in reference to a town or 
village, irrespective of size. Here he employs the word povoagam (lit. 
" population "), meaning the native town (the " black town ") as distin- 
guished from the Portuguese fortress. 

2 The ancient town of Kolamba, Kolompura, or Kolontota (the 
" city of Kalanbu " of Ibn Batuta), may possibly have extended from 
the site of the present Pettah to the Kelani river. 

3 Barros now uses the word cidade, to signify that Columbo was of 
considerable size. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceyloj. 


Nevertheless, with the hurt that they there received in 
attacking our men their indignation doubled, whereupon they 
showed openly the hatred they bore us, not delaying many 
days in coming to lay siege to the new fortress. On their first 
arrival, although Lopo de Brito saw himself in a great strait, 
they being nearly twenty thousand men, as they had come 
badly arrayed, at the cost of many of their lives he drove 
them back, and made them busy themselves in pitching their 
camp. Making their entrenchments of earth, with a facing 
of many palm-trees, little by little, like people that come at 
their ease, they went on approaching our fortress, until they 
constructed two bastions of the same palm-trees, in which they 
placed some artillery. Although this was not so furious as 
ours, the large number made up for the fury, because in that 
siege there were more than six hundred spingardoons, some 
of which were of the size of bases, which discharged wooden 
arrows ten spans in length, with feathers of wild-boar leather 
which at two hundred paces made very great execution 1 . 
And beside this annoyance, in seeing by day the air thick 
with these arrows, at night they had another, which was 
being lit up by fire-arrows in order to burn the thatched houses 
that they had ; and the greatest of all was, going to seek 
drinking water outside the fortress 2 , because all cost much 

This siege lasted for the space of five months 3 ; whereby, 
as it was during the winter season, and no succour could 
come to them from India, it was the cause of our people's 
suffering much trouble ; until from Cochij there came to them 
in succour a galley, captain Antonio de Lemos 4 , son of Joam 
Gomez de Lemos, lord of Trofa, in which he brought some 
fifty men, and even these could with difficulty be sent. Because 
at this time Diogo Lopez de Sequeira had gone to the strait of 
the Red Sea, with a force of so many sail and men (as we have 

1 Cf. Couto's statement in V. I. v. (p. 72) as to the ignorance of fire- 
arms on the part of the Sinhalese. 

2 This statement is strange, in view of the fact that among the 
advantages of the point for a fortress, so D. Francisco de Almeida wrote 
to King Manuel on 27 December 1506, was " much water," and Correa 
in his drawing shows a well within the fortress. 

3 The months are not named ; but as Barros goes on to say that it 
was during the " winter " season, we may take it that the siege lasted 
from April to September. 

4 In III. ix. ii. (p. 55) we find him spoken of as captain-major of the 
sea at Columbo, his brother Fernao Gomes de Lemos being captain 
of the fortress. 




[Vol. XX, 

described 1 ), and the fortresses of India were left with only the 
regulation number for their defence, and that of Cochij, which 
was nearer to Ceilam, had less men than the others, on account 
of being more secure, a greater succour could not be sent to 
Lopo de Brito. And even this that went to him was more for 
the safety of himself and of the persons that were there than 
because of the possession of the same fortress : since it was 
not considered as an important matter to the state of India 
for us to have there taken that possession, because without 
it we had all the cinnamon for the loading of our ships, and the 
king of the country, without this yoke which intimidated him, 
was willing to pay his tribute. And afterwards in the course 
of time it was seen how needless it was, whereupon it was 
ordered to be demolished 2 , only a factory house remaining, 
whereby the king of the country was entirely disaffrighted ; 
and yet to some of them it was serviceable, with the aid that 
they had from us against their enemies with whom they were 
at war, as we shall describe later on 3 . Lopo de Brito, seeing 
what small succour had come to him, and learning the reasons 
why, determined to drive away from there that body of neigh- 
bours, from whom he had received so much harm, before they 
should learn how few men had come to their help ; calculating 
that even if he could do no more in that sally of his from the 
fortress than capture the two bastions that had done them 
so much harm, he might consider that as a great victory. 
Having agreed in council on the manner in which they were 
to carry out that sally, Lopo de Brito ordered Antonio de 
Lemos to place himself with his galley in front of the bastions, 
making as if from there he intended to batter them with the 
great pieces that he carried in the galley : and he himself on 
the following day during the siesta, which is the time of sleep 
among the heathenry (as we have already said), on a given 
signal, with some three hundred men attacked the enemies' 
positions. And it pleased God that when they felt the sword 

1 The reference is to III. in. x. The governor left Goa for the Red 
Sea on 13 February 1520, with a fleet of twenty -four sail carrying 
some three thousand men of arms, of whom more than half were Portu- 
guese. Regarding the expedition see White way 190 ff. 

2 See p. 55. 

3 As the fortress was demolished in 1524, and as Barros does not tell 
us of any more fighting between now and then, he must mean that the 
existence in Columbo of a Portuguese factory was of benefit to the king 
of Kotte, and his reference is doubtless to IV. vm. xiv., where he de- 
scribes how in 1538 the Portuguese factor and his companions helped 
Bhuwaneka Bahu VII. to defend Kotte against the army of his brother 
Mayadunne (see infra, p. 98). 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceylon" 


of our men in them, they gave them the opportunity of making 
themselves masters of the bastions, Antonio de Lemos during 
this time having his galley covered with arrows and bolts, 
n from which he received much damage. The body of men that 
was further back in the arrayal, and also that which was 
lodged in the city, which was the principal one, seeing 
that these two bastions had been entered by us, and the 
great confusion that was caused by the sauve qui pent, the 
captains hastened from all parts, whereby was formed a large 
number of men, among whom were included one hundred and 
fifty horse, which for that island of Ceilam, where they are not 
much used, was a great quantity 1 ; and there also came some 
twenty-five elephants 2 , equipped with their castles, from 
which fought many men with arrows. Four of these, as more 
skilled in the use of warfare, came in front making great sweeps 
with certain swords that they carried fastened backwards to 
their tusks 3 . The which spectacle of wild beasts, coming 
accompanied by so great a force of men, put our men into such 
confusion, that many gave ground. Lopo de Brito, having 
rallied all the men to him before those wild beasts had entirely 
driven them back, all the matchlockmen that he had with him 
at the same time firing at the four front elephants, shouted 
the " Santiago ! " at them, and with their spears fixed wounded 
them severely. These , when they found themselves annoyed 
by the matchlocks and spears, wheeled round trumpeting upon 
their own people, fleeing so blindly, that they charged into 
those that were coming behind, and these into others, in such 
wise that their rout gave the greater boldness to our men, 
who drove them before them with loud shouts at the spear 
point. And since there was not in the bodies of the Moors and 
heathens of the island such hardness as in the hides of the 
elephants, upon which, when they are enraged, the point of a 
spear has no more effect than that caused by the spike of a 
goad on the hide of an ox when it is pricked, that action left 
them dead and wounded. Lopo de Brito having traversed 
a broad street, by which these people had come, as soon as he 
began to get among trees turned round and retired, fearing the 
lie of the land, and contented himself with the victory that 
God had given him, which had also cost enough of our men's 
blood. However, the result of this affair was that the king 

1 This is the only instance mentioned by the Portuguese historian 
of the use of horses in war by the Sinhalese , and I doubt if the horsemen 
in this case were natives of Ceylon. 

2 Here we have war elephants mentioned for the first time. We shall 
read much of them later. 

3 Cf. Varth. 127. 



[Vol. XX. 

seeing some of his noblemen killed, and that the Moors who had 
incited him to this rebellion against us were not the ones to 
deliver him from our subjection, as they had promised him, 
that day having passed, not many elapsed before he sent to 
beg peace of Lopo de Brito, whereupon the affairs of that 
fortress resumed the state of peace in which they had been 

Dec. III.,Bk. vii., Chap. xi. 

This Christian 1 also related to us that in the house 

of Coulam, which was built by another disciple of the 
apostle Saint Thomas, stood a sepulchre of the Sybil which 
they called Indica, and that church was an oratory of hers. 
And that through her warning, announcing the birth of Christ 
Jesus, a king of the island of Ceilam called Pirimal went in a 
ship to the coast of Mascate to join two other kings, who were 
going to adore the Lord at Bethlehem, and that he was the 
third ; who at the request of the Sybil brought the likeness 
of Our Lady painted in a picture, which was placed in her own 
sepulchre 2 . Of the voyage of which kings, and where the 
two dwelt in whose company he went, we shall write in our 
Geography when we treat of the cities Nazua and Balla, 

Dec. III., Bk. ix., Chap. ii. 

% . sfeu * s * sfc H? * 

And as the viceroy 3 carried instructions that he was 

to demolish the fortresses of Coulam, Ceilam, Calecut, and 

1 One of the Syrian Christians of Malabar, who came to Portugal to 
learn Latin, and from whom Barros obtained information, which he 
gives in this chapter. 

2 Barros does not seem to have realized that this story was a strangely 
garbled version of the one he had related in I. ix. iii. of the king of 
Malabar, Sarama Pereimal, who was converted to Muslim, abandoned 
his kingdom, and went as a pilgrim to Mecca. (Couto in VII. ix. x. 
speaks of a Xarao Perimal who in the fourth or sixth century was well 
disposed to the St. Thomas Christians of Cranganor. ) Cheramam Peru- 
mal was not a king of Ceylon, but, according to Zmuddin, was con- 
verted by sheiks who were on their way to Ceylon as pilgrims to 
Adam's Peak, and who called for him on their return. (See Ten. i. 
630 n., ii. 136 n. ; David Lopes's Hist, dos Port, no Malabar lvii. 20.) 

3 D. Vasco da Gama, count of Vidigueira and admiral of the Indian 
sea. This was his third and last voyage to India, and he died on 24 
December 1524 at Cochin, where he was buried. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros : history of ceylok. 


Pacem, and to erect one in Sunda, and, besides this, had in a 
short time to provide for many things, he (the viceroy) at once 

set himself with great speed in Goa to provide for some 

And he also sent word to Fernam Gomez de Lemos, who was 
stationed as captain of the fortress of the island of Ceilam 1 , 
that he was to demolish it, the king having commanded that 
this should be done, and that he was to come in the ships that 
his brother Antonio de Lemos had in guard of that port, of 

which he was sea captain- major, the which he did 2 


1 Correa alone of the historians tells us (ii. 733) when Fernao Gomes 
was sent to succeed Lopo de Brito, viz., in September 1522. 

2 This was probably in November 1524. Barros is entirely silent 
regarding the serious charges brought against Fernao Gomes de Lemos, 
which Correa details (ii. 832, 844 ; see also Three Voy. of V. da Gama 
408, 424-5; C Lit. Reg. hi. 205). 



[Vol. XX. 



1526-1536 a.d. 

[As the Barros-Lavanha Decade IV. and Couto's Decade IV. 
cover the same period (though the former extends to 1539), 
I have taken them together, except where one records events 
not related by the other.] 

Portuguese Governors of India. — Lopo Vaz de Sampaio, 
governor, February 1526 to November 1529 ; Nuno da 
Cunha, governor, November 1529 to September 1538. 

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon. — Vijaya Bahu VII., 1505-34 
(Dondra and Kotte) ; Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX., 1508-27 
(Kotte); Bhuvaneka Bahu VII., 1534-51 (Kotte); Maya- 
dunne, 1534-81 (?), Sitavaka). 

The only events connected with Ceylon recorded in this 
Decade are the siege of the king of Kotte in 1528 (?) by his 
brother Mayadunne, assisted by an armada from Calecut, the 
siege being raised and the king relieved by the dispatch from 
Cochin to Columbo of a Portuguese armada under the com- 
mand of Martim Affonso de Mello Jusarte. 


Dec. IV., Bk. il, Chap. vii. 

Of some armadas that Lopo Vaz 1 dispatched, and how he 
succoured the fortress of Ceilam, which was besieged, 
sending to it Martim Afonso de Mello. 

The armada having been got ready, of eight large sail and 
several rowing vessels, the captains of which were Antonio 
Cardoso, Francisco Ferreira, Duarte Mendez de Vasconcellos . 

The governor Lopo Vaz de Sampaio. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros-couto : HISTORY OF CEYLON. 57 

Francisco Velho, Joao Lobato, Manuel da Veiga, Manuel 
Vieira, Joao Coelho, Vasco Rabello, and Thome Rodriguez, 
there embarked on it four hundred men ; and being on the 
point of leaving, there came news to the governor that 
Boenegobago Pandar 1 , king of Cota in Ceilam, was besieged 
by Patemarcar 2 , captain- major of the king of Calecut, who 
through his sea-ports was doing him much harm through hatred 
of us, and in favour of Madune Pandar, brother of the same 
king of Cota 3 ; wherefore it being necessary to succour that 
king, he being a vassal of the king of Portugal's, the governor 
ordered Martim Afonso to set out at once, and cross over to 
Ceilam, and succour the king Boenegobago Pandar. Martim 
Afonso made the voyage as he had been ordered, and arrived 
at Columbo 4 , where he did not now find Patemarcar, who 
on getting news of our armada betook himself into the rivers 
of the island in parts where our ships being large could not 
come at them, and Madune Pandar raised the siege that he 
had laid to his brother. 

Martim Afonso, in order not to lose his monsoon 5 , was un- 
willing to be detained in Ceilam, and with much plunder that 

1 We find Barros and Couto applying this name to several kings 
erroneously. Vijaya Bahu VII. was still reigning at Kotte, Bhuwaneka 
Bahu VII. not succeeding until 1534, according to the generally received 

2 Couto in V. n. iv. says that the proper name of this man was Paichi- 
marca (? Payichchi Marakkar). He seems to have first turned pirate 
in 1519 (see Correa ii. 569), the reason for his action being told us by 
Barros below (p. 92); and for many years he proved one of the 
most formidable enemies the Portuguese had to contend with in the 
Indian seas. We shall hear of him again. In Cast. VII. xviii. we 
read of his being on the way to attack the king of Ceylon with a 
large fleet in January 1527. 

3 Barros and Couto both state that Madune, the king's brother, was 
besieging him ; but I think they must be in error. As I have said, 
Bhuwaneka Bahu did not come to the throne until 1534, when his 
brother Mayadunne began an active campaign against him, and did 
besiege him in Kotte in 1537-8, as we shall see. Perhaps these writers 
have made two events out of one, and Martim Affonso de Mello Jusarte 
may have been confused with Martim Affonso de Sousa. At any rate, 
Castanheda, who records the war waged by Patimarcar on the king of 
Ceylon (VII. lxv.), says nothing of Madune ; while Correa (iii. 262) is 
absolutely silent regarding any call at Ceylon by Martim Affonso. 
Equally silent on the subject are the Rdjdvaliya and Zinuddhi. 

4 He seems to have left Cochin in March 1528, and therefore reached 
Columbo in that month or in April. 

5 If the south-west monsoon burst while he was at Columbo he would 
be unable to get to the Coromandel coast. 


Journal, r.a.s. (ceylon). 

[Vol. XX. 

he took from ships of Moors that were there he departed, and 
put in to Calecare 1 , where he had an interview with the lord 
of the territory, and agreed with him in regard to the carrying 
on of the fishery of seed-pearl, which is fished in those shoals 
of Ceilam, at a fixed price, and with the obligation that he 
should pay every year three thousand parddos, in return for 
which the governor of India would send and keep guard over 
the fishers during the time of the fishery 2 , as captain of which 
at that time there went Diogo Rabello with some ships. 
And because the inhabitants of Care 3 , a place adjoining Cale- 
care, where seed-pearl is also fished, had murdered Joao Mores, 
captain of the guard of that fishery 4 , Martim Afonso 
proceeded thither, and destroyed it 5 , and thence went to 


Dec. IV., Bk. iv., Chap. v. 

But what we are able to ascertain regarding this 6 

is, that whilst the governor was in the course of preparing to 
send men to Francisco de Sa, there arrived an ambassador 
from the king of Cota, a vassal of the king of Portugal's, to 
beg the governor on behalf of the king to succour him, 
because his brother Madune sought to deprive him of the 

1 Kilakarai, in Portuguese times the headquarters of the pearl fishery 
in the Gulf of Mannar. In Dutch times Tuticorin took its place. 

2 Castanheda (u.s.) also records this agreement with the chief of 

3 This is, I think, a misprint or mislection for Cael (on which place 
see Hob. -Job. s.v.). 

4 Joao Flores we have met with in III. n. ii. (p. 40). The killing of 
him and his companions by the Moors is described in detail by Correa 
iii. 235-6; see also C. Lit. Reg. iii. 205-6. 

5 None of the other historians records this. 

6 Couto has been expressing doubt regarding the accuracy of Casta- 
nheda's statements (in VII. lxv.) that the governor requested Martim 
Affonso to go to Sunda to erect a fortress, and that he declined because 
Francisco de Sa had already been intrusted with the task, but consented 
on pressure from the governor. 


throne with the favour and help of the Qamorim, who had sent 
him a great armada, whereby he held him in great straits. The 
governor having considered these matters in council, it was 
resolved that that king ought to be succoured with all haste : 
for which purpose the governor dispatched the same Martim 
Afonso de Mello 1 , with eleven 2 sail, among which was a 
royal galley, and a galliot, and the rest rowing vessels, of 
the captains of which we can find the names of only three 3 , 
Thome Pirez, Duarte Mendez de Vasconcellos, and Joao 
Coelho : the governor giving him instructions that he was to 
cross over to Ceilao to succour that king, and from there was 

to go and winter on the coast of Choramandel, there 

embarked four hundred men 

Dec. IV., Bk. iv., Chap. x. 

This captain having left Goa 4 went and put in to the 

island of Ceilao, according to the instructions he bore, in 
order to succour that king of Cota, who was already relieved 
of the armada of Calecut ; because as soon as it received 
warning of ours it at once withdrew, and Madune raised the 
siege that he had laid to his brother. And as we give an 
account of the cause of this war and the origin of these kings 
further on at the beginning of the Fifth Decade, that appear- 
ing to us a better place, we omit it now. That king of Cota 
esteemed this succour much, and became more amenable to 
the service of the king of Portugal, whose vassal he was. 
Martim Afonso, having nothing more to do there, set sail, 
and crossed the shoals to the other side , and went to winter at 


1 Martim Affonso de Mello Jusarte, who, according to Castanheda, 
was a relative of the governor's. 

2 Castanheda (u.s.) says " nine." 

3 Couto has evidently copied these from Castanheda, Barros gives 
the full list. 

4 It was from Cochin, not Goa, that he had been dispatched by the 



[VOL. XX. 

Dec. IV., Bk. vi., Chap. vii. 

From there 1 we went to India 2 ; and the king 3 

(whom God keep), being cognisant of my good services, sent 
me the offer of Ormuz or Ceilao , whichever I chose, which did 
not have effect on account of my being in the kingdom, 
because I left there in the year that Lopo Soarez went to 
India 4 

1 Ormuz. 

2 The speaker is Lopo Vaz de Sampaio, governor of India, 1526-9, 
who, having been sent home a prisoner, after an incarceration of two 
years was brought before King J oao II. to make his defence and have 
sentence passed upon him (see Whiteway 211). The passage here 
given is from his lengthy speech in his defence : he is speaking of the 
time when he accompanied Albuquerque on his last expedition in 1515. 

3 Dom Manuel (died 1521). 

4 That is, in 1515. He must, therefore, have left for Portugal at the 
end of that year ; and the king's offer must have crossed him on the 
way. The fortress at Ormuz was finished only at the end of 1515, and 
that of Ceylon not until the end of 1518 : so that in both cases the offer 
was anticipatory. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : htstorv of ceylon. 



1536-1545 a.d. 

Portuguese Governors of India. — Nuno da Cunha, governor, 
November 1529 to September 1530 ; D. Garcia de Noronha, 
viceroy, September 1530 to April 1540 ; D. Estevao da 
Gama, governor, April 1540 to May 1542 ; Martim Affonso 
de Sousa, governor, May 1542 to September 1546. 

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon. — Bhuvaneka Bahu VII., 1534-51 
(Kotte); Mayadunne, 1534-81 (?), (Sitavaka) ; Vira Vikrama, 
1542-45 (Kandy). 

Tamil King in Jaffna. — Sangili. 

In this Decade Couto tells us of the attempts made by Maya- 
dunne to oust his brother Bhuvaneka Bahu from the throne of 
Kotte, laying siege to the city twice, between 1536 and 1539, 
and having the help of a Moorish force from Calecut. The 
siege was raised on the first occasion by Martim Affonso de 
Sousa (who subsequently inflicted a severe defeat on the Moors 
near Ramesvaram), 1 and on the second by Miguel Ferreira, 
when the Moorish leaders were treacherously murdered. We 
are also told of Bhuvaneka Bahu's sending (in 1540) an am- 
bassador to the king of Portugal with a golden image of his 
infant grandson to be crowned as his successor. Jaffna first 
appears in Couto's history in a somewhat incidental manner. 
In one chapter Couto gives an account of the ancient history of 
the island as obtained by him from native sources ; in another 
a learned dissertation on the opinions held by ancient geo- 
graphers regarding Taprobana ; and in a third, an interesting 
discussion on Adam's Peak. 

1 As the above incidents are recorded also in the Barros-Lavanha 
Dec. IV. , I have combined the versions of the latter with those of 
Couto (see infra, pp. 73-9, 90-8). 



[Vol. XX. 

Dec. V., Bk. i., Chap. v. 

Of the antiquity of the population of the island of Ceilad ; of the 
beginning and origin of its kings ; and of all those that 
it had until Bonoega Bao Bandar, who reigned 
in this year of 1537. 

Since it falls to us here to enter on the wars of Ceilao (which 
since we discovered that island has always been to the state of 
India another Carthage to Rome ; because, little by little, it has 
gone on consuming, in expenses, men and artillery, so much, 
that it alone has swallowed up with its wars more than all the 
other conquests of this East 1 ), it will be well for us to give an 
account of the beginning of its population and of the origin 
of its kings, a subject regarding which no one has hitherto 
written except ourselves 2 , the which it cost us much trouble to 
ascertain from their own writings, which we found in the hands 
of some princes of that island who came to this city of Goa 3 . 

Accordingly it must be known that about five hundred 
years before the advent of Christ there was reigning in the 
kingdom of Ajota (which nowadays we call Tanacarim 4 ) a 
liea then king, who at that time possessed the greatest empire 
in the East, since he had under his sceptre all that lies between 
the river Ganges and Cochin-China 5 , and inland as far as some 
forty degrees north. This king had a son called Vigia Raya, 
heir to the kingdom, so wild, and of such a licentious nature, 
that in all his father's dominions there was not a married 

1 Couto wrote this in 1597 or a little before, at the time when Azevedo 
the infamous was trying to retrieve the disastrous defeat of Pedro Lopes 
de Sousa in 1594 by carrying fire and sword through the lowlands of 
Ceylon (see Dec. XII., passim). 

2 Couto is justified in making this assertion, his summary of the Rdjd- 
valiya (a very meagre and not very correct one unfortunately) being the 
earliest version in any European language. 

3 In V. ii. x. (p. 101 ) Couto tells us that he had heard one of these princes 
chant the Sinhalese chronicles. The princes referred to were probably 
Dom Filippe of Kandy and his son Dom Joao and nephew Dom 
Filippe of Sitavaka, all of whom were refugees or captives at Goa shortly 
before this (see infra, pp. 389, note 4 , 392, note 4 ). 

4 This parenthetical statement is, of cource, founded on a serious 
blunder, Couto having confused the ancient Ayodhya (Oudh) in 
Northern India with its modern namesake in Siam (see Hob.-Job. s.vv. 
" Oudh " and " Judea "). We find the same confusion in his account 
of the origin of the Solar dynasty in V. n. x. (p. 101). 

6 The Sinhalese chronicles do not credit Sinhabahu with ruling over 
an empire of any such extent as here stated, and his petty kingdom lay 
in exactly the opposite direction to that indicated by Couto. 

No. 60. — 1908.] oouto : history of ceylon. 


woman or a maiden whom he desired that was not at once 
brought to him, insulting and dishonouring them, and killing 
and impaling all that sought to defend them, and towards 
others using brutal inhumanities : whereby he so harassed 
everyone, that the people, being unable to endure him any 
longer, assembled and went to complain to his father, and to 
beg him for justice for such insults and cruelties. And as he 
was vexed with his son on account of seeing in him no amend- 
ment, nor perceiving any inclination towards good, having 
already many times admonished him, he commanded secretly 
to equip many vessels, and in them to place provisions and 
necessary things ; and when all was ready he took his son 
unawares, and embarked him with seven hundred youths of 
his own age and of his retinue, who in his turpitudes had all 
been ever his companions : because it was a custom in that 
kingdom, on the day that the son and heir was born, for the 
king to command all the male children that were born on the 
same day, throughout all the realms that he possessed, to be 
written down and enrolled, who were brought to the court 
from seven years upward in order to be trained together with 
the prince ; and on the day that this one was born there was 
found a great number of them, of whom seven hundred were 
still living 1 . 

After the king had embarked his son he told him that he 
was to go through the world and seek countries that he might 
populate, but that he was not to return to his kingdom, 
because he would kill him and all the rest. This prince having 
departed set sail and went along at the mercy of the winds 
without knowing whither he went, and in a few days he came 
in sight of a desert island 2 , which is this of Ceilao, at which 
he came to land on the inner side 3 , in a port that is called 
Preature, which lies between Triquillimale and the point of 
Jafanapatao 4 ; and disembarking on land, they were much 

1 Cf. Rdjdv. 15-6. 

2 Couto, it will be noticed, says nothing of the yakkha population 
of Ceylon. 

3 By the " inner side " of Ceylon Portuguese writers meant the 
eastern side. 

4 Rijklof van Goens the elder, in his version of the Rdjdvaliya narra- 
tive (Val. Ceylon 210), says that Vijaya made landfall near the hill of 
Trincomalee. Couto, it will be seen, puts the landing-place between 
this and the point of Jaffna. The only port on that stretch of coast 
with a name like " Preature " is Point Pedro (Tam. Paruttitturai == 
" cotton roadstead "). But, from what follows, it looks as if Couto had 
got on the wrong side of the island, and that Preature — Periyaturai = 
Mahatittha = Mantota. 


[Vol. XX. 

pleased with the sweetness of its odours, the softness of its airs, 
the coolness of its rivers, and the beauty of its woods : where- 
fore they determined to remain there, and began to form their 
towns. The first city that they founded was in that part of 
Mantota, opposite to Manar 1 . Here they remained sustain- 
ing themselves for some time with the multitude of fish from 
the sea and rivers, and with the many and excellent fruits from 
the jungles, which all consisted of oranges, limes and lemons, 
and other different sorts very sweet to the smell and very 
delicious to the taste. And on account of the great fertility 
that they found in all respects, they gave to that island the 
name of Lancao, which is a word that corresponds to " Earthly 
Paradise." This was the first name that it had, and its true 
one, which it still preserves 2 . 

After these strangers had been there some months, there put 
in to that island some vessels from the opposite coast for the 
fishery of seed-pearls 3 (of which there is great plenty there), 
and coming to speech with those that were in them, they 
learnt that they were from a kingdom that lay on the other 
side of the mainland a day's journey, in which reigned a ruler 
called Cholca 4 Raya; and having obtained information re- 
garding his state and power, the prince entertained the idea of 
forming a family alliance with him. To this end he dispatched 
in the same vessels some ambassadors, by whom he sent to beg 
him that since they were such neighbours he would think well 
that they should have intercourse and should be united by 
family ties by his giving him a daughter in marriage, and 
some others of the noble ladies of his realms as wives of those 
men that he had brought with him. These ambassadors 
arrived at the opposite coast, and were conducted to the king, 
who received them well, and learning about the prince, and 
whose son he was (the father being well known throughout 
the whole of the East) , he considered himself fortunate in his 

1 Couto has probably confused Mantota with Tammanatota (see 
Rdjdv. 16). 

2 Barros, as we have seen above (p. 32), credits the Siamese alone 
with calling the island " Lamca." Couto is correct in his statements 
in the last sentence, but his explanation of Lanka would apply more 
appropriately to the name of Tenassarim == tanah sari, " land of happi- 
ness " (see Hob. -Job. s.v. " Tenasserim "). 

3 The statements here made by Couto are not corroborated by the 
extant native chronicles - but they are interesting, and may be founded 
on popular tradition. 

4 An evident misprint or misreading for " Cholea." According to the 
Sinhalese chronicles, however, it was the Pandya and not the Chola 
kingdom from which Vijaya obtained his queen. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylo^." 


desiring to ally himself by marriage with him, and replied to 
him favourably, sending him many compliments. And after 
the exchange of visits on both sides he sent him a daughter for 
himself, with a very large retinue of ladies and maidens, and 
a number of other daughters of noblemen for those of his 
company, the nuptials being celebrated between them all with 
great solemnities ; thenceforward they frequently went to 
and fro and interchanged communications, many persons 
crossing over to live in that island, principally workmen of 
every craft, and agriculturists with their plows, seed, cattle, 
and everything else necessary for human life. With this that 
island began to increase, and the interior to become populated 
in such manner that great and beautiful cities and towns were 

And because those people there had been degraded, those of 
the opposite coast called them Gallas, which is the same as 
"banished" 1 . That prince, seeing that the affairs of that 
island were increasing so much, in titled himself emperor of 
the island of Lancao ; albeit foreigners also called it Illenare, 
which in the Malavar language signifies " the kingdom of the 
island " 2 , which is the second name that it had, And as 
these banished men spoke the Tanacarim language, which was 
their own, after they had united in marriage with the women 
of the opposite coast, who spoke Malavar (which is the most in 
use that there is on that coast of Canara), the two languages 
becoming mixed came to form that which they use nowadays, 
albeit the most speak pure Malavar 3 . This king lived twenty- 
five years 4 , and having no children left the kingdom to a 
brother of his, whom while he was alive he had sent to beg of his 
father : because by-and-by, as soon as he had established his 
residence in that country, they communicated and traded 
with one another. 

This brother that succeeded him 5 had many sons, in whose 
descendants that kingdom continued for nine hundred years 6 
without going out of the line. When these had passed it came 
under the rule of one called Dambadine Pandar Pracura Ma- 
bago, or Bao 7 , of whom we shall treat presently. From this 

1 Perhaps Couto means Tarn, kdlddi — " wanderer," or he may have 
been thinking of the Kallar tribe. 

2 See supra, p. 30, note 5 . 

3 There are almost as many errors as lines in this sentence. 

4 The Sinhalese chronicles say thirty-eight. 

5 It was really his brother Sumitta's son Panduvasadeva who suc- 
ceeded Vijaya. 

6 Nearly double that period, according to the Sinhalese chronology. 

7 Dambadeni Parakrama Bahu II., 1240 or 1267 a.d. 

p 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

time forward this island began to be famous in the world on 
account of the much and very fine cinnamon that its jungles 
yielded 1 . 

And as the Chins were the first that sailed throughout the 
East, having received information regarding the cinnamon, 
many juncos hastened to that island to load it, and from there 
carried it to the ports of Persia and Arabia, whence it passed 
" to Europe, as we shall relate more fully further on. Thus this 
island was so frequented by Chin juncos, that every year there 
went to it a great number of them, from which many Chins 
remained in the country, and intermarried with the natives : 
from between whom were born certain mixties, who continued 
oalling themselves Cim Gallas, adding the name of the natives, 
who were Gallas, to that of the Chins, whose proper name is 
Cim, and formed that which we nowadays corruptly call Chim- 
gallas, who in course of time came to be so famous, that they 
gave their name to all in the island 2 . 

And so, as they proceed from the Chins, who are the falsest 
heathens of the East, and from the banished men who had been 
expelled from their own country as wicked and cruel : so all 
those of this island are the most cowardly, false, and deceitful 
that there are in the whole of India, because never up to this 
day has there been found in a Chingalla faith or truth 3 . 

And as the Chins continued to carry on trade with this island, 
and are wicked (as we have said), there put in there an armada 
of theirs, when Dambadine Pandar was king 4 , whom we 
have mentioned above ; and those of the country not being 

A This statement, which is not found in the Sinhalese chronicles, may 
be founded on popular tradition. Kazwini, the Arab writer of the 13th 
century, seams to be the first that mentions Ceylon cinnamon (see Ten. 
i. 599-600, and Suokl. i. 247). 

2 Couto here repeats the absurd statements of Barros in III. n. i. (p. 33)- 

3 The only excuse for this monstrous and sweeping statement is, 
that at the time when Couto wrote {circa 1597) the erstwhile protege of 
the Portuguese and good Catholic, Dom Joao de Austria, was, as the 
Buddhist king Vimala Dharma Surya, compelling those same Portu- 
guese to pour out their blood and treasure in a vain attempt to gain the 
domination of Ceylon. In VI. vm. vii. (p. 140) Couto makes an exception 
in favour of King BhuvanekaBahu VII. , that bete noire of the Rajavaliya. 

4 This statement proves that the copy of the Rajavaliya in the posses- 
sion of the Sinhalese princes who supplied Couto with his information 
had the usual hiatus after the reign of Parakrama Bahu II. (see Raja- 
valiya iv. 66). In reality, the reigning king was Vira Bahu or Vijaya 
Bahu VI. (? 1391-1412), and he it was whom the Chinese general Ching 
Ho in 1410 carried off captive to China (see Bell's Rep. on Kegalla Dist. 
91-3 ; Sylvain Levi in Journal Asiatique, 1900, 430, 440). 

No. 60.— 1908.] couto : history of ceylo^v 


afraid of them, the day that they intended to embark they 
captured the king, and sacked his city : and carrying off 
from it great treasures they departed for China, and presented 
the captive king to theirs. The latter was very angry at the 
treachery that his vassals had practised on a king who had 
received them into his country ; and he forthwith commanded 
them under pain of death to take him back again to his king- 
dom, for which purpose he ordered an armada to be got ready, 
in which he embarked him with every honour 1 ; and so we 
shall leave him for the moment, to return to him again. 

This captive king had a widowed daughter 2 , who, with two 
little sons 3 that she had, had the fortune to escape from the 
Chins on the day of the sack, and with them betook herself 
into the interior. The Chins having embarked, as the king had 
no son left, a heathen called Alagexere 4 , to whom the same 
king had given the government of the realm, seized the king- 
dom. This man, seeing himself in that position, fulfilling his 
office with the desire of reigning, strove much to get the prin- 
cess with the princes into his hands, in order to kill them, and 
remain secure in the kingdom. This lady was warned of this 
plan ; and wishing to save her sons, she proceeded with them 
to the parts about Ceitavaca in disguise, and with such 
secrecy that she confided in nobody : there she remained 
sustaining her sons in poverty 5 . The traitor, considering the 
boys to be dead, crowned himself as emperor of the whole 
island ; and after he had governed for a little more than two 
years, there arrived the armada from China, which brought 
his king, and put in to the port of Columbo. The tyrant 
caused him to be received with very deceitful demonstrations : 
and conducting him to the city that night he murdered him 6 , 
remaining king, as which he lived ten years 7 . This tyrant 

1 It is noteworthy that this statement regarding the remission of 
Vijaya Bahu, which finds no place in the Rdjdvaliya, is confirmed by the 
Chinese historians (see Ten. i. 416, 621). 

2 According to the Rdjdvaliya (67) it was Vijaya Bahu's queen 
Sunetra Devi. 

3 Only one according to the Rdjdvaliya. 

4 Alakesvara or Alagakkonara (see Bell's Rep. on Keg. Dist. 92 ; 
C. A. S. JL xviii. 281-308). 

5 See Rdjdvaliya 69-70 ; Bell's Rep. on Keg. Dist. 42. 

6 The foregoing is not borne out by any of the Sinhalese chronicles. 

7 Alakesvara appears actually to have ruled for some five or six years. 
Couto leads us to infer that he died a natural death ; but the Rdjdvaliya 
states that the elder Visidagama caused him to be put to death. 




[Vol, XX. 

left no sons, and the government of the kingdom devolved 
upon a chaqatar, a wise man, and morally upright 1 . The 
first thing that this man did was to send to seek the princes, 
who were wandering in exile, having now lost their mother 2 ; 
and being brought before him, he received them as lords, 
forthwith swearing in as emperor the elder one, who intitled 
himself Maha Pracura Mabago 3 , and who would now be six- 
teen years old 4 , and married him to a daughter of the ruler of 
Candia, his vassal and relative 5 ; and to the other brother, 
who intitled himself Madune Pracura Mabago, he gave the 
dominion of the Four Corlas 6 . This Maha Pracura trans- 
ferred his court to the city of Cota, which he founded anew 7 
after the same manner and for the same reason as the kings of 
the Decan so long afterwards founded the city of Xarbedar 8 , 
— as we have related in the fourth chapter of the tenth book of 
the Fourth Decade, of the time in which the Moors conquered 
the Decan, —and ordained that all his heirs should be crowned 
there in order to aggrandize it. This king had no son, but 
had a daughter 9 , who was married to Cholca Raya of the race 
of the ancient kings 10 , by whom he had a son, whom his grand- 
father swore in as heir to the throne. In the time of this king 
there arrived at the city of Cota from the opposite coast a 

1 The elder Visidagama is meant. (The word changatar was applied 
by Portuguese writers to the Buddhist priests : it perhaps represents Sin. 
sa'ngatdrya, " the venerable one of the assembly." On p. 284 infra it 
is spelt sangatar). 

2 The Rdjavaliya tells us nothing of Sunetra Devi's death. 

3 Sri Parakrama Bahu VI. (? 1415 : see Rep. on Keg. Dist. 81). 

4 So also the Rdjavaliya (68). 

5 According to the Rdjavaliya his bride was a princess from Kiravella 
(? Kiraveli pattu in Beligal korale). 

6 From the Paravisandesa it would seem that Parakrama Bahu VI. 
actually had a brother named Parakrama of Mayadunu (see Alwis's 
Des. Cat. 216). 

7 Kotte or Jayawardhanapura was really founded by Alakesvara f 
though Parakrama Bahu VI. greatly enlarged and improved it (see 
Rdjavaliya 66, 68 ; Mahdvansa 320, 321 ; C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 285, 304). 

8 Bldar in the Deccan, which was founded not "so long afterwards," 
but some seventy years later. The reason given by Couto for its found- 
ing is that a king saw a hare chasing a dog — a widespread fable (see 
Knox's Hist. Rel. 58 ; C. Lit. Reg. iii. 376 ; Sewell's Forg. Emp. 19, 299). 

9 Ulakuda Devi (see Rdjdv. 70 ; Macready's Sela L. S., st. xcix.-ci.). 

10 The Sinhalese chronicles do not state who Ulakuda D6vi's husband 
was. He may have been the minister Nallurutanaya (see Macready's 
Sela L. S., Introd., st. xciv.-xcv.). 

No. 60. — 1908.] COUTO : HISTORY OF CEYLON r' 


panical 1 of the caste of those kings, a man of great activity 
and sagacity, whom the king welcomed, and married him to 
a woman of rank, by whom he had two sons and a daughter ; 
these lads were brought up in companionship with the prince, 
with whom there was also a first cousin of these lads, the son 
of a sister of his mother's. These three lads grew up, and 
came to have such power in the kingdom, that the king 
noticed in them a change of disposition, from which he feared 
that on his death they would murder his grandson. And 
dissembling in regard to this, he resolved to separate them, 
which he did, commanding the two brothers to go and 
subject for him the kingdom of Jafanapatao, which had 
rebelled against him, conferring on the elder one, who was 
called Queba Permal, the title of king of that dominion 
with the obligation of vassalage. This man. who was a 
very great horseman, and of the greatest size and strength of 
any of that time, in a few days made himself master of that 
dominion 2 . * 

The emperor Maha Pracura Mabago Pandar 3 having suc- 
ceeded to the dominion, when he had reigned a year and a 
half, his uncle, the ruler of the Corlas 4 , died ; and the king 
gave that dominion to the brother 5 of the king of Jafanapatao. 
This emperor Javira married a princess of the Seven Corlas, 
who was of the blood royal and was already a widow, by whom 
he had a son who was a witling from birth, and a daughter of 
whom their chronicles do not speak, wherefore she must have 
died young. This king reigned a few years ; and a sister of 
his called Manica Pandar, taking her half-witted nephew in her 
arms, had him sworn as king, and herself as tutor and gover- 
ness of the kingdom, as she was very prudent and courageous. 
After this lady had governed the kingdom for two years, 
seeing that a male sovereign was necessary, because there 
had already been several disturbances, and the nephew was 
incapable of reigning, she sent in great haste to summon 
Queba Permal, king of Jafanapatao, in order to hand over the 

1 For the ordinary meanings of this word see Hob. -Job. s.v. 
Panikar," and cf. infra, p. 286. Here, however, it seems to have 

some sense of rank. 

2 The person here called Queba Permal was Sapumal Kumara, the 
commander-in-chief, whom the king did send, as stated, to conquer 
the kingdom of Jaffna, of which he was made ruler (see Rajav. 68, 69; 
Sela L. S. st. xxviii.). The family details given by Couto are not found 
elsewhere (see Bell's Rep. on Keg. Dist. 83). 

3 Vira Parakrama Bahu (? 1467). 

4 Parakrama of Mayadunu (see supra, p. 68). 

5 Ambulugala Kumara (see Rdjdv. 68). - 



[Vol. XX. 

kingdom to him, he being the most valorous of all the princes of 
the island 1 . This came to the ears of his brother the king of the 
Corlas, who forthwith hastened to take part in this business, 
claiming the kingdom for himself 2 ; but when the brother 
arrived, although they had many disputes, Queba Permal 
became king, and changing his name called himself thence- 
forward Boenegabao Pandar, which signifies " king by 
strength of arm " 3 . This king married a gentlewoman, whom 
the king of Candia gave him as wife, saying that she was his 
daughter, which was not the fact ; but he called her so because 
of having brought her up from childhood 4 . By this lady he 
had a son called Caipura Pandar, who on the death of his 
father succeeded to the kingdom 5 . He was not crowned more 
than four times (because those kings were accustomed to be 
crowned once every year on the same day as that on which they 
were first crowned ; and for this reason the years of their rule 
are counted by the number of times that they were crowned 6 ). 
So this king, having been already crowned four times, was 
slain by the king of the Corlas, who made himself emperor 
by force, and changed his name, calling himself Javira Pra- 
cura Mabago Pandar 7 . This king already had four sons 8 , 
and was not crowned more than three times. On his death 
there succeeded to the empire his eldest son called Drama 

1 All the above is entirely at variance with the Rajavaliya (70), which 
simply says that, on the accession of Vira Parakrama Bahu, Sapumal 
marched from Jaffna to Kotte, slew the king, and assumed the 

2 The Rajavaliya says nothing of this. 

3 Sapumal on ascending the throne (? 1469) took the title of Sri 
Bhuvaneka Bahu VI. Couto's explanation of the title is para- 

4 The Sinhalese chronicles are silent regarding any marriage of 
Bhuvaneka Bahu VI. 

5 What Caipura represents I do not know. According to the 
Rajavaliya (70) a prince who had been brought up by Bhuvaneka Bahu 
VI. was, on the death of the latter, proclaimed king under the title of 
Pandita Parakrama Bahu (? 1485). 

6 This statement appears to be founded on some misapprehen- 
sion. « 

7 The Rajavaliya (70) tells us that, on hearing of the death of Bhuva- 
neka Bahu VI. , Kuda Kumara of Ambulugala marched from the Four 
Korales, defeated the royal army, proceeded to Kotte, slew Pandita 
Parakrama Bahu, and ascended the throne (1485) under the title of 
Vi'ra Parakrama Bahu (VIII.). 

8 The Rajavaliya says a daughter also. . 

No. 60. — 1908.] oouto : history of oeylon^ 


Pracura Mabago 1 , who married a lady of the caste of the 
ancient kings, by whom he had three sons 2 . 

At thisthm (there died one of the king's brothers 3 , who left 
four f. sons and two daughters 4 , and their mother married 
another brother of her husband's called Boenegabo Pandar , who 
was ruler of Reigao 5 . This king, after being crowned eight 
times, died 6 , leaving three young sons, whom their uncle 
seized, and secretly slew 7 , the right to the throne thus being 
left to him alone, whereupon he forthwith had himself crowned 
as emperor 8 , bringing up in his house the three stepsons 
whom we have mentioned, who were also his nephews, the 
sons of his brother 9 , who were called Boenegabo Pandar, who 
was the eldest, and the second Reigao Pandar. and the third 
Madune Pandar 10 . 

In the time of this king Boenegabo Pandar 11 , Dom Lourengo 
d' Almeida, son of the viceroy Dom Francisco d' Almeida, in 
the year of our Lord 1505, arrived at that island 12 , and sending 

1 Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX. commenced to reign 1508, though 
his brother Vijaya Bahu VII. had already assumed regal power (in 
the south of Ceylon ?) in 1505 (see Bell's Rep. on Keg. Dist. 85-6, 96). 

2 The Rdjdvaliya does not tell us of any marriage of this king's. 

3 Sri Raja Sinha (see Rdjdv. 71, 74). 

4 According to the Rdjdvaliya (74) Raja Sinha and Vijaya Bahu 
had three sons by their common wife (no daughters are mentioned). 

5 There seems to be confusion here, Maha Rayigam Bandara and 
Bhuvaneka Bahu VII. being sons of the common marriage mentioned 
in the previous note. 

6 According to the Rdjdvaliya (74) Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX. 
reigned twenty-two years, Vijaya Bahu VII. succeeding him (1527). 

7 As I have said, the Rdjdvaliya does not even tell us that Dharma 
Parakrama Bahu ever married, so does not credit him with any sons. 
I think Couto must have evolved these three sons out of the three 
nephews he mentions below. 

8 Vijaya Bahu VII., on the death of his brother Dharma Parakrama 
Bahu, doubtless transferred his court from Dondra to K6tt& 

9 Four sons (and two daughters) is what Couto actually credited 
above to Raja Sinha : now he conforms to the number given by the Rdjd- 

10 Bhuvaneka Bahu, Maha Rayigam Bandara, and Mayadunne 
{Rdjdv. 75). 

11 By " this king Boenegabo Pandar " Couto means Vijaya Bahu VII. 
To him and Couto this name " Boenegabo " (with various spellings) 
seems to have been one safe to use in all doubtful cases, being applied by 
them to kings who had no claim to it (see supra, p. 57, note 1 ). 

12 The statement is correct, though the date is wrong (see supra, 
p. 22 ff.), and the inference is misleading, since Vijaya Bahu in 1506 was 
ruling in the south of Ceylon. 



ashore to get water and wood, they tried to prevent him, 
wherefore he ordered to fire from the galleons some bombard 
shots, wherewith he astonished them in such manner that 
they betook themselves into the interior, those natives not 
being accustomed to hear that new noise amongst them 1 , 
because at that time there was not a single firelock in the 
whole island ; and after we entered it, with the continual use 
of the war that we made on them, they became so dexterous 
as they are today, and came to cast the best and|ihandsomest 
artillery in the world, and to make the finest firelocks, and 
better than ours 2 , of which there are in the island today more 
than twenty thousand. This was the reason why Scipio was 
of opinion that one should never make war continuously on 
one same nation, lest they should become dexterous, as we 
have done to the Chingalas and Malavares, who by continual 
use are today more skilful than all the nations of the East, 
and so have given us more trouble to the state than all others. 

And returning to our subject, as soon as this king learnt 
of the Portuguese armada that was in his port, so great was 
his fear that he sent to proffer terms of peace to Dom Lourenco, 
and to offer vassalage, which was accepted of him with a yearly 
tribute of four hundred bares of cinnamon, which are equal to 
one thousand two hundred quintals 3 . 

These three infantes, nephews and stepsons of this king, 
beginning to grow up and arrive at manhood, their uncle and 
stepfather began to find them such an incumbrance" that he 
resolved to murder them, as he had already done with three 
other nephews, first cousins of these ; but there was not 
wanting someone who warned the youths, whereupon they 
fled from the anger of their uncle to the kingdom of Candia 4 . 
Thence, with the help of that king 5 and of other lords, they 
sallied forth with large armies and attacked Cota, killing their 
uncle, and taking from him the kingdom 6 . And as in these 

1 Cf. Rdjdv. 73, 74. On the knowledge of firearms among the natives 
of India and Ceylon, see Whiteway 37 ff. 

2 Cf. infra, p. 117, note 11 . 

3 See supra, p. 23. 

4 See Rdjdv. 74-5. According to this authority the three fled to 
Jaffna, where Mayadunne left the elder two and proceeded to Kandy 
(or, rather, " the hill-country," the city of Kandy being not yet founded). 

5 Jayavira Baiidara, according to the Rdjdvaliya (75) ; he was 
first cousin to Mayadunne (see infra, p. 124). 

6 See Rdjdv. 75-6. According to this chronicle no one could be got 
to undertake the assassination of Vijaya Bahu, until at length " a 
stranger, Salma by name " (Val. Ceylon 76 has " Seelam "), consented 
to do the bloody deed. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon.^ 


envy and covetousness had as yet no place, that affair being 
still fresh, they divided amongst themselves the empire, there 
going to the eldest, who was called Boenegabago Pandar 1 , the 
kingdom of Cota, which was the capital ; and to the middle 
one, who was called Reigao Pandar, fell the kingdom of 
Reigao with that city, where first was the capital of the 
empire 2 ; to the youngest called Madune Pandar went the city 
of Ceitavaca with its territories 3 : all three being sworn in as 
kings of that which fell to them. The king of Cota married a 
great-grand -daughter of the king Javira Pracura Mabago 4 . 

After the partition of these kingdoms had taken place, 
there arrived at this island the governor Lopo Soarez in the 
year of our Lord 1517 5 , and built the fortress of Columbo, 
that king of Cota having the vassalage renewed, with the 
obligation of three hundred hares of cinnamon, and twelve 
rings of rubies and sapphires, and six elephants for the service 
of the dockyard at Cochim. This tribute was paid for several 
years until it was entirely lost, as we shall relate more fully in 
due course. 

Dec. V., Bk. i., Chap. vi. 

Of how Madune, king of Ceitavaca, determined to take the kingdom 
from his elder brother with the help of the Camorim, who for 
that purpose sent him a great armada : and of how Martim 
Afonso de Sousa had advice thereof and went in search of it, 
and utterly destroyed it, and passed over to Geilao. 

These three brothers 6 continued in their dominions for 
some years ; but Madune the youngest, as he increased in age, 
so did he in cupidity, desiring greatly to attain to the monarchy 
of that island, scheming methods and stratagems to that end. 
And the one that seemed to him best was to murder his eldest 

1 Bhuvaneka Bahu VII. (accession 1534). 

2 Referring probably to the fact that, before founding Jayawardhana 
Kotte, Alakesvara resided in the city of Rayigama (Rdjdv. 66 ; Bell's 
Rep. of Keg. Dist. 92). Of. infra, p. 99, note 4 . 

3 See Rdjdv. 77. According to this authority Mayadunne built the 
city of Sitavaka with the aid of the minister Arya. 

4 The Rdjdvaliya (77) says that Bhuvaneka Bahu " took to wife a 
princess from the royal family of Gampola in the hill-country, and had 
a daughter by her." 

5 It was in 1518 that Lopo Soares came to Ceylon (see supra, p. 39), 
sixteen years before the partition spoken of. 

6 See preceding chapter. 



brother, because with the other he would have little trouble 1 . 
Whilst he was harbouring these designs, there happened to 
go 2 this past August [1536] seven pardos of Malavares at the 
time that Nuno Freire d' Andrade, alcaide mor and factor of that 
port 3 , was in Cota with the king, having in his company seven 
or eight Portuguese, of whom the king was very fond, because 
he was a great friend of all 4 . The Moors of the pardos being 
arrogant sent to request the king to send them forthwith 
those Portuguese. The king, in a taking at this, said " Yes "; 
and giving an account of the affair to Nuno Freire d' Andrade, 
told him that he wished to send some captains, which they 
call modeliares, to attack the Moors and chastise them for that 
impertinence. Nuno Freire begged of him as a favour that 
expedition, because it also concerned him : he granted it to 
him, giving him Samlupur arache 5 with six hundred men. 
Nuno Freire, with these few Portuguese that he had, set out 
in the daybreak watch, and at dawn arrived before Columbo : 
taking the Malavares on land unawares, and attacking them, 
he made a great slaughter, and of those that were able to 
escape, some threw themselves into the sea and got into the 
ships, while others betook themselves into the interior, and 
went to stay at Ceitavaca. Those in the sea collected in three 
of the ships, and went off, leaving the other four in the posses- 
sion of our people with all their contents. 

1 The Rdjdvaliya (77) tells us that " Mayadunne having taken counsel 
with Rayigam Baiidara raised disturbances in the territory which be- 
longed to Bhuvaneka Bahu, paying no heed to the latter being their 
elder [brother]," but gives no reason for their action. (After the para- 
graph ending with the words I have quoted, as far as page 82 of the 
Rdjdvaliya there are omissions and transpositions of events from their 
proper chronological order. The events of the years 1536-7, as here 
recorded by Couto and Barros, are entirely passed over by the Sinhalese 
chronicle. ) 

2 The words " to Columbo" (which Lavanha- inserts in taking over 
this sentence from Couto — see p. 77) appear to have been omitted 
here by an oversight. 

3 I cannot find when he was appointed to these offices. Since the 
demolition of the fortress at Columbo in 1524 (see supra, p. 55), the 
safeguarding of Portuguese interests in Ceylon had devolved upon 
the factor. Nuno Freire seems to have been succeeded as factor 
shortly after this by Manuel, de Queiros and Pero Vaz Travassos (see 
G. Lit. Reg. hi. 221, 227, 228, and infra, V. v. viiL, pp. 105, note and 
107, note 

4 Gf. Rdjdv. 79. 

5 This is, without doubt, the Sallappu Arachchi of the Rdjdvaliya ( 77), 
who in 1540 went with the embassy to Portugal (see infra, p. 1 18, note 7 ). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


By this affair Machine king of Ceitavaca was so exasperated 
against his brother, that after the Malavares had returned, on 
his informing them that he was determined to make war on his 
brother the king of Cota, they told him to send and ask succour 
of the Qamorim, and said that when the latter had sent it to 
him, he would have little trouble with that business, offering 
him their services for setting forward his ambassadors. Madune 
thereupon at once dispatched them with persons of rank, whom 
he selected for that purpose, by whom he sent costly articles 
to the Qamorim and for his ministers, asking him for a good 
armada, the expenses of which he would pay entirely to his 

These ambassadors the Qamorim received well ; and per- 
suaded by the Moors, and mastered by self-interest, he ordered 
to collect the ships that had gone out, and to fit out others 
with all speed, and made up the number of forty-five, in which 
he ordered to embark two thousand men, and made captain 
of this armada Ali Abrahem Marca 1 , a Moor who was a great 
pirate and a bold knight. This armada reached Columbo at 
the beginning of the past October ; and as Madune was 
already prepared with large armies, the Moors having joined 
him, they moved against the city of Cota, laying siege to it 
all round. 

Description of the City of Cota 2 . 

This city is situated in the midst of a beautiful lake, and has 
one single narrow pass by which it is entered, which by order 
of Nuno Freire had been fortified with a bastion and tran- 
queiras, in which was placed the artillery that they had 
captured from the pardos ; and around the city they arranged 
many boats to prevent the enemy if they sought to cross over 
to it, either in others or in jangadas 3 . 

And the first thing that the king did was to dispatch a very 
urgent message to the governor 4, in which he told him of the 
risk and danger in which he was, begging him to send him 
succour, since he was vassal to the king of Portugal ; and an- 
other to Martim Afonso de Sousa, who he learnt was in Cochim, 

1 According to Zmuddin (Lopes 63) this man was brother to Cunhale, 
of whom we shall hear later on (see infra, p. 91 et seq.}. 

2 Apparently Couto intended to give here a detailed description of 
the city of Cota, but, for some unexplained reason, omitted to do so. 
He has partially supplied this omission in VII. x. xiv. (pp. 216-7 infra). 

3 Rafts, from Tarn, sangdqlam (see Hob. -Job. s.v. " Jangar : '). 

4 Nuno da Cunha. 



in which he begged him, since he had the armada at hand, to 
come and deliver him from the power of those enemies. 
Madune continued the siege, delivering great assaults, and 
attempting the passes many times, which were valorously 
defended against him, the few Portuguese that there were 
being those that took part in all the dangers, where they 
performed astonishing feats, all being wounded many times, 
whom the king at once aided, and commanded to be tended 
like his own person, having in them the chief refuge of his 
defence : and thus the siege went dragging on for the space of 
three months, during which there were encounters worthy of 

The king's envoy, who went with the message to the gover- 
nor, arrived at Cochim, where he found the captain- major of 
the sea, Martim Afonso de Sousa, to whom he gave the letters 
from the king and from Nuno Freire representing to him the 
strait in which the king was. The captain-major seeing that 
it was an imperative obligation to succour that king, and also 
being vainglorious over the great victory of Repelim A , got 
ready with all speed, and leaving the galleys on the coast of 
Malavar, with the foists rounded Cape Comorim when it was 
now February. Thence he ran along the coast as far as the 
shoals of Manar (which are also called those of Chilao), and 
crossed over to the other side ; and making a straight course 
for the coast of Ceilao, he arrived at Columbo. The Mala- 
vares, as soon as our armada left Cochim, were at once advised 
thereof, and fearing to lose their ships, they took leave of 
Madune, and embarking in them forthwith crossed over to the 
opposite coast. Madune likewise raised the siege, and sent to 
make terms with his brother, before the armada should arrive. 

When Martim Afonso de Sousa arrived at Columbo, it was 
some ten days previously that the Malavares had departed, 
and there he learnt that the brothers were already reconciled 
and friends ; and now that he was there, he resolved to have 
an interview with the king, and set out for Cota, where he 
received him very well ; and Martim Afonso encouraged him 
and emboldened him against his brother, telling him that at 
any time that he should need it he would most certainly 
have the succour of the Portuguese. The king was much 
gratified at beholding that love and diligence with which the 
Portuguese hastened to aid him in his affairs, exchanging 
with the captain-major grand speeches and compliments, 
giving them stuffs and trinkets, both to him and to the 
captains of his company. 

1 This refers to the defeat of the raja of Eddapalli (Repelim) and the 
sack of his city by the Portuguese, as described in V. i. iv. 

No. 60. — 1908.] barros: HISTORY OF CEYLON.^ 


Martim Afonso de Sousa seeing that there was nothing else 
for him to do there took leave of the king, and went over to 
the opposite coast, and in a few days reached Malavar, where 
he received the news that the pardos had not yet returned, 
wherefore he set himself to wait for their return, sending out 
his spies to look for them 1 . 

sjs * * * * * * 


Dec. IV., Bk. vtl, Chap. xxii. 

How Madune Pandar, king of Ceitavaca, with the aid of an 
■ armada of Malavar es besieged the king Boenegobago his 
brother in the city of Cota, and Martim Afonso went to 
succour him, and fought with the armada, and defeated 

The affairs of Ceilam did not allow Martim Afonso de Sousa 
much time in Cochij 2 , because Madune Pandar king of Ceita- 
vaca persevering in his designs, and continuing in his preten- 
sion to the rule of the whole island of Ceilam (as we have said 
above 3 ), there happened to go in August of this year of 1536 
seven pardos of Malavares to Columbo, at the time that Nuno 
Freire de Andrade, alcaidemor and factor of that port, was in 
the city of Cota with seven or eight Portuguese 4 . The Moors of 
the pardos sent to request the king Boenegobago Pandar to send 

1 Shortly afterwards, having received news that the Moorish fleet was 
at Mangalor, Martim Affonso went out with his armada, met the fleet at 
sea, and totally defeated it, sinking some ships and driving others 
aground with the loss of twelve hundred Moors. 

2 In the previous chapter Barros (or Lavanha) has described the defeat 
of the Calicut armada under Cutiale Marcar by Martim Affonso de Sousa, 
who afterwards went (in May 1536) to Cochin to " winter." 

3 The reference is to IV. n. vii. , where Barros says nothing of Maya- 
dunne's designs, but where there is a long footnote, appended by the 
" editor " of Barros's Fourth Decade, Joao Baptista Lavanha, embody- 
ing information from Couto. This proves that the words in parentheses 
are one of the interpolations of that impudent forger. 

4 The foregoing words, from " there happened " to "Portuguese," 
have, it will be noticed, been " conveyed " bodily from Couto by La- 
vanha. In fact, the whole narrative is stolen from Couto's Fifth Decade, 
a word altered here and there, and this paraphrase palmed off by the 
imposter as the work of the great Portuguese historian. 



[Vol. XX. 

them forthwith those Portuguese. The king, resenting so 
great an impertinence, determined to chastise it, of which he 
told Nuno Freire, who because it concerned him begged of 
the king that expedition, and he granted it to him, and six 
hundred men with Samlupur arache their captain to accom- 
pany him. Nuno Freire set out at night 1 with them and 
the eight Portuguese, and at dawn reached Columbo, where 
taking the Malavares on land unawares he defeated them, 
killed many, and of those that were able to escape, some 
betook themselves into the jungles, and went to stay at Ceita- 
vaca, and others threw themselves into the sea, and took 
refuge in three pardos, leaving the other four in the possession 
of our people. 

Madune Pandar, mortified at the result, received and lodged 
the Malavares who had fled to Ceitavaca, who, becoming 
acquainted with his designs, advised him to send and ask 
succour of the Qamorim, whereby he would easily attain his 
object, and they offered to set forward and accompany his 
ambassadors. Madune approved of the counsel, selected from 
amongst his followers the ambassadors, and at once dispatched 
them with a costly present for the Camorij , and articles for 
his ministers, asking him for a good armada, the expense of 
which he would pay liberally. 

The Qamorij received Madune's ambassadors well, and per- 
suaded by the Moors, and mastered by self-interest, he ordered 
to collect forthwith the ships that had gone out, and to fit out 
others, and with all speed he got ready an armada of forty- 
five ships, in which he ordered to embark two thousand men, 
and as captain of it Ali Abrahem Marca, a Moor who was a 
great pirate and a bold knight. This armada reached Colum- 
bo at the beginning of October ; and as Madune was already in 
the field with a large army, the Moors having joined him, they 
all proceeded to lay siege to the city of Cota. 

This city is situated in the midst of a large lake, and is 
joined to the land by a narrow pass by which it is entered. 
This pass Nuno Freire fortified with a bastion and tranqueira, 
in which he placed the artillery that had been captured in the 
four pardos of the Malavares, and arranged that there should 
be boats to defend the passage against the enemy if they 
should attempt it in others or in jangadas. 

The king Boenegobago at once dispatched a messenger to 
the governor, begging him to send and succour him in that 

1 Lavanha, not knowing how close Kotte was to Columbo, probably 
thought Couto's " daybreak watch" to be an error, so made the ex- 
pedition start " at night." 

No. 60. — 1908.] bakros : HISTORY of CEYLON.^ 


strait in which he was, since he was vassal to the king of 
Portugal ; and he sent another to Martim Afonso de Sousa, 
who he learnt was in Cochij, praying him that with the 
armada victorious from the emprise of Repelim he would 
come and deliver him from those common enemies. Madune 
meanwhile continued the siege, delivering great assaults, 
and attempting the passes many times, which were defended 
against him with much valour, the few Portuguese that were 
there being the first in dangers, from which they emerged many 
times wounded, whom the king commanded to tend with 
great care, because in them he had his greatest defence, and 
thus the siege went dragging on for the space of three months. 

The envoy who went to the governor arrived at Cochij, 
where he found Martim Afonso de Sousa, to whom he gave the 
letter from the king and another from Nuno Freire, and re- 
presented the strait in which the king was. Martim Afonso, 
recognizing the obligation that lay upon him of succouring that 
king, vassal of the crown of Portugal, got ready with dili- 
gence ; and leaving the galleys of his armada on the coast of 
Malavar in guard of it, with the foists rounded Cape Comorij, 
having passed which, and running along the coast as far as 
the shoals of Manar, from them crossed over to Ceilam, and 
arrived at Columbo, whence when he arrived the Mala vares were 
already gone ; because having advice of the departure from 
Cochij of our armada, and fearing to lose their ships, they 
took leave of Madune Pandar, and having embarked, went 
over to the opposite coast, and Madune likewise raised the 
siege of the city before Martim Afonso should arrive, and made 
terms with the king his brother. 

Martim Afonso, seeing that without his drawing the sword 
the enemy had raised the siege against the king, thought it 
proper and a due courtesy to visit him : wherefore disembark- 
ing he set out for Cota, where the king received him with 
great demonstrations of gratitude for that succour. Martim 
Afonso offered it to him on behalf of the king of Portugal and 
of his governor of India whenever he should need it, at which 
the king was much gratified, understanding how certain was 
the favour of the Portuguese, and recognizing the willingness 
and diligence with which they had hastened to his defence. 

Martim Afonso took leave of the king, having no occasion 
for further detention there, and having embarked went over 
to the opposite coast, and in a few days reached Malavar, 
where he learnt that the pardos of Ali Abrahem had not yet 



[Vol. XX. 

Dec. V., Bk. i., Chap. vii. 

Of the various opinions that have existed amongst geographers 
as to what was the Tapobrana of Ptolemy ; and of the reasons 
that we give for its being this island of Ceilao ; and of the 
names that its cinnamon bears amongst all nations 1 . 

Before we enter upon other matters, now that we are occu- 
pied with the affairs of Ceilao, and have shown the source of 
its population, and the origin of its kings, and the names that 
the natives gave to it, it will be right that we also state 
those that it bears amongst strangers, and that we show that 
it is the true Tapobrana of Ptolemy, regarding which there 
has been such confusion amongst geographers, and the reasons 
why all of them thought this to be the island of Qamatra 2 . 

Pliny, speaking of Tapobrana 3 , says that is six 4 thousand 
stadia in length and five thousand in breadth, and that it was 
in a way considered a new world, and that it was discovered 
in the time of the emperor Claudius, and that a king of that 
island sent ambassadors to him, and that the ships that used 
to go there were not directed or steered by the stars, because 
they did not see the poles. 

Strabo speaking of Tapobrana makes it of a like size as does 
Pliny 5 . 

Onesicritus 6 , a captain of Alexander the Great's, who sailed 
this coast of India, says that Tapobrana is of five thousand 
stadia, without stating whether it is in breadth or in length, 
and that it was separated from the people of the Prasis on the 
Ganges by a sail of twenty days 7 ; and that between it and 
India there were many other islands, but that this more than 
all others lay to the south. 

1 On Ceylon as known to the Greeks and Romans see Ten. i. pt. v. 
ehap. L, Suckl. i. chap, ix., but especially the excellent volumes of J. W. 
McCrindle, Anc. Ind. as desc. in Class. Lit. Valentyn (Ceylon 14-8) has, 
without the slightest acknowledgment, taken over this whole chapter 
from Couto, and, in doing so, has made some absurd blunders, which I 
shall point out below. 

2 I do not consider that Couto in what follows proves that Ceylon was 
the Taprobane of the ancients, nor do I regard the question as yet 
solved (perhaps it never will be). I would merely refer to the further 
references to the subject in the documents given-in the appendices to my 
paper on " The Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese in 1506." 

3 See McCrindle's Anc. Ind. 102-6. 
1 Read " seven." 

5 This is not quite correct (see Anc. Ind. 20, 96). 

6 See Anc. Ind. 20. 

7 Onesikritos does not mention the Prasians. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto: history of ceylon. 81 

Arrian 1 , a Greek author, in the treatise that he made on 
the navigation of India, says that anyone setting out from the 
coast of Camora and Poduca would arrive at an island that 
lay to the west called Pallesimonda, and by the ancients 
Tapobrana, which all considered a new world, and in his time 
was well known, and that in it were bred the largest and best 
elephants of all those in India 2 . 

Eratosthenes 3 , a Greek author, says that the island of 
Tapobrana lies in the Eoan Sea between the east and west on 
the way to India twenty days' sail from Persia. 

Ptolemy 4 in his tables puts the island of Tapobrana on the 
coast of India opposite to the Comori Promontorium, which 
lies in thirteen and a half degrees north (and Pliny 5 calls it 
Colaicum Promontorium), and says 6 that before his days it 
was called Simonda, but that in his time it was known by the 
name of Salica, and its natives by that of Salim, and that it 
had a length of nine hundred and thirty miles, which is equal 
to two hundred and ten leagues of ours, and that in it was 
produced much rice, honey, ginger, beryl, jacinth, and many 
other kinds of stones and metals that are found only in the 
island of Ceilao. 

Let us turn to the geographers who make this Tapobrana 
to be the island of Qamatra. 

Micer Pogio 7 , a Florentine, secretary to the pope, a learned 
man, who by command of the holy pontiff wrote a description 
of the journey that Nicolao de Conti 8 , a Venetian, made by 
land through the whole of India to Cathay, says in it that this 
Venetian arrived at Qamatra anciently Tapobrana. 

Maximilan Transilvanus, also a learned man, and secretary 
to an emperor, in a letter that he wrote to the cardinal of 

1 The reference is to the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, by an unknown 
author, but formerly attributed to Arrian. See McCrindle's Com. and 
Nav. of the Eryth. Sea 141, 144. 

2 The passage in the Periplus does not mention elephants. 

3 I can find no such statement as follows in the quotation from 
Eratosthenes in McCrindle's Anc. Ind. Couto repeats the statement 
further on. 

4 See Ptolemy's map of India in McCrindle's Anc. Ind. as desc. by 

5 See McCrindle's Anc. Ind. 104. 

6 See McCrindle's Anc. Ind. as desc. by Ptol. 24:7. 

7 Val. has " Michael [!] Poggius." 

8 See translation in Ind. in the Fift. Cent. Gf. also Yule's Marco Polo 
(3rd ed.) ii. 295. 

o 36-08 



Salzburg 1 , in which he gave him an account of the first voyages 
that the Portuguese made to India, says that they arrived at 
the shores of Calicut, and thence at Qamatra, which anciently 
was called Tapobrana. 

Benedeto Bordone in his Insulario 2 says that the island of 
Madagascar (which is that of Sao Lourenco) lay to the west of 
Ceilao one thousand three hundred miles and to the south of 
Tapobrana one thousand eight hundred ; and many other 
geographers who write in the same way, whom we omit, to 
avoid prolixities. 

Our great Joao de Barros alone, a man most learned in 
geography, speaking in his Decades of the island of Ceilao 3 , 
says that it is the Tapobrana of Ptolemy, as he proved more 
fully in his Tables of Geography, which after his death dis- 
appeared, which was a very serious loss. And although his 
authority were enough as sufficient proof of Ceilao's being 
Tapobrana, and Ptolemy's putting it on the hither side of 
the Ganges on the coast of India (which cannot be under- 
stood of Qamatra, which lies so far beyond the Ganges), 
nevertheless we shall examine the ancient geographers whom 
we have named, and shall show how all speak of Ceilao, and 
not of Qamatra. 

Pliny 4 says that Tapobrana is six thousand stadia in length, 
which is two hundred and ten leagues, and that in the time of 
the emperor Claudius it was discovered by a freedman of Annius 
Plocamus, who going along Arabia in a ship was caught by 
the westerly gales, and in fifteen days passed beyond Carmania. 
and arrived at Tapobrana, and that the king of that place 
received him very well, and he gave him some coins which he 
had brought of those that were current in Rome, which had 
the likeness of the emperor engraved on them ; and that the 
king sent with him his ambassadors to visit that emperor. 

By all these facts we consider it to be proved that this is 
the island of Ceilao. As to the size of the island, it is the same 
that Ptolemy 5 gives to it, because in his tables it extends as 
far as to pass the equator two degrees to the south, by which 

1 De Mollucis insulis, itemque aliis pluribus mirandis, quae novissima 
Castellanorum nauigatio szreniss. Imperatoris Caroli V. auspicio sus- 
pecta, nuper inuenit : Maximiliani Transylvani epistola ad Reverendiss. 
Cardinalem Saltzburgensem lectu per quam jucunda. Coloniae, .... anno 
.... MDXXIII. mense lanuario. (Often reprinted.) 

2 Isolario .... net qual si ragiona di tutte Vlsoledelmondo .... Vinegia, 
1534 (and later editions). 

3 See supra, III. II. i. (p. 29 et seq.). 
1 See McCrindle's Anc. Ind. 120 ff. 

5 See McCrindle's Anc. Ind. as desc. by Ptol. 247 ft*. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


it appears that in his time it had the same magnitude ; and the 
natives affirm, and hold it to be fully confirmed by their 
writings, that formerly this island was so large, that it joined 
on to the islands of Mai diva, and that in course of time the 
sea consumed it at that part, covering it in the manner in 
which it is seen today ; and that the highest parts remained 
separated into many islands, as they lie today stretching in 
a line in the rumb that seamen call north-west and south-east, 
in which they assert that there are more than thirty thousand 
islands. And already in the time of the same Ptolemy, who 
lived in the year of our Lord 143, it appears that the sea had 
begun to cause this devastation : because he says that around 
Tapobrana there were one thousand three hundred and 
seventy -eight islands. And with regard to the freedman of 
Annius being carried -by the winds from Arabia in fifteen days 
to Tapobrana, it is very clear that Ceilao is spoken of, which 
lies five hundred leagues from the coast of Arabia, which is 
the most that can be sailed in fifteen days. And this island 
lies on the coast of India beyond Carmania ; and Qamatra is 
outside the whole of India, and many leagues beyond the 
Ganges ; and simply to go from Ceilao to Camatra other fifteen 
days with a stern wind are needed. 

And in addition to all these proofs we find today in Ceilao 
vestiges of Roman buildings, which shows that they formerly 
had communication with that island. And we may even say 
more, that in it were found the same coins that this freedman 
took, when Joao de Mello de Sao Payo was captain of Manar in 
Ceilao, in the year of our Lord 1574 or 1575 1 , in excavating 
some buildings that stand on the other side in the territories 
that they call Mantota, where even today there appear here 
and there very large ruins of Roman masonry work ; and 
whilst some workmen were engaged in taking out stone, they 
came upon the lowest part of a piece of foundation, and on 
turning it over they found an iron chain of such strange fashion 
that there was not in the whole of India a craftsman who 
would undertake to make another like it. And they also 
found two copper coins, one quite worn, and another of base 
gold, likewise worn on one side, and on the other could still 
be made out the figure of a man, from the breast upwards, 
with a piece of lettering around worn away in some parts, 
but there could still be made out clearly at the beginning this 
letter C, the following ones being worn away, and the lettering 

1 This must, I think, be an error for " 1584 or 1585," since Joao de 
Mello was captain of Mannar in 1587-8 (see infra, pp. 305, 361), and it 
is improbable that he had held the post for so long a period. 




[Vol. XX. 

continued around, in which could be seen these other letters 
RMNgs . This chain and the medals were taken to Joao de 
Mello, who prized them much, and took them to the kingdom 
to give them to the king, and was lost at sea in the year 1590. 
when he went in the ship Sad Bernardo in the company of 
Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, who had terminated his governor- 
ship of India and sailed in the ship Bom Jesus 1 . And it is 
possible that these coins were some of those that the freedman 
of Annius brought there, and that during the six months 
that he was in that island he set about those buildings in the 
Roman style, and that he placed in the foundations those coins 
(a thing very common in the whole of Europe). And after 
considering the letters on the coin, and having read many 
ancient letterings, it seems to us that this letter C is the 
first of the name of Claudius ; and thaf the following ones, 
which were already worn away, must have read Imperator, 
because the others RMNl^ clearly stand for Romanorum 2 . 

Another coin like this one was found in the Spanish Indies, 
which was discovered by Pedro Colon (according to what is 
stated by Lucius Marinseus Siculus in his book De las Cosas 
Memorables de Espana, in the life of the Catholic kings 3 ) when 
other foundations like these were being excavated, which bore 
the likeness of Caesar Augustus. This coin Do in Joao Rufo, 
archbishop of Cuenca, had, and sent it to the supreme pontiff, 
from which Lucius Marinseus 4 inferred that the Romans 
formerly sailed to those parts. 

And returning to our subject, if it is true, as Hector de 
Laguna 5 says, that in the time of Pope Paul was found a stick 

1 See infra, p. 305, note 5 . Valentyn alters the date to 1591 (it was 
really 1592), and for Bom Jesus has " Ban Tehis " ! 

2 Of course there is not a trace of Roman buildings in Ceylon ; 
and though many Roman coins have been found in various parts of 
the island, there is no proof that a single Roman ever landed on its 
shores. See, on the above, my note in the R. A. S. Jl.,n. s., 1905, p. 156. 
Valentyn makes nonsense of Couto's argument in the last clause, by 
substituting " Keyser " for " Imperator," and " der Romeynen " 
for " Romanorum." 

3 Obra compuesta por L. Marineo de las cosas memorables de 

Espana. Alcala de Henares, 1539. 

4 Valentyn has " Maximus." 

5 For " Hector " read " Andres." Couto seems to have evolved the 
erroneous name in copying from Garcia da Orta, who throughout his 
work refers to Laguna as " Tordelaguna," an error which his friend 
Dines Bosque points out to him in the 58th Coloquio (see G-. da Orta i. 
210, ii. 378-9). The reference here is to Dr. Andres de Laguna' s transla- 
tion of Dioscorides, entitled Pedacio Dioscorides Anazarbeo, acerca de la 

No. 60. — 1908.] coiJTO : history of oeylon. 

of cinnamon (which was preserved in Rome as a precious 
object), the which, as appeared from a lettering that it bore, 
had been there from the time of the emperor Arcadius, son 
of Theodosius, who succeeded to the empire in the year of our 
Lord 397, which was one hundred and twenty-six years after 
Claudius, who ruled in 271 , it might well be that it was brought 
as a present by those ambassadors who came with the freedman. 

And leaving Pliny let us come to Onesicritus. The latter 
says 1 that Tapobrana was of five thousand stadia, and that 
Brasis on the Ganges was separated from it by a sail of twenty 
days ; and that between India and it there were many islands , 
but that it lay more than all others to the south. As to the 
size, he agrees with Ptolemy. In regard to its being separated 
from the Ganges by a space of twenty days' journey, and 
there being between it and India many islands, this shows 
clearly that he spoke of Ceilao, because it is the same days' 
journey from the Ganges, and lies to the south of the whole 
coast of India, and the many islands that he refers to are those 
of Mamale 2 , and all the others, of which Ptolemy makes 
mention, and Qamatra lies to the east of India very distant 
from it. 

Arrian 3 , the Greek author, in saying that anyone setting out 
from the coast of Comara and Poduca for the west would 
arrive at Tapobrana, it is very evident speaks of Ceilao : 
because Ptolemy in his tables places Comara and Poduca in 
14| degrees on the opposite coast of India on the inner side of 
the Promontorium Comori, which appears to be Sao Thome 
or Negapatao : because anyone who sets out from that coast 
to reach Ceilao has to sail to the west, and for Qamatra to the 
east ; and it is well known that the island of Ceilao Breeds 
the largest and best elephants of all those in India, as the 

Materia Medicinal, &c, Salamanaca, 1566, p. 23, where, in a note to 
cap. xiii., Del Cinamomo, Laguna says that when he was in Rome he 
was presented by his friend Master Dr. Gilberto with a fragment of the 
reddish kind of cinnamon called montana, which had by mere chance 
been found, together with other things, with the body of Maria, sister of 
Arcadius and Honorius, and wife of Stilicon, who had been interred in 
the Vatican more than 1,400 years before, her tomb having been 
discovered during the pontificate of Paul III. (1534-49). Laguna, 
however, says nothing about a " lettering " on the " stick " (as Couto 
calls it) of cinnamon, nor does he say how the tomb was identified. 
Valentyn, in taking over Couto's remarks, creates a new error by 
turning Laguna into " Lagena." 

1 See supra, page 80, notes 6 and 7 . 

2 The Laccadives (see supra, page 21, note 2 ). 
:i See supra, page 81, notes 1 and 2 ). 



same Arrian says. And so much so is this, that all others 
recognize in them such superiority, that on any of them seeing 
one from Ceilao, immediately it runs away from it as if mad, 
of which we have experience every day in this city of Goa 
among those that the king employs in his dockyard from 
different countries 1 . 

Eratosthenes 2 , the Greek author, says that Tapobrana lies 
in the Eoan Sea between the east and the west, separated by 
a twenty days' sail from Persia, at the commencement of 
India. This writer speaks even more clearly of Ceilao, which 
lies in eight degrees north between east and west ; and however 
much wind the ship may have, she will not do more, starting 
from the mouth of the Persian Gulf, than arrive in twenty days 
at Ceilao, which is five hundred leagues 3 ; and Qamatra is not 
in the Eoan Sea, but below the equator, and hence we have 
proved Ceilao to be Tapobrana. 

Let us now come to the modern geographers who make it 
Camatra. All of these looking for this island of Tapobrana 
below the equator, where Ptolemy places it (because in his 
time, as we have said, it extended two degrees to the south 
side), and running along the whole coast of India as far as 
beyond the Ganges, finding no other but Qamatra, without 
further consideration made it Tapobrana ; as in like manner 
without it they made the river Indus fall into the Gulf of Cam- 
bay a, which is an error, and whence it arose we shall with the 
divine favour show further on 4 . And so Benedeto Bordone 
commenting on that passage in Pliny speaking of Tapobrana, 
where he says " Septentrion non cwnitur" in the annotation 
that he makes upon it reprehends Pliny for saying that in it 
the star of the arctic pole was not seen : because he says that 
those that live in Tapobrana in the part towards the Promon- 
torium Colaicum see this pole at an elevation of thirteen degrees . 
and that conformably to the altitudes in which those of that 
island live, so will they see its elevation ; but that those 
who lived below the equator could see neither one pole nor the 
other, in which he contradicts himself, because he makes 
Qamatra Tapobrana ; and the equator cuts this island of 

1 Valentyn here coolly transfers to the time when he wrote {circa 1720) 
Couto's personal experience of over 120 years earlier ! This fable of the 
recognition by other elephants of the superiority of those from Ceylon 
is met with in many writers. I do not know who originated it. 

2 See supra, page 81, note 3 . 

3 Valentyn credits all this to Eratosthenes, and has " a hard wind," 
" a light ship," and " the N. of the strait of Persia." 

1 This promise (which Valentyn, parrot- wise, also makes!) Oouto 
appears not to have fulfilled. 

No. 60. — 1908.] cotjto : history of ceylon. 


Qamatra in the middle, and it does not extend on one side and 
the other towards the poles more than five degrees : whereby 
those that live at the point of Day a, which is the most north- 
erly, do not see that star at an elevation of more than five 
degrees ; and in the same manner those that live at the other 
end in the direction of the arctic scarcely get a glimpse of it : 
which is contrariwise in Ceilao, because those that live at the 
point of Jafanapatao see the arctic pole at an elevation of 
eight and a half degrees ; and those that dwell at the point 
of Gale (which is the most southerly) see it at an elevation of 
five. Hence it is clearly seen that the latter is Tapobrana,, 
which at that time extended to two degrees south ; and that the 
Colaicum Promontorium of Pliny and the Comori of Ptolemy 
is to be found in Cape Comorim we hold as indubitable : 
because at that time, and many years afterwards, the king- 
dom of Coulao was the greatest in the whole of Malavar, 
and extended to about the shoals of Chilao 1 ; and as that Cape 
Comorim belonged to that kingdom, and is one of the famous 
ones of the world, it was denominated by Pliny Colaicum 
Promontorium, as much as to say, " the promontory of 
Coulao," or " of the kingdom of Coulao." And Ptolemy's 
calling it Cori Promontorium may well be from the town of 
Titi Cori, which lies beyond it, and which at that time would 
be an important place and frequented by strangers, wherefore 
Ptolemy gave that cape its name. 2 And for this reason, and 
for others that we omit, it appears to us that this island of 
Ceilao is that of Jambulus 3 , of which Diodorus Siculus 4 
makes mention at the end of the second book of the abbrevia- 
tion of his history, which Baptista Ramnusio and others make 

And it has given us no little trouble 5 trying to find whence 
this name of Tapobrana had its beginning and origin, which 
we have turned over in our mind many times : because in the 
whole island of Ceilao there is not a port, bay, city, town, 
promontory, spring, or river, that bears any resemblance to 

1 Of. Barb. 157 et seq. 

2 Like most of Couto's etymological explanations of place-names, the 
above are merely pour rire. 

3 Here Valentyn has met the deserved fate of literary pirates. Mis- 
taking his original, he has made himself ridiculous by saying " it appears 
to us that this island of Ceylon is also the same as Sambola [ate]," &c. ! 
He evidently thought the writer Iambulus was an island 1 

4 See McCrindle's Anc. Ind. 204. 

5 Valentyn is not ashamed of deliberately lying, by taking over these 



this name, neither in its chronicles 1 , nor in those of the Canaras , 
nor in any language of India, has it any signification or is it 
understood, wherefore it seems to us that it is a Greek name 
given by Ptolemy, which was intended to signify some great- 
ness or peculiarity of that island 2 ; because moreover the 
name of Ceilao was given from those shoals on which the 
Chins were wrecked near that island, which became so famous 
thenceforward, that the island was then known not by its 
proper name, but by that of the shoals : because as the 
Persians and Arabs sailed to that island, and went in fear of 
those shoals, they always bore them in their thoughts, saying 
that they were going to Cinlao, or that they had come from 
Cinlao, that is to say, that they were going to or coming from 
the shoals of the Chins : and thus, the letters becoming 
changed in course of time, that island continued being 
called Ceilao 3 . 

And because on every occasion that offers itself we 4 seek 
to show the great corruption that time has caused in all the 
proper names of cities, kingdoms, rivers, mountains, simples, 
drugs, and other things in these parts, we wish to begin at 
once here, whilst we are still in this island, and tell all the 
names of its cinnamon, both those that were given to it by 
the Greeks, Latins, Persians, and Arabs, and those that it 
has among all the nations of the East, and we shall show the 
corruption that time has brought therein, which is the cause 
of there being amongst all the physicians great confusion. 

Cinnamon 5 in this island, where grows the best in all the 
East, is called corundo potra, which means "tree of bark" 6 . 
The Malavares, where the worst and coarsest grows, call it 
caroa potu, which is the same as " tree of bark " 7 : because the 
bark, which the Chingallas call corundo, the Malavares term 
caroa ; the Arabs call it car fa 8 . This name is current in 

1 Of. V. i. v. (p. 62). 

2 Couto may be excused for knowing nothing of the name Tamba- 

3 Of. Barros III. n. i. (p. 31). 

4 Here again Valentyn takes the credit to himself. 

5 Compare what follows with Garcia da Orta's fifteenth Coloquio, 
and the notes thereon by the Conde de Ficalho, who justly thinks Couto 
has appropriated from his compatriot. 

6 The explanation is, of course, wrong, kurundu-potta meaning 
'* cinnamon bark." G. da Orta has cuurdo. 

7 Tarn, karuvdppattai — " cinnamon bark." G. da Orta has earned, 
an evident misprint for carud. 

8 Arabic kirfat. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


corrupted form amongst our physicians, because some call it 
quirfe, others quirfa. The Persians name it darcin, which 
means " wood of China " : because as the Chins were the first 
who carried to the Strait of Persia the drugs, stuffs, and wares 
of the East, and from there through the hands of the Persians 
all passed to Europe, by the names that they gave them there 
these things were known, and not by their proper ones which 
they bore in their own countries. Serapion 1 interprets this 
darcin, and says that it means " tree of China," because he 
thought that they grew in that province, owing to finding 
cinnamon in the hands of the Chins, as we have said. After 
the same manner Arrian 2 was deceived in saying that cassia 
and zinguir, which were certain varieties of cinnamon, grew 
in some places of the Troglodyte, and that thence the mer- 
chants carried them to Greece. 

Pliny 3 fell into the same error, saying that cinnamon grew 
in Ethiopia near the Troglodyte, and that that part through 
which the equator ran was called by the ancient authors 
cinamomi fera, which means " country that produces cinna- 
mon," which must have originated from this cinnamon's 
having reached his hands by way of the Red Sea by means of 
the Arab merchants who lived in that part of the Troglodyte, 
and not asking in Greece where this drug grew, it was thought 
that it was produced in the country of the Arabs who brought 
it thither : as also some ancient writers, because they saw 
cinnamon come by way of Aleppo, called it cinamomo alipitino. 
And because of this confusion we do not know today what 
kinds of spiceries and scents are duaca, mocroto, magla, and 
asiplij, of which Arrian makes mention 4 , who says that they 
grow in Arabia and Ethopia : nor the nicato, gabalio, and tarro, 
which Pliny 5 named as scents of Arabia, whence we know of 
nothing but incense, storax, and myrrh, which possibly may 
be those of Pliny ; nor in the whole of Ethiopia was there any 
drug but ginger, and this very bad, and only in the kingdom 
of Damute. 

And returning to the names of cinnamon, the Malays call 
it caio manis, which in their language means " sweet wood," 
which is the caisman or caesmanis of the Greeks : because it 

1 Liber Serapionis aggregatus in medicinis simplicibus. Venice. 
1479 (and later editions). 

2 The reference seems to be to the Periplus (see McCrindle's ed. 62). 

3 I cannot find any statement, such as is here attributed to Pliny, in 
McCrindle's Anc. Ind. 

4 See McCrindle's Erythr. Sea 15 ff. 

5 I cannot find such names in McCrindle's Anc. Ind. 



appears that it also came to them with this Malay name, and 
they corrupted it, the Greeks also calling it cassia lignea, a 
name that we have found among none of the nations of the 
East, having inquired well through all the physicians. And 
venturing our opinion, it seems to us that it should be cais 
lignea, which is the same as " wood of dais " : because anciently, 
before the kingdom of Ormuz was transferred to the island of 
Gerum, where it is today, the capital and emporium of the 
whole of that strait was the island of Cais, which lies beyond 
Ormuz inside the Strait 1 . And as at that time the merchants 
of Europe stayed in that island, as they do today in that of 
Ormuz, carrying away the cinnamon that the Chins brought 
to them, it would seem that in Greece they said that they 
brought it from the island of Cais, and that on this account 
they called it cais lignea 2 . All this we say subject to correction 
by the doctors of medicine, having meddled in a matter of their 
profession ; because our intention was no more than to show 
the corruption that time has wrought in the names of cin- 
namon 3 . 

Dec. V., Bk. n., Chap. iv. 

Of the wars that there were in Geilao between those two brother- 
kings : and of the succour that the Qamorim sent to Madune : 
and of how Martini Afonso de Sousa defeated the armada of 
the Qamorim in Beadald. 

So great was the ambition of Madune Pandar. king of 
Ceitavaca, and so insufferable was it to him to see his brother, 
although his elder, equal with himself in power, that he did 
not cease to think of and devise methods of putting him to 
death, and taking the kingdom from him, in order to obtain 
the monarchy of the whole of that island. And so he planned 
many times to give him poison, but without effect, because 
they caught with it some whom he had for that purpose bribed 
heavily, who under torture confessed the truth ; wherefore 
thenceforward the king of Cotta took great care of himself, 
eating only things cooked with his own hands 4 . Madune, 
seeing that his plots were discovered, determined to take the 

1 See Teix. 236. 

2 Couto's ingenious derivations will not hold water. 

3 On the history of cinnamon see Fliickiger and Hanbury's Pharma- 
cographia, 2nded. s London, 1879, pp. 519-23. 

4 As I have said above, the Rdjdvaliya passes over in silence this 
period of Ceylon history. Couto repeats these accusations against 
Mayadunne in V. n. x. (p. 99 infra). 

No. 60. — 1908.] ootJTO : history of ceylon. 


kingdom from him by war, and once more to avail himself of 
the Qamorim, dispatching in August past [1637] ambassadors 
with a sum of money and many jewels as a present to the 
Qamorim, sending to ask him for a large armada, for which he 
sent the expenses, in order to aid him in that enterprise, 
offering him some sea-ports in that island. 

The Qamorim received these ambassadors favourably, and 
forthwith sent to all the ports of his kingdom to hire all the 
vessels there were ; and he chose for that expedition three 
leading Moors, called Paichimarca (whom some wrongly call 
Patemarca) and his brother Cunhalemarca 1 , both natives of 
Cochim, born and brought up among the Portuguese 2 ; and the 
other was Aly Abrahem 3 . The Qamorim ordered pay to be 
issued to troops throughout the kingdom, and mustered 
eight thousand men to make this expedition, giving orders that 
all the vessels should go and unite at Panane 4 , where Paichi- 
marca lived. The armada proceeded to get ready in the 
rivers, and as soon as the vessels were fit to leave they went 
to Panane 5 

Martim Afonso de Sousa received this mes- 
sage 6 in Chale 7 , and making haste arrived at Cochim, where he 
disembarked to arrange some matters for proceeding to Ceilao 
in search of the enemy, having already had advice of the route 

they had taken 


...... Martim Afonso arrived at CapeComori, where 

he had speech of some boats that he found there, and learnt 
that the enemy were making their way inside in order to pass 
the shoals of Manar 


1 Barros (or Lavanha) wrongly calls him Cutiale (see p. 99 infra). His 
name was in reality Kufiji 'Ali. 

2 Couto does not say why they became enemies of their former 

3 See supra, p. 75. 

4 Ponani, between Cochin and Calicut. 

5 To get something like a consecutive narrative, the extracts from 
Barros-Lavanha on pp. 92-4 and 95-8 should be combined with those 
from Couto on pp. 90-2 and 94-5. 

6 From the captain of Cochin, to say that the Moorish fleet had set 
out from Ponani. 

7 An old port of Malabar, on the south side of the Beypur river (see 
Hob. -Job. 8.v. " Chalia "). 



[Vol. XX. 

Having gained this victory 1 , which was one of the 

famous ones of India, Martini Afonso de Sousa commanded 
to sack the enemies' quarters, where they found great spoils, 

And among this was captured an umbrella, which the 

Qamorim was sending to Madune 2 ; 

* * * 5j« * * * 


Dec. IV., Bk. viii. , Chap. xii. 

Of what Martim Afonso de Sousa, captain-major of the sea, 
did when going in search of an armada of the king of 
Calicut's, the captain-major of which was Pate Mar car. 

* * # # * # # 

Also on the coast of Calle and Callecare, which is 

beyond Cape Comorij, in the fishery of seed-pearl, because of 
it there was collected there another great number of them 3 ; 
and if the Portuguese had not entered India they would now 

have been masters of its whole coast, and of Ceilam ; 

And because at this time there nourished greatly a Moor by 
the name of Pate Marcar 4 , who went rowing about those seas 
in great force, and doing us some injuries, it will be necessary 
to treat a little of him. 

This Moor lived in Cochij , and with two ships that he had 
carried on a large trade in many wares that he loaded for 
Cambaia, with cartazes 5 of safe conduct from the captains of 
Cochij. These ships were taken from him by Portuguese, 
without the cartazes that he carried being valid with them. 
And because he had no restitution for this loss, desiring to 
recoup himself for it, like an aggrieved man as he was, he 
transferred himself to Calecut with his household, and 
became a pirate 6 ; whereupon the king of Calecut, seeing 

1 See G. Lit. Reg. iii. 213, iv. 205 ; Whiteway 252-3 ; Lopes 63-4. 
The engagement took place in January 1538. 

2 As a token, doubtless, of his recognition of Mayadunne's claim to 
the kingdom of Ceylon (see Hob. -Job. s.v. Umbrella "). 

3 Moors, " the greatest enemies that the Portuguese have in India," 
of whose widespread dispersion throughout the East Barros (or Lavanha) 
speaks in the first part of this chapter. 

4 See page 57, note 2 . 

5 Passports. On these see Pyr. ii. 206. 

6 On piracy in Portuguese times see Whiteway 47 ff. - 

?^ 0> go. — 1908.] BARROS : HISTORY OF CEYLON. 


that the affairs of Cambaia still occupied us 1 , fitted 
out for him vessels, beside those that he had ; and with the 
help of other wealthy Moors, who wished to injure the Portu- 
guese, he got together an armada of forty-seven rowing vessels, 
in order to go and help Madune Pandar against his brother the 
king of Ceilam. With this king the Portuguese were on 
terms of great friendship, and he paid the king of Portugal the 
tribute that we have already described in the events of the 
time of Lopo Soarez, when he governed India, and built a 
fortress in that island. And as Madune Pandar saw that 
besides the great power that his brother had, our friendship 
afforded him great help, because in Columbo, where he resided 2 , 
the Portuguese always had their factory for the cinnamon 
that came from that island, and moreover knew of the war 
that we had with the king of Calecut, and that Pate Marcar 
was at that time going about in force, he sent word to him 
secretly to help him against his brother ; and the compact that 
they made was, that he desired no more than to remain with 
the title of king, and free from giving cinnamon to the Portu- 
guese ; and that he would give him all his brother's treasure, 
which was reported to be very great. This obliged the king 
of Calecut to send thither Pate Marcar with the fleet of forty- 
seven 3 sail of which we have spoken, in which he carried more 
than two thousand men 4 , with a great number of pieces of 
artillery, so well prepared in every way, and with such skilful 
and brave men, that the Turks of the sea of the Levant did not 
approach them in discipline and fighting spirit. 

5|C ^» *l» *}» *J» 

At this time Martim Afonso de Sousa, captain- major of the 
sea, was cruising with forty sail guarding the coast of Malavar. 
And as the order of guarding it is to make a run to the north 
as far as Baticala, and another to the south as far as Coulam, 
having made a run to the north, when he returned, he learnt 
that Pate Marcar had sallied forth from Panane with his 
armada, of which he was captain-major, and had his brother 
Cutiale Marcar as second in command, and as third AH Abra- 
hem, a valiant captain of the king of Calecut's, a native of 

Pate Marcar going on captured a vessel of ours that 

was coming from Ceilam with the cargo of cinnamon for the 

1 Rather, the affairs of Diu (see Whiteway, op. cit., chap. xi.). 

2 This is doubtless one of Lavanha's blunders. The king, of course, 
resided at Cota. 

3 Couto says fifty-one. Zmuddm says forty-two galleys. 

4 Couto, as we have seen, says eight thousand. 



[Vol. XX. 

ships that were to go to the kingdom. The captain and factor 
of this vessel was Antonio Barreto, who died in the fight, and 

all our people that were in her 1 Martini Afonso, as 

the weather was contrary to him, and he learnt that Pate 
Marcar had not crossed over to Ceilam, determined to go 
forward until he came across him, and by force of rowing 
almost under water he ran along the coast until he reached 
the port of Calle 2 after nightfall, where he slept. 

#|» #jc *|C »|» 5|» 


Dec. V., Bk. n., Chap. v. 

Of the other things that happened to Martini Afonso de Sousa 
during the whole of the rest of the summer : and of how he 
proceeded to Ceilad : and of the terms of peace that those 
kings made. 

* * * * * * * 

And Martim Afonso de Sousa, thinking it was his 

duty to advise the governor of this victory, dispatched 
Miguel d'Ayala, captain of a catur, by whom he wrote to the 
governor and to the captain of Cochim of the favour that 
God had done him : and to the king of Cochim he sent the 
umbrella which the Qamorin was sending to Madune. ...... 

Having dispatched this catur, Martim Afonso de Sousa at 
once got ready and embarked to go to Ceilao to have an 
interview with that king, taking the best of the enemy's vessels, 
with which he recruited his armada, and the rest he sent to 
Cochim, and thus he went, already at the end of February 
[1538] , towards the shoals, which he crossed very well to Manar , 
and from there along the coast he went to Columbo. And 
we shall leave him for a little, as it is necessary for us to 
continue with Miguel d'Ayala, who had gone with the message 
to Goa. 


1 Correa also mentions this (see G. Lit. Reg. iii. 212). 

2 Either Cael (Kayalpattanam) or Callecare (Kilakarai). 


And returning to Martim Afonso de Sousa, who was on his 
way to Ceilao, in a few days he arrived with all his armada 
at the port of Cohimbo , and there disembarked, and with all 
his troops arranged in order marched for Cota, in order to have 
an interview with that king, who received him with great 
honour ; finding him already relieved of anxiety and at peace 
with his brother ; because as soon as he learnt of the defeat of 
Paichi Marc a, and of the arrival of our armada at Columbo, he 
sent to ask his brother for terms of peace, which he granted 
him, because he was a good-natured man. For which the king 
of Cota gave thanks to Martim Afonso de Sousa, appreciating 
greatly the good faith that the Portuguese kept with him, and 
how they hastened to help him in his troubles. Martim 
Afonso de Sousa, seeing that there was nothing for him to do 
there, treated with the king regarding his coming, and asked 
him for a loan towards the expenses of the armada and the pay 
of the soldiers (because he had sent and offered all this). The 
king granted him this with great alacrity, commanding to 
givefhim forty-five thousand cruzados, which were charged 
as a loan upon the factor of Columbo, in whose receipt-book 
we saw this money : and both this and much other that 
he afterwards lent was repaid to him very badly, and even 
today 1 the greater part is owing to him (the king of Portugal 
urging strongly upon his governors to make a very prompt 
payment to him 2 ). Martim Afonso de Sousa took leave of the 
king, who gave stuffs and trinkets both to him and to all the 
captains, and making sail he returned to Cochim 


Dec. IV., Bk. vih., Chap. xiii. 

How Martim Afonso de Sousa with four hundred Portuguese 
fought Pate Mar car, who was on land with four thousand 
fighting men, and conquered and defeated him, and captured 
his armada, with the death of many Moors. 


Whilst Martim Afonso had gone to Cochij to refit, Pate 
Marcar, thinking that it was by reason of the bad weather, or 

1 Circa 1597. 

2 See infra, pp. 165-7. 



[Vol. XX. 

because he was afraid to fight, went and entered a port that 
they call Beadala 1 . The land of this place has the appearance 
of a thumb, because on the outer side of it, as it were at 
the first joint, where it joins the hand, stands the town, 
and on the other and inner side is a large gulf, as one can 
figure by separating all the other four fingers from this 
thumb, which form the coast that ends at the point and 
cape that they call Canhameira 2 . At the end of this thumb 
on the nail is built a sumptuous heathen temple, Ramanacor 
by name 3 ; and so narrow is the land from this sea outside 
to that inside the gulf, where stands Beadala, that Joao 
Fernandez Correa 4 , the former captain of the fishery of 
seed-pearl, which is fished in that latitude, was about to 
cut through that land. And the advantage of this breach 
was, that that passage from there to Canhameira is full of 
many islets, sandbanks, and shoals ; and in windy weather 
it is very perilous for navigation. And passing through this 
breach that he intended to make, vessels would enter the 
great gulf, and with the mainland that lay at the upper part 
they would be more sheltered, and it would be better sailing, 
and moreover it would be advantageous to the captains of the 
fishery who were stationed there 5 . 

1 Vedalai on the Ramnad coast (see Hob.-Job. s.v., where Yule has 
confused Payichchi Marakkar with 'Ali Ibrahim). 

2 Point Calimere. This must not be confused with the Canhameira 
(Conimere) on the Coromandel coast (seeHob.-Job. s.v. '« Conhameira"). 
Curiously enough, Yule has omitted to enter Calimere Point in his 
monumental work. Barros in I. ix. i. mentions the two, as Canha- 
meira and Conhomeira. 

3 Ramanakovil, the famous temple on the (now) island of Pamban. 

4 In Couto VII. ix. iii. (p. 192) we shall meet with him as captain of 
Negapatam (in 1560). 

6 The foregoing passage is of great interest in connection with the 
history of the Pamban channel. According to Hunter's Imp. Gaz. xi. 
22, " the ancient records preserved in the temple of Rameswaram 
relate that in the year 1480 a violent storm breached the isthmus, 
and that, despite efforts to restore the connection, subsequent 
storms rendered the breach permanent." I cannot find that the 
pioneer work of the Portuguese in the cutting of the channel has 
been noticed by writers on the subject. According to the anonymous 
writer of Primor e Honra (i. 24) the actual cutting of *fche channel was 
carried out by Joao Fernandes Correa in 1549, when the Jesuit 
father Antonio Criminal was murdered by the natives (see F- y S. 
II. ii. vii. 6). 

No. 60. — 1908.] BARROS : HISTORY OF CEYLON. 


Pate Marcar, as he intended to cross over from there to the 
island of Ceilam, which lay in front, set about cleaning his 
foists, and those that he had already careened with their sterns 
on shore and the prows in the sea, between which ran a chain 
of shoals along the thumb that we have figured, in such man- 
ner that they could not be reached from the sea outside except 
by a channel near the town, and he was lodged on land in a 
palm -grove that ran along the thumb opposite to the pagode 
of Ramanacor, and had a decorated tent and the pomp of a 
prince in his array al, in which he had seven thousand men, 
because as he was going for that business of placing Madune 
Pandar in possession of the kingdom of Ceilam, he had mus- 
tered all the Moors that lived on that coast, which has a great 
swarm of them, by reason of the fishery of seed-pearl, as we 
have said above. 


Among the spoils of this battle was captured an umbrella, 
which the Camorij was sending to Madune, which Martim 
Af onso sent as a present to the king of Cochij by Miguel de Aiala , 
whom he ordered to go on from Cochij to Dio with letters for 
the governor 1 , in which he gave him an account of that victory. 
Miguel de Aiala arrived at Cochij , and presented the king with 
the umbrella, which he valued greatly, and much more the 
news of the victory, which was as much rejoiced over in that 
city as lamented in Malavar. . 

Dec. IV., Bk. vni., Chap. xiv. 

Of other victories that Martim A f onso de Sousa obtained 
on the coast of Malavar. 

Victorious Martim Afonso de Sousa set out from that town 
of Beadala, and came to Tutucurij, where was stationed the 
Portuguese factor of the fishery of seed-pearl, and from there 
he sent to Cochij the greater part of the vessels that he had 

1 Nuno da Cunha had left Goa for Diu in view of an anticipated siege 
of the latter place by the Turks. 

H 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

captured, with the spoil that there was of artillery, munitions, 
and captives ; and he himself with the rest of the troops 
crossed over to the island of Ceilam, which will be a 
transit of twenty-four leagues, all shoal, where the fishery 
is carried on. 

Having arrived at the port of Columbo, he found the 
king with our factor and Portuguese in his fortress, which 
they call Cota, besieged by Madune Pandar, the king's 
brother, who was expecting Pate Marcar, and all in great 
excitement when they saw our sails, thinking them to be 
his ; but having been certified of the truth, they at once 
abandoned the siege that they had laid, and retired to a 
mountain range, where Madune fortified himself, fearing 
that the Portuguese would go to seek him 1 . The king 
received our people with great pleasure, when he under- 
stood that they had come in his aid, which was soon seen 
in the welcome that he showed to all ; and in the reception 
that he gave to Martim Afonso. The days that he had 
him there he banqueted him in a new^way according to his 
usage, which was that the table was served by women all 
crook-backed at the loins, in order that they, thus stooping 
lower, might appear more humble and reverent in token of 
courtesy 2 ; and thus far does the ambition of a man go, 
who honors himself by others' ills. Martim Afonso offered 
his armada to the king, and gave him an account of the 
destruction of Pate Marcar, and said that for no other 
purpose had he left Cochij but to relieve him of that 
trouble in which the siege had placed him. The king, to 
show the satisfaction that he felt at that action, which 
Martim Afonso had carried out in order to aid him, gave 
him stuffs and jewels, and to all the captains, and com- 
manded to give him twenty thousand 3 cruzados in loan, as 
a help to pay the wages of the soldiers whom he had 
brought , and with many expressions of his great obligation. 
Martim Afonso took leave of him, and set out for Cochij, 
where he arrived, having put such a glorious end to that 


1 According to the Rajavaliya (78), it was after his withdrawal from 
K6tte in 1539 (see infra, p. 105) that Mayadunne retired to Deraniya- 
gala (see Bell's Rep. on Keg. Dist. 60). 

2 Another of Lavanha's fictions. 

! Since Couto (supra, p. 95) says that he saw the receipt for the 
money his figure must be accepted as correct. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couTO : history of ceylon. 


Dec. V., Bk. h., Chap. x. 

Of the things that happened in Geilad : and of how Madune on 
the death of his brother Reigao Pandar seized his kingdom : 
and of how the king of Cota married his daughter to a prince 
of the caste of the sun : and what caste this is : and why it is 
so called. 

Madune was much chagrined at the defeat of Paichi Marca . 
and at the great friendship and favour that his brother, the 
king of Cota, had with the Portuguese ; the which was so 
insufferable to him, that he was like to die of pure vexation : 
and he directed his thoughts towards nothing else, but to seek 
methods of killing his brother, even to bribing those of his 
inner chamber to give him poison, which they attempted 
several times, but were found -out and executed 1 . Things 
being in this state, and the king of Cota in fear of his brother, 
the other brother Reigao Pandar 2 died without leaving any 
sons 3 ; and because that kingdom came by right to the king of 
Cota, Madune went in great haste, and entered into the city 
of Reigao Corle, which was the capital of the kingdom 4 , and 
made himself master of it, and of the treasures of his brother, 
by this becoming more powerful than the king of Cota. And 
as the desire of seeing himself ruler of the whole of that island 
was what inquieted him, he at once resolved to employ his 
whole strength against his brother as soon as summer set in, 
and to dispose of that business quickly, before he had another 

1 Cf. supra, p. 90. 2 See supra, p. 71. 

3 The Rdjdvaliya (7 9), in a parenthetical paragraph which is out of its 
place chronologically, says: — " Rayigam Bandara remained in Mapiti- 
gama, and died there." As this chronicle says nothing of his having 
any issue, we may take it that Couto's statement is correct. 

4 Cf. supra, p. 73, note 2 . Couto's statement does not, at first sight, 
seem reconcilable with that of theRdjdvaliya as given in the previous note . 
since Mapitigama is in Dehigampal korale of Kegalla District, while the 
city of Rayigama was, presumably, in Rayigam korale of Kalutara Dis- 
trict. According to the Rdjdvaliya (78), however, " Rayigam Bandara was 
brought [by Mayadunne apparently] to Sltavaka and made to reside in 
Mapitigama ; " so that it is probable that Mayadunne made himself mas- 
ter of his brother's territory and treasure before the latter's death, and 
not after it, as Couto leads us to infer. Valentyn,in the version of the 
Rdjdvaliya of which he gives a translation in his Ceylon, says (76): " About 
this time [1540, which is too late] the king of Reygamme went on a certain 
day to the village of Mahoe Pitigam, which is an appanage of Malvane, 
fell sick there, and died." I think the words I have italicized are an 
interpolation by Valentyn, who thought the Mapitigama referred to was 
the one north of the Kelani river, between Malvana and Hay v ell a. 



[Vol. XX. 

succour from the Portuguese. And desiring again to avail 
himself of the Qamorim, he sent him [in May ? 1538] other 
ambassadors, by whom he sent to ask him for another armada, 
sending him much money for his expenses. This armada he 
asked him to send at the beginning of September 1 , as it would 
find him already before Cota. Of this the king was soon 
advised; and seeing the risks that he was incurring, and that he 
was without a son and heir, he determined to marry a daughter 
that he had 2 , in order that the sons who might proceed from her 
should be heirs to that kingdom ; and so he chose as his son-in-law 
a prince who lived in the Seven Corles, called Treava Pandar 3 , 
who is the one that the histories of India corruptly call 
Tribuli Pandar 4 , who through both father and mother 
sprang from that royal race of the caste of the sun 5 , because 
none could inherit the empire of Ceilao except those that came 
directly from that caste, which the Chingalas hold to be divine, 
as we shall presently show : and so they will not make their 
sumbaias Q to or obey a king of another caste, even though they 
kill them. 

1 That is, as soon as the south-west monsoon, then on the eve of 
burstiag, had abated, and Ceylon was once more accessible from the 
west coast of India. 

2 See supra, p. 73, note 4 . Valentyn (Ceylon 76) says the daughter's 
name was " Samoedra Dewa, that is, sea goddess " : in which state- 
ment there is a double error, since Dewa should be Dewi, and devi in 
this connection means a princess and not a goddess. 

3 What "Treava" represents, it is difficult to say: perhaps 
Tiruvar is meant. The person referred to is Vldiye Baiidara, who, 
according to the Rdjdvaliya (79), was the elder son of Samudradevi, 
daughter of King Taniyavalla, by a Soli prince. (For the connection, 
see table in Bell's Rep. on Keg. Dist. 15 ; and regarding Vldiya see C 
P. Oaz. 572.) Valentyn (Ceylon 76) says that King Taniyavalla's son- 
in-law was " a Malabar king from the lands of Jaffanapatnam." 

4 This is a somewhat curious statement for Couto to make, since he 
himself always calls Vidiye Bandara by the " corrupt " name. We 
shall hear a great deal further on of this troublous and " tribulated " 

6 That he belonged to the Suryavansa we may take leave to doubt. 
By a coincidence the Portuguese almost represents the truth about him, 
for it says that he was of the " casta do Sol " (with which word, of course, 
Soli has no connection). 

6 This word sumbaia or zumbaia is explained by the Portuguese 
dictionaries as meaning "a profound reverence," or " a low bow." It 
seems to represent Sans, sambhdvana, " worship, honour." The word 
is not recorded in Hob.- Job., though it is of frequent occurrence in 
Portuguese and other writers on India. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


Whence come the kings of the caste of the sun, and the mason 
why they are so called. 

And that it may not be left to us to give an account of this 
caste of the sun, we shall tell what they tabulate regarding 
this, in order to give an honourable beginning to their kings. 
Their chronicles say (and we heard them chanted by a prince 
of Ceilao 1 in verses after their mode, which an interpreter went 
on interpreting to us, because all their ancient events have 
been pui into verse, and are chanted at their festivals), that 
when all the heathens of that part beyond the Ganges, 
in all that today comprises the kingdoms of Pegu, Tanacarim, 
Siao, Camboja, and all the rest of that inland region, were 
living without king, without laws or any polity that would 
differentiate them from brute beasts, dwelling in dens and 
caves, eating herbs and roots, without having knowledge of 
agriculture or of the tilling of fields ; and when those natives 
of Tanacarim 2 were standing one day in the morning at the 
rising of the sun viewing its beauty, on its first rays' striking 
the earth they saw it open of a sudden, and from within it 
issue forth a very handsome man, dignified in person, of 
venerable presence, and in all other respects different from all 
men, to whom there flocked all those that saw him, filled with 
wonder at that marvel, and with great humility asked him 
what man he was, and what he wished. To which he replied 
in the Tanacarim language that he was the son of the sun and 
the earth, and that God had sent him to those kingdoms to 
rule and govern them. The which being heard by all, %hey 
threw themselves on the ground and adored him, telling 
him that they were ready to receive him, follow him, and 
accept his laws and customs. From there he was conducted 
and placed in an elevated position ; and they yielded him 
obedience as king, and he began to command and govern them. 
The first thing that he did was to draw them from the jungle 
and unite them in civil communities, showing them the 
method and plan of building houses, and of cultivating the 
fields ; and afterwards gave them mild and gentle laws, where- 
by they found themselves in comfort, and lived differently 
from what they had hitherto done. This king reigned many 
years, and left many sons among whom he divided his realms, 
among whose descendants they continued more than two 
thousand years ; and all the heirs who succeeded were called 
suriavas, which means, " of the caste of the sun." From 
these came directly Vigia Raya, who (as we have already said 
in the fifth chapter of the first book) was banished, to populate 

See supra, p. 62. note 3 . 

2 Cf. supra, p. 62, note 4 . 



[Vol. XX. 

that island of Ceilao , among whose heirs the rule thereof con- 
tinued directly, and continues until today 1 ; because the 
king Dom Joao, who lives amongst us, and is the true heir 
of the whole island, proceeds from this caste ; and in this 
island of Ceilao alone was it preserved by direct line from 
heir to heir, which was not the case in the other kingdoms 
where it began, because all in the process of time came to fall 
into the hands of tyrants, and it is totally extinguished and 
destroyed ; and in this king Dom J oao alone is it preserved 
today, and in him it will end, as he has no sons or grandsons, — 
as in truth it has ended 2 . And thus all these kings of Ceilao 
boasted of having sprung from the East. And thus they all 
acknowledge in them a certain superiority, and send to ask 
their daughters in order to marry them. 

Of this caste came directly this prince whom the king of 
Cota married to his daughter, although he was disinherited 
and poor. The nuptials having been celebrated, that king 
was able, having a son-in-law, to live more at his ease. And 
being advised of the determination of Madune, they fortified 
the city of Cota very well, collecting inside it provisions and 
arms. In this there came Nuno Freire , alcaide mor of Columbo , 
with some Portuguese that he had, to offer him their help, 
animating the king and encouraging him : assuring him that 
the whole state of India would be risked to succour and aid 
him , wherefore he need have fear of nothing ; continuing to 
serve him in the fortification of the city with much diligence, 
for which the king was much obliged to them. And in this state 
these matters must remain until we return to them. 

Dec. V., Bk. v., Chap. vi. 

Of the things that happened at this time in Ceilao : a,nd of how 
Madune began again to make war upon his brother the king 
of Cota : and of the armada that the viceroy Dom Garcia de 
Noronha sent him in succour, 

It is necessary, in order that we may interweave our history 
well, for us to touch a little upon Ceilao in passing. Madune 
went on planning in his mind new methods for destroying his 

1 Circa 1597. 

2 The above refers to Dom Joao Perea Pandar (Dharmapala), who, 
when Couto wrote, had been living in Columbo under Portuguese pro- 
tection (and extortion) for over thirty years. The last six words Couto 
must have added after learning of Dom Joao's death on 27-28 May 
1597 (see infra, p. 413). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


brother utterly, the which he wished to do by war in order to 
finally consume him. And so, as soon as Martini Afonso de 
Sousa went away from that island 1 , he began again to solicit 
the Qamorim for another armada 2 , which he prepared for him, 
once more intrusting that expedition to Pachi Marca. The 
king of Cota was soon advised of these preparations, and 
at once dispatched a message to the governor Nuno da Cunha, 
begging him to help and support him , since he was a vassal 
of the king of Portugal's, because he was in great risk of 
losing that kingdom. This message reached Nuno da Cunha 
in June past [1538], whereupon he forthwith dispatched 
patamares (which are couriers 3 ) by land to Sao Thome, where 
dwelt Miguel Ferreira, a much respected knight, and one that 
knew the affairs of Ceilao better than all who up till then had 
been in India 4 ; requesting him by letters to muster all the 
men and vessels that he could, and go and succour that king, 
he being there closer at hand ; and that all the expenses that he 
incurred he would repay very promptly. And that in case 
there were not men and vessels there for that expedition, as soon 
as the summer 5 set in he was to come to Goa ; and he should 
have them. 

These letters were given to Miguel Ferreira, who, fitting 
out some vessels, as soon as the summer set in left for Goa, 
because in Sao Thome there was not the material for that 
expedition. And making haste, he reached the city of Goa on 
the day that the viceroy received the news of the flight of the 
galleys 6 ; because although he had left with the intention 
of getting more vessels and men in Cochim, on arriving at that 
city, where he found news of the Turks' being before Dio, he 
thought it more necessary to hasten thither with those vessels 
that he had brought, than to go to Ceilao, because that business 
could be carried out at any time. 

1 See supra, pp. 95, 98. 

2 See supra, p. 100. 

3 See Hob.-Job. s.v. " Pattamar." 

4 How he obtained this knowledge Couto does not say, and I cannot 
discover ; but he had evidently resided in the island, for in V. v. viii. 
(p. 105) we find him spoken of as a great friend of the king's. He was a 
man who had had much and varied experience since the time when, in 
December 1513, he was sent as ambassador to Shah Ismail of Persia by 
Albuquerque (see Com. of Af. Dalb. iv. 80-1). Couto gives us some 
personal details regarding him in V. v. viii. (p. 107). At this time he 
was captain of Coromandel. 

5 That is, the north-east monsoon season, September to April. 

6 The Turkish galleys from before Diu. It was in November 1538 
that the viceroy received the news. 



[Vol. XX. 

The viceroy received Miguel Ferreira very well, because he 
had already had information regarding him ; and seeing that 
it was necessary to go to the help of Dio, and that he was also 
forced to succour Ceilao, and was about to leave the next day, 
he brought these matters before the council, and it was resolved 
that it was very just and necessary to succour that king, in 
order that the trade of that island should not be lost ; and 
that Miguel Ferreira should be given four hundred men, and 
vessels for them 1 . This being settled, because Miguel Ferreira 
could not set out for Ceilao before the end of January, he left 
him in Goa getting ready, granting him all the conditions he 
asked for. 

H* ^ ^fc H* *fc ^fc 

Dec. V., Bk. v., Chap. viii. 

Of what happened to Miguel Ferreira on his journey to Ceilao : 
and of how he captured the whole armada of the Qamorim : 
and of the negotiations that he carried on with Madune until 
Pachi Marcd was killed : 

Miguel Ferreira, who remained in Goa preparing for the 
succour of Ceilao, as we have related in the fifth chapter of the 
fifth book, made such haste with the armada, that at the 
beginning of February [1539] he set sail, and went pursuing his 
journey with fair weather until he had passed Cape Comorim, 
when he ran along that coast as far as the shoals, which he 
crossed to the other side 2 . In Manar he learnt that Pachi 
Marca with his whole armada was in the river of Putulao 3 , and 
the Moors belonging to it on shore with tranqueiras erected ; 
and that Pachi Marca had gone with part of his forces to 
Ceilao 4 to assist Madune against his brother. Miguel Ferreira 
considered this a piece of good luck, and agreed with his 
captains to attack the paros 5 , which were sixteen in number ; 

1 According to Correa, the viceroy wrote and asked the king of 
Ceylon for a loan, which he obtained, but which was never repaid (see 
C. Lit. Reg. iii. 221). 

2 Correa gives details of the voyage, which may or may not be true 
(see G. Lit. Reg. iii. 226-7). 

3 That is, the Puttalam lake. Correa says it was " the river of 
Negumbo " ; but Couto is more likely correct. 

4 The Portuguese writers always distinguished Mannar from the 
mainland of Ceylon. 

6 Boats (see Hob. -Job. s.v. " Prow "). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


and going towards that river, they reached it in the daybreak 
watch, and under arms entered it, and found the par 6s all 
fastened together with their sterns on the land, dL,ndtranqueiras 
erected along the sea with artillery placed in them. Miguel 
Ferreira attacked the vessels, and at once entered them without 
meeting with any resistance, and all our men leaping ashore 
with loud shouts attacked the tranqueiras, in which were nearly 
two thousand men. And as they took them by surprise, when 
they wished to run to their arms our men had already entered , 
and many were severely wounded and killed ; and nevertheless 
those that were not immediately cut down, hastening to the 
defence, engaged our men in a hand-to-hand battle, and at the 
end of it, with the loss of many, they abandoned the tran- 
queiras, which remained with all the artillery in the possession 
of our men, some of whom also were left dead and wounded, 
though only few. Miguel Ferreira ordered the artillery to be 
embarked, and taking the paros in tow went towards Columbo, 
where he disembarked with all his men under arms, and thus 
went marching to the city of Cotta. The king went out to 
receive him, because he was a great friend of his, and con- 
gratulated him on his victory, conducting him to the city, 
where he entertained him well, and gave him an account of 
all that had passed with his brother 1 , telling him how until then 
he had kept him besieged, and that as soon as he received 
news of the defeat of the armada of Pachi Marca he had retired 
with the latter to Ceitavaca. Miguel Ferreira agreed with 
the king to go and seek Madune at Ceitavaca, and not to rise 
from before that city until they had captured him, in order 
that he might give no more trouble to him, or expense to the 
state of India with so many succours as had been sent to 

And having mustered all the troops that he could, the king 
commenced to march towards Ceitavaca 2 , Miguel Ferreira 
going in the van with five hundred Portuguese divided into 
five companies, and entering Madune's territories, they began 
to commit great injuries and cruelties. Miguel Ferreira dis- 
patched a modeliar with a message to Madune, informing him 
of his arrival, and that he assured him that he was not going 
to quit that island without leaving him totally destroyed, and 
the king of Cotta secure and quiet ; that he requested him to 

1 Correa (C. Lit. Reg. iii. 227) has it that the king made bitter com- 
plaints against the Portuguese factor Pero Vaz Travassos, insisting on 
his being sent away, and that Miguel Ferreira at last threatened to 
return to India and leave the king to his fate, and so on. 

2 Correa says they marched along a large river (the Kelani). 



[Vol. XX. 

send him forthwith Pachi Marca, and all the Malavares that 
were with him, or else he swore by Nazareth (an oath that he 
always used) that he would take his whole kingdom from him 
and pursue him until he had him in his hands and carried his 
head to the viceroy of India. This message was given to 
Madune, who was alarmed at the power with which his brother 
was coming against him, and at the injuries that he was doing 
in his realms ; and he replied 1 with great humility that he 
knew well that it was not lawful for kings to deliver up men 
who were in their power ; but that everything else he was 
ready to do ; and that all the friendship that his brother wished, 
conditions and terms, he would grant them all. With this 
man he dispatched another of his own, by whom he sent to beg 
the king his brother to cease from the injuries that he was 
doing and the punishments that he was inflicting in his realms ; 
and that all the satisfaction that he required he was ready to give 
him. As the king of Cotta was a good man, and had a kind 
heart, being touched with the humility of his brother, he 
wished to retire at once, but Miguel Ferreira would not consent 
to it, and sent to tell Madune once more that he if was deter- 
mined not to deliver up Pachi Marca with all the Malavares 
he must know that he would go right into Ceitavaca in search 
of him. Seeing such boldness, Madune, astonished at the 
determination of Miguel Ferreira, sent to tell him that he need 
not move from where he was, and that he would satisfy him in 
a manner whereby he would not incur infamy. And calling 
Pachi Marca and his brother Cunhale Marca, lie told them how 
Miguel Ferreira insisted upon his delivering them up to him, 
and that he thought it well that they should one night take to 
flight, in order that he might have an excuse for exculpating 
himself. And so he counselled them to betake themselves to a 
village in the interior, where they would remain hidden until 
Miguel Ferreira returned, which they forthwith did, taking 
with them some seventy Moors besides of their following. 

And journeying that night amidst the jungles, where by 
order of Madune were concealed many pachas (who are a caste 
of Chingalas cruel in the extreme , so that when they capture 
an enemy they immediately cut off his nose and lips 2 ), as they 

1 Correa says nothing about any message from Miguel Ferreira ; but 
states that Mayadunne sent his foster-mother with a message to the king. 

2 Apparently Veddas are meant (see Teix. 237). We shall hear of 
these people again, as helping the Portuguese to defend Columbo against 
Raja Siyha I. (see infra, p. 295). Perhaps pacha is a corruption of 
Sinh. pattayd, "vile or worthless man, wicked mischievous fellow, 
rascal" (Clough). 

No. 60. — 1908.] oquto : history of cbylon. 


passed they showered upon them flights of arrows, and one by 
one struck them all down, and cutting off their heads carried 
them to Miguel Ferreira, at which he was appeased 1 . The 
king of Cotta made peace with his brother, and when they 
had returned to the city of Cotta the king commanded to 
make a payment to the soldiers of the armada, and to Miguel 
Ferreira and all the captains he gave stuffs and trinkets of gold 
and precious stones, and lent thirty thousand cruzados for the 
expenses of that armada. Seeing that all was ended, Miguel 
Ferreira dispatched the whole armada with the vessels of the 
Malavares to Goa, writing a short letter to the viceroy, the 
substance of which was : — That he had in that expedition done 
all that he had commanded him, that he left Ceilao in entire 
peace, and that Pachi Marca with all his race was destroyed, 
as he would learn there from the captains of the armada ; 
and that he sent him there all his vessels as a present. 

This armada reached Goa at the end of April, and the viceroy 
caused many celebrations to be made for that victory, and 
conferred many honours and favours upon the captains. And 
so this was one of the great deeds of this kind that was done in 
India, by which Malavar was so intimidated, that the Qamorim 
at once sent to beg peace of the viceroy, which he granted 
him, as we shall relate further on. 

Miguel Ferreira, after dispatching the armada for Goa, set 
sail to go to Sao Thome, where he had his house, taking some 
vessels from that coast with him, and went about outside the 
island, it not being now the season for going inside ; ...... 

This man was at this time more than seventy years old, 
large in body, dry, lean, well-favoured, a great horseman, 
and crafty in war. He was never married, but had some 
natural children ; he dwelt in that city, where he was always 
wealthy and honoured, and where he died. From there 
he hastened with great readiness to help in the service of 
the king, and he was called upon by the governors in times of 
great need. 

* ^ & i[5 * % 

1 See Rdjdvaliya 78, where Kunji 'All is called Kundali, and it is said 
that Mayadunne and the vadakkaru coming from before Gira-imbula 
were defeated by the Portuguese in Gumbevila pass, which tallies with 
Correa's narrative (G. Lit. Reg. 227). According to the same authority, 
" two of the principal vadakkaru " were bound by Mayadunne and sent 
to Kotte. That they were treacherously murdered is, however, con- 
firmed by Correa (C. Lit. Reg. iii. 228) and Zinuddin (see Lopes 65). 
Correa, however, says that they were killed by the factor Manuel de 
Queiros and a body of twenty Portuguese. 



[Vol. XX. 

Dec. V., Bk. vx, Chap. i. 

sfc 4> * * * sfc * 

But above all they [the Burmese] worship and 

venerate that idol called Budao, of which we have already 
many times spoken above, in the ninth chapter of the fifth 
book 1 , who they say landed in that kingdom 2 , coming from the 
the island of Ceilao 3 , and that he was sent by God to give 
them light. And so they all have so great a veneration towards 
that island of Ceilao, as towards a sacred object, and the 
chief pilgrimage is that to the Peak, which they call that of " 
Adam, where the Budao, their writings say, stayed many 
years 4 . And because regarding this Peak there have been 
very various opinions among the writers of Europe 5 , we shall 
presently relate the truth as to what the natives hold concern- 
ing it, according to their writings, and what appears to us in 
regard to it. 

Dec. V., Bk. vi., Chap. ii. 

Of the Peak, which they call that of Adam, in the island of Ceilao : 
and of the various opinions that there have been regarding 
it : and of that which the natives hold*. 

In the preceding chapter we promised to give an account 
of that footprint that is on that mountain which is called 
Adam's Peak in the island of Ceilao, by reason of the great 

1 As a matter of fact, in the chapter referred to, the Buddha is men- 
tioned only once. 

2 Pegu. 

3 Buddha visited neither Ceylon nor Pegu. 
i Gf. Barros III. n. i., supra, p. 36. 

5 See infra, V. vi. ii., and Skeen's Adam's Peak, chap. ii. 

6 Valentyn, in his Ceylon (379-82), has translated this chapter, but 
has made some ridiculous blunders, and has also interpolated remarks 
of his own, fathering them upon Couto. These I shall point out in the 
notes below. (He also gives an absurd, purely imaginary picture of the 
Peak.) Philalethes {Hist, of Gey. 212 ff.) has translated a portion of 
Valentyn' s translation, errors and interpolations included ; and Skeen 
(73-9) has given a fresh (but faulty) translation of this Couto-Valentyn 
hash, correcting some of the Dutch writer's mistakes in footnotes, but 
crediting the Portuguese historian with them. Sa e Menezes, in his 
Reh. de Gey. cap. i., quotes from Couto's account (see C. A. S. Jl. xi. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


disagreement thaff prevails among writers, and the fictions that 
Marco Polo Veneto and Nicolao de Conti with other Venetians 
have written 1 . And because we discussed the truth of this 
with Chingalas who were very old and conversant with the 
affairs of that island, and with its rites and customs, and they 
told us what is in their writings 2 , it will be well that we dispel 
the confusion that has existed hitherto. 

This Peak, which is called Adam's, is a mountain that is in 
the heart of that island, in certain territories that they call 
Dinavaca 3 , and is so high, that it is seen from a distance of 
twelve leagues 4 , when one approaches the island. The natives 
call it Amalala Saripadi 5 , which in their language means 
"mountain of the footprint" 6 . It goes rising from below, 
and above divides into two 7 peaks, and on one of them is this 
footprint, and from both descend several streams of water, 
which are formed by some springs that exist above, and go in 
different directions to form at the foot of the mountain a small 
river that almost encircles it. In this stream 8 the pilgrims 
that go to make their offerings to the footprint bathe, for that 
is their baptism, and they hold that there they are purified. 
On the summit of one of these peaks there is a flat surface of 

1 The animus displayed by Couto in this sentence is due to the fact 
that the Venetians were the detested rivals of the Portuguese, the hatred 
being mutual, since the discovery of the route to India had destroyed 
the eastern trade of Venice (see Hunter i. 186-7). 

2 As Couto was never in Ceylon, it must have been at Goa that he met 
these old Sinhalese (c/. supra, V. i. v., p. 62, V. n. x., p. 101). 

3 See supra, p. 34. Sa e Menezes (op. cit.) says " in the territories 
of Ceitavaca " ! 

4 Gf. supra, p. 36, note 2 . Here Valentyn interpolates : — " It begins 
really near Guilemale, and Dinavaca lies to the west of it, and one can 
see it much farther than twelve miles away, since Guilemale lies 24 hours 
from Colombo." 

5 Valentyn alters this to " Hammanelle Siripade." (Cf. Tennent's 
erroneous note in his Ceylon ii. 132.) 

6 This is, of course, not literally exact, Samanala Siripade meaning 
" Saman's-dwelling of the sacred footprint." By some extraordinary 
misapprehension, Sa e Menezes says that Amalala Saripadi " is the 
same as ' land of Eve ' " ! 

7 By a printer's error apparently, Valentyn has " 12," upon which 
Skeen founds a footnote unjustifiably charging Couto with error. The 
latter probably meant the real Peak and the False Peak (Bena Sama- 

8 Valentyn interpolates " named Sitegangele," which calls forth 
another footnote from Skeen. 



[Vol. XX. 

moderate extent 1 , and in the midst thereof is a slab 2 (which 
will be about the size of two gravestones) elevated on large 
stones ; in the middle is the form of a footprint, much larger 
than ordinary ones, of such a fashion, that it appears as if it 
had been impressed in the same stone, in the very same manner 
that a signet is impressed in a little soft wax, or the footprint of 
a man in a little soft clay 3 . The pilgrims who resort hither 
(who are innumerable), not only heathens but also Moors, 
from Persia to China, on reaching that little river, purify 
themselves, as we have already said, with their ceremonies, and 
clothe themselves with new cloths. After it seems to them 
that they are purified, they climb the mountain, which is 
very steep ; and a little distance before they arrive at the 
summit there are certain beams 4 laid across, from which hangs 
a great bell of the fashion of those of China 5 , of the finest 
metal, and from it hangs a large mallet covered with leather 6 , 
upon which [bell] each pilgrim is obliged to strike a blow in 
order that they may know if they are pure ; because they hold 
amongst themselves that for him who is impure the bell will not 
sound ; and such a one is obliged to return and purify himself 
with other greater ceremonies. Thus are they deceived by the 
devils, who, in such a manner put into their heads that all are 
pure ; because there was never a man for whom the bell failed to 

1 Valentyn has rendered this correctly ; but Philalethes translates 
■< a small plain," and Skeen simply " a plain," to which he appends an 
unnecessary footnote. 

2 Sa e Menezes has loza, which Lieutenant-Colonel St. George has 
erroneously translated " building." 

3 What with mistranslations and interpolations, Valentyn has made 
sad nonsense of the above. He says:—" .... and in the middle of this 
a water tank, named Wellamallacandoere, being of the size of two graves, 
raised up with great stones, and in the middle is the form of a great 
footprint, which they name Siripade, of a foot much larger than an ordi- 
nary one, and of such fashions that it appears to be impressed in the 
stone, just as a signet is impressed in white wax." Here Valentyn has 
misread lagea (slab) as lagoa (lake), and branda (hot) as branca (white) ; 
and his first interpolation has evoked from Skeen two further footnotes . 

4 Valentyn erroneously translates traves by trappen (steps), and after 
this word interpolates " or really two upright stone columns, upon 
which is laid another stone from the one to the other." 

5 That is, a basin-shaped gong. 

6 Valentyn has" and from this hangs a large clapper bored through, 
through the whole of which goes a cord of leather, at which each must 
pull, and give a blow upon the bell," &c. This interpolation owes its 
origin to Valentyn's having misread forrado (covered, or overlaid) as 
fur ado (bored). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couTO : history of ceylok. 


sound. And we have spoken with persons who made this 
pilgrimage in company with more than five hundred, and the 
bell sounded for all 1 . Having reached the top, they can do 
no more, except kiss that stone with great veneration and 
return, and on no account may they go up on the top of the 
slab, because it is a sin without absolution 2 . The Moors like- 
wise go thither to make offerings, because they say that that 
footprint was of our father Adam, and that thence he ascended 
to the heavens, and that of the last foot there remained in the 
stone that form 3 . 

Marco Polo Veneto 4 , third book, folio 55 5 , says, that the 
Moors hold among themselves that under that stone was the 
sepulchre of Adam. And he says further, that the native 
heathen related, that a son of a king, called Sogomombarcao 6 , 
contemning the kingdom, resorted to that mountain to live a 
holy life, and that thence he ascended to the heavens, and that 
the father ordered temples to be made and statues erected to 
him, and that thence originated the idolatry of India. The 
natives whom we have questioned laugh at this ; but that of 
which they have their writings, and which they today sing in 
their songs (in which they preserve all their antiquities), is 
what I shall now relate very briefly, becauses in all their stories 
and histories they are all very prolix 7 . 

They say 8 that there was a king who reigned over the whole 
of the East ; that having been many years married without 
having children, at the end of his old age God was pleased to 

1 For this sentence Valentyn substitutes " Four to five hundred 
together go there on this pilgrimage." 

2 In Valentyn the foregoing clause undergoes the following extra- 
ordinary transformation: — " .... and they are on no account allowed 
to climb up by the pool or water tank, which in Gingalees is named Darroe- 
pokoene, that is, tank of the children. When women are unfruitful, they 
drink of that water ; but they may not go themselves to fetch it, but it is 
brought to them by the jogis. To climb up this tank would be an unpardon- 
able sin." All this interpolation, again, is founded on the same 
blunder as before, lagea having been misread as lagoa. 

3 Here Valentyn interpolates: — "This proceeds from an old Eastern 
tradition that Adam, being driven out of Paradise, was sent to a moun- 
tain in India, named Serandive (that is, the island of Ceylon)." 

4 Valentyn has the curious form " Marc. P. Venetus." 

5 Valentyn substitutes "L. 16, 3 pag." For Marco Polo's account of 
Adam's Peak and the Buddha see Yu e's Marco Polo ii. 316 ff. 

6 Sagamoni Borcanin Yule's Marco Polo. The name, according to 
Marsden, represents Sakyamuni + Burkham (divinity), the latter 
word being used by the Mongols as a synonym for Buddha. 

7 In this paragraph Valentyn takes liberties with the original. 

8 Couto repeats what follows, almost verbatim, in VII. in. x. (p. 178). 



[Vol. XX. 

give him a son, the greatest and most beautiful being that 
could be ; and on commanding his astrologers to cast his 
horoscope, they found that this child would be a saint, and 
that he would contemn his father's kingdoms, and would make 
himself a pilgrim (whom they call jogues) : on which the 
father, filled with grief, determined to prevent all these things 
by shutting up his son 1 so that he might see nothing. And so 
when he was over five years of age he placed him in certain 
palaces 2 , which he had ordered to be made for that purpose 3 , 
locked and shut in, with large and verdant gardens inside, 
where he commanded him to be brought up in company with 
noble youths of his own age, with guards and watchers, in 
order that beyond these no one else should speak to him, so 
that he might not see or hear anything that might cause him 
discontent, nor learn that there was anything else outside of 
there, lest he should desire it. Here he was reared until the 
age of eighteen, without knowing that there was sickness, 
death, or any other human misery. 

On arriving at years of discretion, he did not fail to discover 
that there were more things than those he saw ; wherefore 
he sent to beg his father to allow him to leave there and go and 
see the cities and towns of his kingdom. This the king granted 
him, commanding him to be brought forth and conducted to 
the city with great caution ; and in one street he encountered 
a lame and infirm man, and on asking those who accom- 
panied him what this was, they told him that these were 
ordinary things in the world, where there were many lame, 
blind, and with other defects. On another occasion when 
they again took him forth, he saw a very decrepit old man 
leaning on a stick, his whole body trembling. Astonished at 
this sight, the prince inquired what it was, and they told 
him that that proceeded from the many years that he had 
lived, and that therefore men who reached that age became 
very feeble 4 . Another day he encountered a dead man, whom 
they were carrying to burial with great lamentation, and on 
inquiring as to this, they told him ; whereupon the prince 
asked : " What ! I and all of us have to die ? " and on their 
telling him " Yes," he became melancholy and sad. 

While going along in this frame of mind, they say, there 
appeared to him in a vision a saint in the form of a pilgrim, 
who persuaded him to contemn the world and adopt a solitary 
life ; and as he was already thus influenced, and had more 

1 Valentyn interpolates " in some gardens " (or " courts "). 

2 Valentyn has " walled gardens (and veranda^)." 

3 Valentyn omits these words. 

4 This last clause is omitted by Valentyn. 

No. (50, — 1908.] couto: history of ceylon. ll.°> 

freedom, he found means to disappear in the garb of a pilgrim, 
and betook himself into the interior of that country to lead a 
solitary and very austere life 1 . And omitting many fables 
that they relate, both of his flight and his wanderings, after 
passing through many countries, they say that he came to 
Ceilao, bringing with him a great concourse of disciples. . There 
on that mountain he led such a life for so many years that the 
natives worshipped him as God 2 ; and desiring to depart- 
thence for other parts, his disciples who remained there begged 
him to leave them some memorial of him, that they might 
reverence it in his name ; whereupon planting his foot upon 
that slab 3 , he impressed that footprint, which continued to be 
held in such veneration, as we have said. In the histories of 
this prince he is called by many names, but his proper one was 
Drama Rajo 4 ; and that by which he was known after he was 
held as a saint is the Budao, which means "wise " 5 , of whom 
we have already spoken above in the ninth chapter of the fifth 
book, who is said to have prophesied of the city of Pegu : to 
those parts he proceeded after leaving Ceilao. 

To this name the heathen throughout the whole of India 
have dedicated 6 great and superb pagodes 7 . On seeing this 
history, we began to reflect if the ancient heathens of these 
parts had knowledge in their writings of Saint Josaphat, who 
was converted by Barlao, who according to the legend of him 8 
we hold to have been the son of a great king of India, and that 
he had the same upbringing and all the other experiences that 
we have related of the life of this Budao. And as the history 
of J osaphat must have been written by the natives (for nothing 
is left unwritten by them), it would seem that in course of time 
many fables came to be added to it, as they have in the life of 
the Budao, which we pass over, because not in two chapters 
should we bring them to an end as they have them. 

And as we are reminded of what was told us by a very old 
man of the district of Salsete in Bacaim regarding Saint 

1 Valentyn omits these last words. 

2 Valentyn inserts " a " before " God." 

3 Once more Valentyn has '' water-tank,' 1 and again Skeen has a 
footnote attempting to explain the absurdity. 

4 Dharmaraja (" King of Righteousness "), a common title of the 
Buddha's. Skeen has an uncalled-for note on this, accusing Couto of 

5 Or " sage." 

6 Valentyn substitutes " To him ....... have erected." 

7 The rest of this paragraph and the two following are omitted by 

8 On the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat see Yule's Marco Polo, 
3rd ed., ii. 323 ff. 

I 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

Josaphat, it seems well to us to record it. We were going in 
this island of Salsete 1 looking at that rare and marvellous pagode 
(which they call that of Canara 2 ), made in a mountain, and 
having many halls cut out of a single rock, and one of them as 
large as the palace of the Ribeira at Lisbon, and more than 
three hundred chambers on the mountain above, in the form 
of a spiral, each one with its cistern at the door, in the same 
living stone, of the coolest and most, excellent water that 
could be desired ; and at the doors of the great hall the most 
beautiful statues as large as giants, of such subtle and perfect 
workmanship, that better could not be formed in silver ; with 
many other magnificent objects, which we pass over so as not 
to be discursive. 

And asking this old man, of whom we have spoken, regard- 
ing this work, and what he thought as to who had done it, he 
told us 3 that without doubt it had been done by order of the 
father of Saint Josaphat, in order that he might be taken and 
brought up therein, as his legend says. And as we learn from 
it that he was the son of a great king of India, it may well be, 
as we have already said, that this was the Budao, of whom 
they recount so many marvels. 

And continuing with the footprint on the Peak, having 
taken much trouble to ascertain the truth thereof, and having 
visited many antiquities of India 4 , it seems to us that it might 
be that of the blessed apostle St. Thomas ; and likewise 
certain marks of knees that are impressed at the present day 
in a large stone that stands in the neighbourhood of the 
Pedreira at Columbo 5 , which a vicar 6 of that fortress told us 

1 In VII. in. x. Couto describes this island and its caves. (See also 
Gerson da Cunha's H's f ory and Antiquities of Bassein 188-201.) 

2 In VII. in. x. Couto has, more correctly, Canari ; but he adds, 
" which is presumed to be the work of the Canaras, and for that reason 
it is so called." As a fact, the cave temples are the famous ones of 
Kanheri, a name that h^is no connection with Kanara (see Hob. -Job. 
s.v. " Kennery "). 

3 In VII. in. x. Couto tells us more about this old man, and repeats 
there more fully what he tells us here. 

4 Valentyn omits from " on the Peak " to " India." 

5 Of the Pedreira at Columbo we shall hear more in connection 
with the siege of the fortress by Raja Sinha I. in 1586-8 (see pp. 283, 
306, 325). The name literally means " quarry," and Valentyn 
translates " in a part of a quarry " ; but it is a proper name, and was 
applied to one particular spot near Columbo, the identity of which I 
shall discuss when we come to the siege referred to. (Ten. ii. 133 has 
an erroneous note on this statement of Couto's.) 

6 I cannot identify this vicar, unless he be the one mentioned in 
X. x. iv. (p. 325), Fa. Francisco Vieira. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


he had noted well many times, and that they did not appear to 
him to have been made designedly 1 , and this we say of other 
similar ones, which are to be found in the city of Maliapor, 
where that apostle made his abode ; because although his 
legend does not state that he visited that island, it is a thing 
that might have been, since a record has not been made of all 
the places that he visited, as I have already said, in the 
first chapter of the tenth book of the Fourth Decade, of the 
period when the Tartars and Mogores received the faith of 

In a judicial inquiry that was held in the city of Maliapor 
by order of the king Dom Manoel in the time of the governor 
Dom Duarte de Meneses 2 regarding the body of the holy apostle, 
a certain Diogo Fernandez, a Portuguese, testified that in the 
year 1517 he went from Malaca, in company with one Bastiao 
Fernandez and an Armenian called Coja Escander, to visit the 
house of the saint, and that he was the first Portuguese that 
had reached there ; and that on their all entering therein they 
found it surrounded by jungle and ruined, and at the door of it 
a very old Moor, who had the care of keeping alight a lamp by 
order of the heathen (who always had much devotion for 
that house) , and who related to them many things of the life 
of the apostle, which they had not known or heard ; and that 
he showed them a footprint stamped in a stone, as fresh as 
if the foot had just been placed there in that very hour^ 
and the stone had been clay ; and another stone in which was 
the mark of a knee ; and that it was firmly held by the natives 
that those two signs were left there by the holy apostle ; and 
that when they killed him he knelt on that stone, and left in 
it that mark 3 . He said also, that in the year 1519 there went 
thither three Portuguese from Malaca, called Antonio Lobo 
Falcao, Manoel 4 Falcao, and Joao Moreno, who took the stone 
with the knee-mark, and broke it, and divided it between them , 
carrying it off as a great relic ; and that afterwards they worked 
many miracles, as we shall tell in another part 5 . 

1 They were probably water-hollowed marks. 

2 1521-4. King Manuel died 13 December 1521. What follows 
is recounted more fully by Barros in III. vn. xi. On this inquiry see 
Whiteway 203. (It was conducted by Miguel Ferreira, then captain of 
Paleacate, whom we met with supra, in V. v. vi. and V. v. viii., 
pp. 103-7). 

3 The next four paragraphs Valentyn omits. 

4 Barros (u.s.) has Joam. 

5 The reference seems to be to VII. x. v. , which chapter is devoted 
to the house, stone $ &c. , of St. Thomas at Meliapor. 

I 2 



[Vol. XX. 

All this is sufficient reason for proof of the conjecture that 
we made as to the footprint on Adam's Peak and the knee- 
marks at the Pedreira being those of the holy apostle, who 
wenr about filling India with miracles and wonders, of which 
we have only the smaller part in his legend ; and in many 
writings we find that such marks were always miraculous and 
permitted by God. 

In a court of the Holy House in Jerusalem, which is paved 
with beautiful slabs, in one of them are the impressions of two 
footprints like that of which we are treating, which (according 
to the opinion of some who have written concerning the Holy 
Temple, and among them the father Frey Pantaleao) they 
affirm to be those of an Abyssinian who was martyred there 
for the faith of Christ, who thought well that some vestiges 
should remain there as a sign of how he esteemed his martyr- 
dom. In the Church of the Ascension, which stands on Mount 
Olivet, is to be seen another stone with a footprint like these, 
which our Lord Jesus Christ left there, when he ascended into 
heaven, of the last foot that he raised. In the Garden of 
Gethsemane (in that place where the three apostles placed 
themselves whilst Christ prayed) is another stone, on which 
those disciples lay, and on it are impressed the forms of the 
bodies, as if in a little soft wax. 

Wherefore this footprint on Adam's Peak and the knee- 
marks of which we have spoken are miraculous, and at that 
time there went to India no one who could do such miracles 
but this holy apostle. And having read what Dorotheus, 
bishop of Tyre, says (and it is related by Maffei in the third 
book of his History of India), that in this footprint on Adam's 
Peak is venerated the memory of the eunuch of Queen Candace, 
who, he says, went about preaching the gospel throughout the 
whole of the Red Sea, Arabia Felix, and Taprobana, we cannot 
discover whence that learned man could have inferred this, 
since it is not said in any writing that this eunuch left 
Abyssinia, of which he was a native. And we made diligent 
inquiry throughout India, and spoke with many ancient and 
learned Moors, heathen, and even Jews, and in no part of it is 
there any knowledge or tradition of this eunuch. 

And to conclude with these matters of Ceilao, we shall do 
so briefly with one that to us is very wonderful, which is," 
that all the trees that stand around the foot of this Adam's 
Peak, and even those more than half a league distant from it, 
all in every part make with their boughs an inclination towards 
the mountain, all having very straight trunks as far as where 
the branches begin, without any wind causing them to change 1 . 

Valentyn adds : " this must have some reason." 

No. 60. — 1908.] COTTTO : HISTORY OF CEYLON. 


This is held by all in the island for a miracle 1 , and if it is not 
one 2 (for it may well be that God desires that they all make 
that reverence to the footprint of his apostle), 3 there must be 
some natural cause for it 4 ; and what appears to us is, that it 
originates from some property that that mountain has of 
attracting to itself trees, as the loadstone does iron. And as 
we read of that fountain of Pliny which is in our Portugal, 
that if a very large tree is brought near to the water it swallows 
the whole of it, and draws it in branch by branch until it has 
entirely disappeared : now let the curious philosophize over this. 
This whole island is so prosperous, that the king of Cotta 
having commanded two paras of corn 5 to be sown, it responded 
with sixty. The jungles all consist of trees of citrus 6 and other 
excellent fruits 7 . It has pepper, ginger, cardamom, many 
sugarcanes, honey, many civet cats, elephants, many precious 
stones, rubies, catseyes, chrysolites, amethysts, true sapphires, 
and others white 8 , very fine beryl, so pure that it looks like 
crystal 9 , and all hold it for such, in which they are deceived. 
It has iron, coir, tow 10 , many rivers of excellent water, in 
which are bred many and good fish ; it has many makers of 
arms, chiefly of firelocks, where are made the best in the whole 
of India 11 . It has many bays and ports in one and another 
part, capable of containing large ships and vessels. It has 
many other things which I omit in order not to be discursive 12 . 

Dec. V., Bk. vi., Chap. iii. 

H* * * * * * 

The principal [pagodes resorted to by pilgrims] 

and those held in most veneration throughout the whole of 

1 Valentyn has " great wonder." 

2 Valentyn omits these words. 

3 Valentyn omits the rest of the paragraph. 

4 On this subject see Skeen 64-6. 

5 The original is trigo, which really means " wheat," but this grain 
can hardly be meant here. 

6 Literary " thorny trees," by which general term Portuguese writers 
described trees of the citrus genus. 

7 Valentyn omits the foregoing paragraph. 

8 Literary " of water. ' ' Valentyn has weeke (soft) , which is incorrect. 

9 Valentyn omits the rest of this sentence. 

10 Instead of " coir, tow," Valentyn has " lacker- work " ! 

11 Cf. supra, p. 72. What follows, Valentyn omits. 

12 In view of the loss of Barros's Geography , it is to be regretted that 
Couto has not been more discursive regarding Ceylon. 



[Vol. XX. 

Industao are the pagodes of Ramanacor 1 opposite to Manar, 

near the shoals of Chilao There is also the pagode of 

Tanavare 2 in Ceilao, and that of Adam's Peak 3 . 

Dec. V., Bk. vi., Chap. vi. 

sjs % % 

the viceroy 4 sending a galleon with supplies 

to Ceilao 5 

Dec. V. , Bk. vii. , Chap. iv. 

And of the ambassadors that the king of Gotta sent 

to the kingdom. 

And returning to our subject, the governor 6 hastened the 
writing of the letters for the kingdom, and dispatched the 
ships to Cochim to take in cargo, and in them embarked Dom 
Alvaro de Noronha, son of the viceroy Dom Garcia de Noronha. 
There also embarked two ambassadors 7 from the king of Cotta 
in Ceilao, who went with good credentials, and by them that 
king sent to beg the king Dom Joao to do him the favour to 
swear as hereditary prince a grandson of his, son of his 
daughter 8 and of Tribuli Pandar, on account of his having 

1 See supra, p. 96, note 3 . 

2 Dondra. See supra, p. 33, and infra, p. 373, 

3 See the foregoing chapter, in which, however, curiously enough, 
Couto does not mention any pagode on Adam's Peak. 

4 D. Garcia de Noronha. 

6 It was the custom to send from Goa to Ceylon each year (in Septem- 
ber-November) a galleon, which conveyed supplies to the Portuguese 
stationed at Col umbo, and brought back the tribute cinnamon and 
other goods for the cargoes of the homeward-bound ships (c/. C. Lit. 
Reg. iii. 236, 237). In Purchas ix. (164) will be found details of the 
salaries and provision of the officers and men of ' ' the Galleon of the 
Trafnck and Voyage of Ceilaon," from a "tractate" by the viceroy 
D. Duarte de Menezes (1584). 

8 D. Estevao da Gama, second son of Vasco da Gama, 1540-2. 

7 The Rajavaliya (77) mentions only one, Sallappu Arachchi (c/. 
supra, p. 74, note 5 ). The whole paragraph in the Rajavaliya relating 
to the embassy is out of place. 

8 The Rajavaliya (79) records the death of this princess " from con- 
stitutional weakness"; but when this took place is not clear (c/. infra, 
p. 164, note 2 ). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


no other heir 1 ; sending him the likeness of his grandson, 
which was of natural size 2 , in the form of a statue of gold, placed 
in a large box, with a crown of gold set with many precious 
stones in the hand for the king to crown it therewith 3 . 
These ships reached Portugal safely 4 , and the king received 
these ambassadors very well ; and for the act of swearing 
the prince the king commanded to summon all the lords 
of the realm, and carried it out in public assembly with 
the greatest solemnity and ceremony possible, crowning the 
prince after the manner of the kingdom, commanding great 
festivities and bull fights to be held 5 . And having passed 
to them his letter of confirmation, and bestowed many 
favours on the ambassadors 6 , he sent them back well satisfied 
in the next ships 7 . 

Dec. V., Bk. ix., Chap. vii. 

* * * * * * * 

And hoisting sail he [the governor, Martini Alfonso de 
Sousa] went following his course with strong dry winds until 

1 Possibly this may imply that Bhuvaneka Bahu's daughter was 
dead. As the marriage seems to have taken place in (June ?) 1538, 
this " heir " cannot have been more than some eighteen months old. 

2 The original has " que era de Maraa," which is unintelligible. I 
suspect that Maraa is an error for marca, and that the meaning is 
what I have given ; though the words might be taken as referring to 
the prince, in which case they would mean "who was of note." 

3 The Rajdvaliya (77) mentions the golden image, but not the 
other details. 

4 In August 1541, according to Fig. Falcao. 

5 It is remarkable that of this ceremony and the attendant festi- 
vities no account is extant, in print at any rate. Ribeiro (I. v.) says 
that the ceremony took place in 1541 ; but I think it more probable 
that the year was 1542. 

8 In a valuable paper by the eminent Portuguese scholar Dr. Sousa 
Viterbo, published in the Historia e Memorias of the Royal Academy of 
Sciences in Lisbon, and entitled " O Thesouro do Rei de Ceylao," are 
printed some documents of March 1543 relating to this embassy, chiefly 
favours granted by King D. Joao III. In these the ambassador is called 
" Pamditer," the infant grandson " Tammapala Pandarym," the Sinha- 
lese king " Buhanegabahoo," and his grand chamberlain " Tammatey 
Samparaprimal ' ' (this last e vidently Vidiye Bandara's brother Tammita 
Surya Baiidara, whom we shall meet with below, in VI. ix. xviii., &c). 

7 These last words are rather misleading: in fact, the ambassadors left 
Portugal for India in the fleet that sailed 25 March 1543 under Diogo 
da Silveira (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 237, and cf. infra, p. 124, note 



[Vol. XX. 

he had passed Cape Comori 1 ; and as it was the conjunction 
of the moon, on going towards the shoals, the vara of Choro- 
mandel 2 swept down with such fury, that it scattered the 
whole fleet, which was quite disorganized, each one running 
whither he best could. The governor with the greater part of 
the galleys almost sinking and water-logged cast anchor at the 
Ilha das Vacas 3 . There he remained many days until the 
monsoon had passed 4 ; and seeing that there was now no time 
to go forward, he became sad and melancholy on account of 
the ill success that a fleet that he had prepared at such ex- 
pense had had. And summoning to his galley the captains, he 
revealed to them whither he had been going, and showed them 
the king's letters, and those that they had written to him from 
India, in which they had made light of that expedition, saying 
to them, that by that they would see the reason why he had 
prepared that fleet, and that they might now judge what he 
should do ; because he was ready to fulfil what the king had 
commanded him ; that if there was still time to pass the shoals 
he would do it, as the expense had already been incurred 5 . 
And all the pilots having been summoned, on discussing if they 
could still pass, they all agreed that the monsoon was already 
over, and that nothing could now be done. On this it was 
resolved to return, whereupon the governor turned about and 

1 Regarding this shameful expedition, which left Goa on 12 August 
1543, see Whiteway 283-4. 

2 See supra, p. 31, note 3 

3 " The Isle of Cows " : the name given by the Portuguese to Nedun- 
tivu (or Delft, as the Dutch subsequently named it). 

4 The most interesting fact about this expedition is, that the famous 
Dr. Garcia da Orta, who was a friend of the governor's, accompanied it ; 
and he tells us in his Coloquios (Col. 45) that while in the Ilha das Vacas 
he saw many goats slaughtered for the armada, the largest of which 
had bezoar stones in their stomachs. He adds, that it afterwards 
became a custom for the Bengal ships to call at this island for these 
concretions (see Garcia da Orta ii. 232, 235-6). 

5 Correa states that from the Isle of Cows the governor sent a black- 
mailing message to the king of Jaffna (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 237). Xavier, 
writing to the directors of the college of Santa Fe in Goa, from Cochin, 
27 January 1545, says : — " Jafanapatan was not taken, nor was the 
possession of the kingdom given to that king who was to become a 
Christian : this was not done, because there ran ashore a ship of the 
king's that came from Pegu, and the king of Jafanapatan seized the 
goods, and until what he seized is recovered that which the governor 
ordered is not to be done ; please God that it be done if it shall be to 

his service. I was in Jafanapatan some days, " (see Miss, dos 

Jes. 37-8). On this subject see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 327. 

No. 60. — 1908.] COUTO : history of cbylon 


once more doubled the Cape, picking up several vessels of 
his company, which he went to look for in those ports. 


Dec. V., Bk. x., Chap. vi. 


Cogecemacadim 1 , since at the first he had argued 

against going 2 , could not find means to again justify it; not 
because he was afraid of anything, because if he had had any 
suspicions he would not have gone on board a galleon that had 
arrived a few days before from Ceilao 3 and anhcored in that 
bay, the captain of which was Pero de Mesquita, to which 
Cogecemacadim went to see some elephants that it had brought, 
and he went on board the galleon quite at his ease and with full 
assurance, without fearing anything. 


1 Regarding the khwdja Shamsuddin and the story of which this 
extract forms a part, see Whiteway 285-9. 

2 To Goa, whither the Portuguese were trying to inveigle him from 

3 This was probably the vessel that had (as usual) gone in September 
1544 to fetch the tribute and other cinnamon for the loading of the 
homeward-bound ships (c/. supra, p. 118, note 5 ). 



[Vol. XX. 


1545-1554 a.d. 

Portuguese Governors of India. — D. Joao de Castro, gover- 
nor and viceroy, September 1545 to June 1548 ; Garcia de 
Sa, governor, June 1548 to June 1549 ; Jorge Cabral, 
governor, June 1549 to November 1550 ; D. Affonso de 
Noronha, viceroy, November 1550 to September 1554. 

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon. — Bhuvaneka Bahu VII., 1534- 
51 (Kotte) ; Dharmapala alias Dom Joao Pereapandar, 
1551-97 (Kotte) ; Mayadunne, 1534-81 (%) (Sitavaka) ; Vira 
Vikrama, 1542-5-(?) (Kandy). 

Tamil King in Jaffna. — Sangili. 

Portuguese Captains- Major of Ceylon. — D. Joao Henriques, 

1551- 2; Diogo de Mello Coutinho, 1552; D. Duarte Deca, 

1552- 3 ; Fernao Carvalho (acting), 1553-5. 

In this Decade we are told of the arrival in Ceylon (in 1543) 
of the first Franciscan missionaries, and of the propagation of 
Christianity by them on the south-western coast and in the 
kingdom of Kandy. The duplicity of the Kandy an ruler, 
who pretended to be inclined to uhristianity, led to the send- 
ing to Kandy of two Portuguese expeditions (one in 1547, the 
other in 1550), both of which had to retreat, the latter suffer- 
ing severe loss. Mayadunne once more (1549) took up arms 
against his brother Bhuvaneka Bahu VII. ; and a Portuguese 
force sent to aid the latter defeated Mayadunne's troops 
and captured his capital Sitavaka, which was sacked (1550). 
In October 1550 the ship from Portugal conveying the new 
viceroy of India, D. Affonso de Noronha, made accidental land- 
fall at Columbo, the viceroy's visit being followed by important 
consequences. In 1551, as a combined Sinhalese and Portu- 
guese force was about to take the field against Mayadunne, 
Bhuvaneka Bahu was accidentally killed, his grandson 
Dharmapala being thereupon proclaimed king in his stead. 
On this news reaching Goa, the viceroy set out with a large 
armada for Columbo, where on landing he at once began to 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


behave in the most extraordinary manner towards the king 
of Cota and his followers, torturing the Sinhalese in order to 
discover hidden treasure, and extorting large sums of money. 
Another expedition against Mayadunne followed, when Sita- 
vaka was again entered and this time looted more thoroughly 
than before. A design of the viceroy's to seize Dharmapala's 
father Vidiye Ba dara was frustrated by the flight of the 
latter ; but in 1552 he was treacherously captured by the 
captain of Columbo, and imprisoned. Succeeding in escaping 
(in 1553), he wreaked his vengeance on the Christians along the 
coast. A temporary peace was thereupon patched up. One 
of the most important results of the viceroy's visit in 1551 was 
the walling- in and fortification of Columbo on a much larger 
scale than in 1518—24, and the appointment of a captain- 
general of Ceylon. 

Dec. VI., Bk. iv., Chap. vii. 

Of the things that happened at this time in Geilad : and of how 
the governor Dom Joad de Castro sent Antonio Moniz 
Barreto with a fleet to succour the king of Candea ; 

In the fourth chapter of the second book of the Fifth Decade 
we gave a detailed account of the great wars that broke out in 
Ceilao, between the king of Ceitavaca, Madune Pandar, and 
Banoegabao Pandar, king of Cota, his brother, on account of 
the former's wishing to deprive the latter of his kingdom ; 
and how to rid himself of him the king of Cota married his 
daughter to Tribuly Pandar, on account of having no son to 
succeed to his throne. Of this marriage was born Dramabolla 
Bao 1 Bandar, who it was that the king Dom Joao proclaimed 
in Lisbon as prince and heir of the kingdom of Cota, dis- 
patching the ambassadors who went for that purpose 2 , in 
whose company he sent some friars of St. Francis 3 , whose 

1 Such a name as Dharmapala Bahu is, of course, an impossible 
monstrosity, which Tennent did not realize (see his Ceylon ii. 15). 

2 See supra, p. 119. 

3 The first Jesuits (Xavier and his two companions) had left Portugal 
for India on 7 April 1541, reaching Goa on 6 May 1542. On 10 May 
1546, Xavier, writing from Amboina to the brethren of the Company in 
Portugal, says :— " With the Christians of the islands [sic] of Ceilan, 
which is near Cape Comorin, remain five friars of the order of St. 
Francis with other two clerics " (see Miss, dos Jes. 56). 



[Vol. XX. 

custodio was the father Frey Antonio do Padrao, a devout man 
who was the first commissary-general that went out to India. 
These friars were directed to distribute themselves over the 
island of Ceilao, in order to plant in those untilled lands the 
doctrine of the gospel (because the kings of Portugal always 
claimed in this conquest of the East so to unite the two powers, 
spiritual and temporal, that at no time should one be exer- 
cised without the other). These apostolic men, having 
arrived in Ceilao in company with the ambassadors 1 , were 
very well received by the king of Cota, who gave them leave 
to preach the law of Christ throughout the whole of his realms. 
And these evangelist conquerors, not neglectful of their obli- 
gation, began to break up in several places the untilled soil, 
and to sow therein the gospel seed, which began to fructify 
like that grain of mustard in the gospel, erecting several 
temples, in which the most high God began to be honoured 
and venerated by all. And the first places in which they were 
built were Panature, Macu 2 , Berberi, Galle, and BelMguao, 
all seaports, in which they brought within the pale of the 
church a great number of those heathens. 

And penetrating into the heart of the island 3 , there arrived 
in the kingdom of Candea one Prey Pascoal with two 
companions 4 , who were well received by that king Javira 
Bandar 5 , first cousin to Madune, son of a brother of his 

1 Correa (iv. 310) says that the ships from Portugal arrived at Goa on 
3 September 1543, and he also tells us (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 237) that 
the Sinhalese ambassador left for Ceylon (presumably in September 
1543) with Francisco d'Ayora, who was taking a galleon for the cinna- 
mon and a ship. But he does not mention the arrival at Goa or depar- 
ture for Ceylon of any friars. In a document printed in Arch. Port.-Or. 
iii. (733) the guardian of St. Francis in Lisbon is made to say (in 15.97) 
that the Franciscans had sustained Christianity in Ceylon for forty-four 
years; but I think this must be an error for fifty-four (1597 - 54—1543). 

2 " Macu " is Maggona. From a comparison of this list with that 
given on p. 170 infra (where we read of the anti-Christian campaign waged 
in 1554-5 by Vidiye Baiictara), it would seem that by an error " Cale- 
ture " has been omitted after " Panature." 

3 This was probably in 1545-6. 

4 These were, as far as I know, the first Europeans to visit Kandyan 

5 Jayavira of the Rdjdvaliya (72, 75, 81, &c.) ; Vlra Vikkama of the 
Mahdvansa (323), which expatiates on his merits as a devout Buddhist. 
Apparently he founded the city of Senkhand asela Sirivaddhana (Kandy), 
and made it his seat ; but the exact date of its foundation is uncertain, 
as is the year of his accession to the throne (c/. Rdjdv. 72, 75, 81, with 
Mdhdv. 323, which gives 1542 as the year ; and see C. P. Gaz. 125, 688) 

No. 60. — 1908.] cotjto : history of ceylon. 


father's 1 , who favoured them in every way : so much so, that he 
gave them a large piece of ground, and everything needful for 
building a church, and houses for them to dwell in. There 
they commenced to till that unfruitful and sterile soil, which 
Yielded no other fruit but thistles and thorns of abominable 
idolatries, sowing in their place the seed of life. And finding 
disposition in the king to invite him to the marriage supper of 
the Lord, they sounded him, conversing with him on matters 
of our faith and law, showing him clearly the truth thereof 
and the blindness and falsity of his idols ; and so much did 
they succeed in softening him, that they conquered him, not 
however so far as to receive baptism, because he had great 
fear that his people would kill him 2 . And the fathers, not 
wishing that sheep to perish from want, persuaded him to 
write to the governor 3 of the wish that he had, and to beg him 
for a captain with men to help him against his people, if they 
should attempt any commotion on a change of the law. One 
of those fathers went with his letter, and arrived at Goa a few 
days after the triumphal procession of the governor Dom 
Joao de Castro 4 . And having had an interview with him, 
and given him an account of everything, when he had read 
the letter, and understood from it the desire of that heathen 
king, he did not wish to lose such a good opportunity ; be- 
cause he knew that the chief spices and the richest gems that 
the kings of Portugal sought for in this conquest of the East 
were souls for heaven 5 . And moved thereto also by his 
good zeal, he brought forward this matter in council, and 
it was there resolved that they should send him a captain 
with two hundred men to pass the winter and stay with 
that king, until they had secured him in the faith and in his 

1 This should be " mother's " (see Rdjdv. 72, 75, for the connection). 

2 The Mahdvansa and the Rdjdvaliya are entirely silent regarding 
the king's disposition towards Christianity. 

3 D. Joao de Castro (1545-8). 

4 This procession took place on 21 April 1547 (see Whiteway 314) : 
it was to celebrate the relief of Dm. Correa (see C. Lit Reg. iii. 246), 
by an extraordinary blunder, attributes the " conversion " of the king 
of Kandy to Xavier. 

5 According to Freire de Andrade, in 1546 King D. Joao III. had sent 
his viceroy in India a long letter impressing upon him the importance 
of the conversion of the heathen, and ordering harsh measures for those 
who would not become Christians ; but the authenticity of this letter 
seems extremely doubtful (see J. Freire de Andrade's Vida de D. Joao 
de Castro, edited by D. Fr. Francisco de S. Luiz, 51-8, 372-6). 



[Vol. XX. 

For this expedition the governor at once chose Antonio 
Moniz Barreto 1 , to whom he gave seven foists, in which he 
was to take one hundred and fifty men, dispatching him in 
great haste, having given him a provision that in every place 
to which he should come, in which he found vessels of ours, 
he should take them with him ; and writing by him letters 
full of kind words to that king, and sending him stuffs and 
curious trifles. Antonio Moniz Barreto set sail at the end of 
April, and of his journey we shall give an account further on. 

Dec. VI. , Bk. iv. , Chap. viii. 

Of how Madune persuaded the king of Oandea to revolt against 
the Portuguese : and of what happened to Antonio Moniz 
Barreto on the expedition : and of how he crossed the whole 
island of Ceilad with arms in hand fighting with the forces 
of that king. 

Madune having learnt that the king of Candea was minded 
to become a Christian, and that he had sent to ask of the 
governor Dom Joao de Castro favour and help for this, fearing 
that this would be the means of his destruction, and that he 
would be left with all those kings as his enemies, set about to 
put a stop to the whole business, by sending to persuade the 
king of Candea not to become a Christian : because as soon 
as he did so the Portuguese would be certain to take his 
kingdom ; and that if they did not do this his own subjects 
would try to kill him, in order not to be governed by men of a 
different law. The men that Madune sent on this business 
said such things to that king, and also worked upon his fears, 
that not only did they bring him round completely, but they 
also arranged with him to kill all the Portuguese that accom- 
panied Antonio Moniz Barreto, of whom they had already 
had advice, this business being settled with such secrecy, that 
the fathers neither heard nor knew of it. 

Antonio Moniz Barreto, pursuing his voyage, doubled 
Cape Comorim and ran along the other coast, then crossed 
the shoals of Manar, where he fitted out two vessels that he 
found there 2 , and took them with him 3 , and made a circuit 

1 Came out to India as a lad in 1529, saw much service, and became 
governor of India, 1573-6. 

2 At Mannar, apparently. 

3 In accordance with the governor's orders (see supra, VI. iv. vii. at end). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


of the island in order to make the port of Batecalou, where, 
according to the order that he carried, he was to disembark 1 , 
to proceed from there to the kingdom of Candea, as he had 
been directed by the same king. In Gale he took some more 
vessels that he found there 2 , which, although he had few 
men, was necessary in order to spread the report on land that 
he had a large fleet. 

And on arriving at the port of Batecalou 3 with twelve row- 
ing vessels 4 he disembarked, and ordered several bases to be 
brought on shore, and munitions, and chose one hundred and 
twenty men 5 , leaving the rest to guard the vessels, and set out 
for Candea 6 , guided by the ambassadors of that king, who 
had accompanied the friar of St. Francis to Goa 7 , and thus he 
journeyed for several days 8 until he arrived at the city of 
Candea 9 , and as soon as he had entered it he was advised of 
the determination of that king, and of how he had agreed 
with Madune to kill him and all his company ; and it was not 
known from what quarter the advice reached him. On hear- 
ing this, and seeing that the matter brooked of no delay, 
Antonio Moniz Barreto took a very speedy and resolute 
determination, which was to order at once on the very instant 
the burning of all the baggage that they had brought with 
them, leaving nothing but what they carried on their bodies, 

1 The burst of the south-west monsoon being at hand. 

2 This is the first time wo read of Portuguese vessels at Galle since 
the stay there in 1518 of Lopo Soares on his way to Columbo to erect a 
fortress (see supra, p. 39). 

3 So far as I know, these were the first Europeans to visit this part. 
As Antonio Moniz left Goa at the end of April, we may take it that he 
reached Batecalou before the end of May 1547. He must have run 
great risk of being caught by the burst of the south-west monsoon. 

4 As Antonio Moniz left Goa with five foists, and commandeered two 
vessels at Mannar, he must have added three to his fleet at Galle. 

5 He took one hundred and fifty from Goa, but did not get many 
more at Mannar and Galle. 

6 Correa makes Antonio Moniz land at Columbo (apparently), where, 
learning that the king of Kandy has changed his mind, he is disinclined 
to proceed, is persuaded to do so, but is forced to turn back by hostile 
forces, never reaching Kandy at all (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 252-3). 

7 Regarding one of these ambassadors see G. Lit. Reg. iii. 246. 

8 How different from this bald statement is the lively description of 
the journey in 1602 of the first Dutch in Ceylon by the same route (see 
C. Lit. Reg. vi. 318-9, 325). 

9 This is the first mention of the royal seat, which the Portuguese 
oalled " the city of Candea," it being the capital of the kingdom to 
which they applied that name. 



[Vol. XX. 

with a little biscuit" and their arms, and said to his men 1 :— * 
" You see well, brave soldiers and comrades mine, the urgent 
advice that we have received ; wherefore another instant 
determination is necessary to save our lives ; and nothing 
better has suggested itself to me than this, to rid ourselves of 
encumbrances, and march with our arms in our hands in the 
direction of Triquinimalle 2 , in order thence to proceed to 
Cota, where we have a friendly king 3 , because if we return 
to the fleet I fear we may find the roads occupied, and that all 
will be our enemies, while in the other direction we have a king 
who is sure to receive us and entertain us very well ; wherefore 
remember, that the life of each one lies in the defence of his 
own arms and hands (apart from those of God, which are 
those that must defend and deliver us in this journey) ; where- 
fore, follow me ;" and taking his matchlock on his shoulder he 
proceeded to march out of the city. 

The king of Candea, who continued to dissemble, waiting 
for them in order, after they had been received and dispersed, 
to carry out on them the treachery, as soon as he had word of 
the determinatioD of Antonio Moniz Barreto, and of what he 
had done, knew well that he had been warned, and suspecting 
that it was by the friars at once ordered them to be seized, and 
in great haste dispatched some modeliares with a large force to 
go after our people, which they did ; and making haste they 
encountered them already a good distance beyond the city ; 
and attacking them with great determination at several 
points, Antonio Moniz Barreto did not relinquish his march 
at the same pace at which he had been going, placing himself 
in the rearguard for the better security of his men ; giving 
orders for the matchlocks to be discharged in such fashion 
that the firing never ceased, so that they might thus proceed 
while keeping the enemy at bay, as they did. And so they 
went marching the whole day with much difficulty, not having 
time to rest for a moment, or to eat, only munching the dry 
biscuit, and fighting. As soon as night fell they had a little 
respite, and went on continually marching, but with less 
trouble ; for although the enemy continued to pursue them it 
was more slackly ; but as soon as it dawned they once more 

1 This address, of course, is imaginary. Jacinto Freire de Andrade, 
in his Vida de D. Jodo de Castro, invents a totally different one. 

2 There is a palpable error here ; but what name should take the 
place of " Triquinimalle " I cannot say (see infra, p. 130, note 2 ). 

3 Freire de Andrade (op. cit.) has " the king of Ceitavaca, a faithful 
friend of the state's " ! (Previously he speaks of " Madune, king of 
Cotta " !) 

No. 60. — 1908.] cotjto : history of ceylon. 


pressed upon them with great determination, because they 
received so many accessions that they exceeded eight 

Our people seeing that it was necessary for them to defend 
their lives, and that they could not obtain help from any 
quarter, all did such great things, that words would fail to 
exaggerate them ; for many times they came to hand-to-hand 
fighting with the enemy, and yet they always got off with 
slight wounds, there remaining in their hands on one occasion 
as prisoner a modeliar, at which Antonio Moniz Barreto was 
greatly pleased, and ordered him to be brought along in the 
midst, in order to make use of him when it should be neces- 

From this modeliar he learnt that the enemy intended to 
attack him at a bridge that was ahead, where all our men 
were bound to come into their hands, the passage being very 
narrow. This caused no fear to Antonio Moniz Barreto or to 
any of the others, except a Galician, who filled with the fear 
of death and desirous of saving his life he? va making long 
speeches, and resolved to give himself up $o the enemy ; and 
as he could do it in no other way, he pretended to be exhausted, 
letting himself fall on the ground as if dead, and saying that 
he could go no further. Antonio Moniz Barreto, since he 
sought not only to escape from the enemy, but also not to 
lose a single man, went and encouraged the Galician with 
kind words, telling him that the worst was now past, that 
God who had delivered them so far would do so for the rest of 
the way. The Galician replied, that he could go no further 
either with his arms or without them, and to leave him there 
to die. Antonio Moniz Barreto made him rise, and took his 
matchlock from him, and put it on his own shoulder, and like- 
wise everything else that might encumber him, and placed 
him in the midst of the soldiers, and made him walk ; but 
as he already had death pictured in his imagination, causing 
him great paroxysms of terror, he again fell to the earth, 
feigning to be dead. Antonio Moniz Barreto, who had kept 
his eye on him, at once hastened to raise him up, but he 
refused, saying that he must leave him, that he would not go 

Antonio Moniz Barreto, knowing that this was despair 
begotten of fear, told a soldier to cut off his legs, or to kill him 
at once, as he did not wish that the enemy should afterwards 
say that they had captured one of his Portuguese. But when 
the soldier went to do this, the Galician jumped up as lively 
and active as if he had never experienced any fatigue, and 
began to march in the midst of them all. The enemy never 
left our people, but kept their distance, because the matchlock 

K 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

fire had wrought great havoc among them ; for since they 
were sure that the affair would be finished at the passage 
of the bridge they did not wish to risk themselves ; but from 
a distance they showered clouds of arrows upon our men, by 
which almost all of them were hurt. In this wise they reached 
the bridge, where the enemy attacked our men furiously ; 
and such was the condition of affairs, that they considered 
themselves lost. 

Here Antonio Moniz Barreto played the part of an ex- 
perienced captain and brave soldier, doing such deeds with 
his arm, as also all his comrades , that they ridded themselves 
of the enemy, who had got even inside their ranks. 

Here a sudden and fortunate idea came to Antonio Moniz 
Barreto, namely, to cut off the legs of the modeliar whom they 
held prisoner, who was a leading personage ; and to leave him 
in the road, in order that the enemjr should occupy themselves 
with him, which they did 1 ; for following after our men they 
came upon the modeliar in that state, and stopped to raise him 
and send him to be cared for. Of this little space of time and 
road our people took advantage in such fashion, that they 
reached the bridge, though followed by some. Antonio 
Moniz Barreto as soon as he gained it placed himself in the 
rearguard with the strongest, and ordered the rest to pass 
over, they keeping the enemy back with matchlock fire, 
whilst the others passed over a few at a time ; and this they 
did with infinite trouble, those that were already on the other 
side keeping the passage clear with their harquebuses, which 
played incessantly. Antonio Moniz Barreto, when he got to 
the other side, ordered pa.rt of the bridge to be destroyed, so 
that the enemy should not follow him, because that river was 
so deep that it could not be forded in any part. In this way 
our people were freed from trouble, and went marching with- 
out hindrance to Triquinimalle 2 ; and thence they proceeded 
to Ceitavaca, where that king received them and entertained 
them very well, ordering them to be given everything they 
needed 3 . 

Now let Titus Livius glorify his Decius , who when he was 
besieged on Mount Gaums by the Samnites sallied forth in 
the night with a few Romans through the midst of the enemy, 

1 Freire de Andrade says that the prisoner's legs were broken. 

2 Here the error is repeated. Perhaps we should read " Ruanelle " 
(Ruvanvella). The river that had to be crossed may have been the 
Ritigaha-oya at Kannattota. 

3 Mayadunne was at this time playing a double part ; but he soon 
threw off the mask. 

No. 60 —1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 131 

escaping with all of them 1 : yet though we have not such a 
wealth of words or so eloquent a style to embellish this deed, 
by itself it is such, that told thus without additional adorn- 
ment it is seen how much it surpasses that of his Decius ; 
since this captain did not sally forth by night amongst the 
enemy, when the darkness would make the hostile army 
appear much larger to the Samnites, but in full daylight, and 
through the midst of the enemy's city, surrounded on all sides, 
breaking through the midst of them, it being plainly visible 
that they were only one hundred and twenty ; and not for the 
space of half-an-hour, but for three whole days, without losing 
one of his comrades 2 . 

In the conversations that he had with Antonio Moniz Bar- 
reto, Madune gave him to understand that his brother the 
king of Cota had induced the king of Candea to kill him with 
all the other Portuguese ; and that he wished to show how 
much more a servant of the king of Portugal's he was than all 
the other kings of that island, placing himself at his service 
for all that he might require. Antonio Moniz Barret o re- 
turned his compliments, and took leave of him, the modeliares 
persuading the king to kill him and all the Portuguese, which 
he was unwilling to do, however much it were a matter of 
relief and import to him. Antonio Moniz Barret o reached 
Columbo, where in a few days there arrived ambassadors from 
Candea, by whom that king sent word to Antonio Moniz 
Barreto that he was very repentant at having taken the coun- 
sel of Madune, who had got him to commit that folly, and 
sent him the bases that had been left there, and ten thousand 
pardaos in silver to divide amongst the soldiers. And he 
wrote to the friars of St. Francis, whom Antonio Moniz Bar- 
reto had taken with him, to return to him, as he wished to 
fulfil his word, and become a Christian : to which Antonio 
Moniz Barreto would not consent until he had gone and given 
a report to the governor ; and when the season came he 
embarked for Goa 3 . 

1 Livy VII. 32. 

2 Correa says that more than thirty of the Portuguese were killed (see 
C. Lit. Reg. iii. 253). 

3 In September 1547, apparently ; for in VI. v. vi. Couto mentions 
him as leaving Goa at the end of that month or beginning of October 
with the viceroy for Guzerat. Correa has a curious story about Antonio 
Moniz, which may be one of his fictions (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 253). It 
will be noticed that Couto fails to tell us what became of the ships and 
men left at Batecalou. They probably made their way to Columbo 
when the weather served. 




Dec. VI., Bk. vm., Chap. iii. 

of how the king of Gota sent to ask him 1 for help 

against Madune. 

He ***** * 

Not many days had elapsed since the governor's arrival 2 , 
when there came to him an ambassador from the king of Cota, 
who as vassal of the king of Portugal sent to beg him earnestly 
to help him, as he was in the utmost danger of losing his king- 
dom : because his brother Madune, king of Ceitavaca, had 
taken from him the greater part of it, and had besieged him in 
the city of Cota, where he was in great danger of perishing 3 ; 
that that kingdom was his grandson's, to whom the king of 
Portugal had conceded it, and had proclaimed him in the city 
of Lisbon as heir to it, and that Madune wished to deprive him 
of it : wherefore he begged him to help him with a large force, 
and he would at once give ten thousand cruzados' worth of 
pepper 4 for the loading of a ship to Portugal, which he would 
deliver to the captain- major who sliould go there ; and 
that he would also give as tribute one hundred and fifty bares 
of cinnamon, besides the three hundred that he already paid 5 , 
and that he would at once give ten elephants for the service 
of the dockyards of the fleets of the king of Portugal. 

Having heard the ambassador, the governor brought these 
matters before a council of the captains and fidalgos, all of 
whom agreed that help should be given to that king, not only 
because he was a vassal of the king of Portugal's, and because 
of the terms that he offered, but also to prevent Madune's 
becoming ruler of the whole island, whereby he would give 
great trouble to the state, and the king of Portugal would 
lose the profits that he got from it. 

1 The governor, Jorge Cabral, 1549-50. 

2 At Cochin, in November 1549. 

3 The Rajavaliya tells us nothing of this, there being a deplorable 
hiatus in that chronicle of some ten years, 1540-1 to 1550, the only 
events during that time recorded being an attack by Jayavira on Maya- 
dunn6's territories in the Four Korales, his defeat by the minister Arya, 
and the conclusion of peace on his paying an indemnity (Rdjav. 81). 
The paragraph relating these occurrences is entirely out of its proper 
place, and I do not know to what year they refer. (The events are also 
recorded by Valentyn, Ceylon 76.) 

4 This is the first mention of pepper from Ceylon (c/. supra, p. 117). 
On the importance of pepper as an article of trade in the sixteenth 
century see my " Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese," pp. 287-8. 

6 See supra, V. I. v., p. 73. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


This having been settled, the governor chose for that ex- 
pedition Dom Jorge de Crasto his uncle, his mother's brother, 
and gave him six hundred men, among whom were many 
fidalgos and knights ; and ordered the ships to be got ready- 
that he was to take, for the expense of which the ambassador at 
once gave the ten thousand cruzados that he had offered. The 
governor ordered to make haste with the fleet and the ships, 
all of which he determined to dispatch at the beginning of 

Dec. VI., Be. viii., Chap. iv. 

Of another message that the governor Jorge Cabral received from 
Geilad from the prince of Candea : and of how Dom Jorge 
de Crasto left for Geilad. 

The ships [for Portugal] having been dispatched 1 , the 
governor hurried on the preparations of the fleet of Dom 
Jorge in order to dispatch it soon. And when it was just 
ready, there came to him letters from the fathers of St. Fran- 
cis who were in the kingdom of Candea, in which they begged 
him to send a force in support of the prince of that kingdom, 
as he wished to become a Christian. And since it is necessary 
to give some account of this prince, we shall do so. This king 
of Candea had a legitimate son, called Caralea Bandar 2 , 
who was heir to the throne. This prince managed to get his 
father to release the friars of St. Francis (whom he had im- 
prisoned when Antonio Moniz Barreto went to that kingdom, 
as we have related above, in the eighth chapter of the fourth 
book), and who formed so great a friendship with Frey Pas- 
coal, who was their commissary, that this father proposed to 
him to become a Christian, preaching to him many times on 
the matters of our faith, to which he became inclined and well 
disposed, in such manner that all that he needed was to receive 
the water of holy baptism 3 . Of this his father was informed, 
and resolved to kill his son, and to give the kingdom to another 
bastard son that he had, called Comarsinga Adasana 4 , for 

1 The last one left Goa on 10 January 1550. 

2 Karalliyedde Kumara Bandara {Rdjdv. 82). 

3 In VIII. iii. (pp. 233-4) we read of this prince, who had then (1565) 
succeeded to the throne of Kandy, that he was a Christian, and was 
named Dom Joao. 

4 Kumarasinha Adahasin. The Rdjdvaliya does not mention this 



[Vol. XX. 

whom he wished every good. Of this the prince heard 
rumours, or received information, from someone in his father's 
house. And desiring to escape from his anger, he took with 
him the friars, and betook himself to a mountain in the king- 
dom of Huna 1 , and with a large force that followed him waged 
war against his father from there 2 . 

Of all these things the fathers informed the governor in 
those letters that they sent to him, begging him to send and 
help that prince against his father, who wished to deprive him 
of the kingdom and give it to another, because he desired to 
become a Christian. This the governor highly approved of, 
and gave orders to Dom Jorge de Crasto, that when he had 
done with the affairs of Ceitavaca he was to proceed to the 
kingdom of Candea, and chastise that king for the treachery 
that he had shown towards Antonio Moniz Barreto. 

This fleet set out at the beginning of January of this year 
1550, upon which with God's favour we enter ; and of the 
captains and chief persons that took part in this expedition 
we know the names of none ; but of their fleet we shall give 
an account further on 

Dec. VI., Bk. viil, Chap. vi. 

Of the dissimulation with which the king of Candea sent to ask 
Dom Jorge de Crasto for fathers that he might become a 
Christian: and of how he sent him two, and with them the 
French captain : and of what happened to them on the journey. 

Dom Jorge de Crasto having left Cochim, as we have related 
above in the third chapter of this eighth book, arrived at 
Columbo at the end of the same month of January [1550], and 
having disembarked his troops commenced to march to Cota. 
Madune, who with his whole force was attacking that city, on 
receiving the news that our fleet had arrived at Col umbo with 
a large body of men to help his brother, raised his camp and 
retired to Ceitavaca, leaving the tranqueiras z on the roads 
garrisoned with many troops to guard the passes against our 

1 Read " Huva," i.e., Uva. This is the first occurrence of the name. 

2 The Rdjdvaliya version of this family quarrel is very different, it 
being there (82) attributed to a mesalliance formed by Jayavfra after 
the death of his queen. Valentyn {Ceylon 78) has a rather fuller version, 
which supports Couto in his statement that the king wished to sup- 
plant Karalliyedde Band ara by a son of the second marriage. 

3 Regarding these fortresses see next chapter. 


No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 135 

men if they should attempt to get to Ceitavaca. Dom Jorge 
reached Cota, and was heartily welcomed by that king ; and 
they at once resolved to go together against Madune, and not 
to withdraw from that business until they had utterly de- 
stroyed him, in order to give no further trouble to the state 
with succours and fleets in aid of his brother, who was a vassal 
of the king of Portugal's. For the expedition the king began 
to collect his forces and arrange for the things necessary in the 
way of provisions and servants for the whole army. The 
report of the fleet of Dom Jorge de Crasto and of his arrival 
at Columbo soon spread over the whole island. 

The king of Candea, as he was guilty in the matter of 
Antonio Moniz Barreto, began to tremble, and to fear that they 
wished to chastise him for the faults that he had committed ; 
and as he was a man of great cunning and malice he determined 
to temporize with Dom Jorge de Crasto and deceive him, until 
he should see how matters tended between Madune and his 
brother, and to this end he at once dispatched ambassadors 
to visit him. These ambassadors found Dom Jorge de Crasto 
still in Cota, getting ready for the expedition to Ceitavaca. 
Dom Jorge de Crasto ordered them to be taken before the 
king, where he heard them, and they told him that the king 
of Candea had sent them to visit him and to offer himself for 
everything that might be of service to the king of Portugal. 
That he would have him know that in the affair of Antonio 
Moniz Barreto, in which he did not deny being guilty, there 
were nevertheless sufficient matters of satisfaction for it to be 
forgiven. That his cousin Madune had disturbed his mind 
and drawn hinT away from the desire that he had had of be- 
coming a Christian, putting before his eyes fears and the loss of 
his kingdom, and the rebellion of his subjects owing to a change 
of law ; and that he had repented of his past conduct, since 
he had always been inclined to the law of the Christians, as 
the friars always knew of him ; that he was firmly resolved to 
become a Christian ; that he earnestly begged him to send him 
some friars to settle this with him ; and that he also wished 
to be reconciled to his son ; and that thus he hoped little by 
little to move his vassals to become Christians. Dom Jorge de 
Crasto was much pleased with that embassy, and at once set 
about to satisfy that king, sending with the ambassadors 
two friars of St. Francis, and with them the French captain 1 

1 In VI. ix. xiv. Couto, describing the siege of the fortress of Catifa 
by the Portuguese in 1551, says that all the ditches and entrenchments 
were made by order and according to the plan of this officer, "whom 
the king Dom Joao had sent to India on account of his being a man who 
had much knowledge and practice of warfare." 



and twelve soldiers, and ordered them to go by way of 
Negumbo 1 , so as to avoid the territories of Madune. 

The ambassadors having left with our people, they went 
pursuing their journey, not escaping some conflicts with forces 
of Madune' s, in which our folk ran great risk and danger, but 
God delivered them from all by the valour of their arms, and 
thus with great trouble they reached Candea. The king 
received them very well, and ordered the friars to be lodged in 
the same hermitage that the former ones had built 2 , which was 
still standing, and the French captain and his soldiers near to 
them, ordering all necessaries to be given to them. The 
friars began to make some Christians, thinking' that the 
king also had a mind thereto, which he had not, as he was 
wicked and perverse, and fear made him pretend it, so long 
as he did not know what was passing between Dom Jorge 
de Crasto and Madune, whom he favoured in secret ; and 
so he took such care of and had such an eye on the French 
captain and the friars, that he did not allow them to go 
beyond a certain limit, keeping spies in Ceitavaca, in order 
to be advised each day of all that passed there. 

Dec. VI., Bk. vm., Chap. vii. 

Of how the king of Cota and Dom Jorge de Crasto set out 
for Ceitavaca : and of the sieges of the forts that they 
met with on this march : and of how they took them, 
and routed Madune, and captured from him the city of 

After the king of Cota had collected his forces and arranged 
for the things necessary for the expedition, he set out on the 
march, Dom Jorge de Crasto going in the van with all the 
Portuguese, and the king with five thousand men in the rear- 
guard 3 . Thus they marched the whole of the day until they 
reached a very large tranqueira, on a pass that lay between the 

1 This place here makes its first appearance. 

2 See supra, p. 125. 

3 The R&javaliya (78) briefly records the events described in this 
chapter, in a couple of paragraphs that are quite out of their propei 
order. It also tells us that they occurred after Bhuvaneka Bahu had 
reigned for twenty years, whereas they actually took place sixteen years 
after the king's accession. 

No. 60. — 1908.] coxjto : history of ceylon. 137 

Matual river 1 and a lake of such size, that it is asserted to be 
five leagues in circumference, which lay two leagues from the 
port of Columbo 2 . In this place (because there was no other 
passage to Ceitavaca) Madune had built this fortress, which 
was of wood, of two faces, with very broad fillings, and stood 
on the north 3 side of the river ; and in the face that looked 
towards Cota the curtain of the wall was thirty fathoms in 
length, and in the point that lay towards the river was a fine 
bastion with many pieces of artillery. From this bastion to 
the lake extended a very dense bamboo forest, for the space 
of half a league, so intricate that even the wild beasts 
could not penetrate it. From end to end along the outer 
face of this fort ran a fine, broad ditch, which was filled 
with water from the lake, and which was crossed by a 
drawbridge 4 . 

The army having arrived here, they pitched their camp at 
some distance from the fort, and held a council as to the mode 
of attack ; and it was resolved that it should be at the angles 
of the wall, for which purpose they made large wooden bridges 
on wheels, and several strong mantelets, and ladders, this 
occupying two or three days. And when all was ready one day 
at dawn our people attacked the fort at one part, and the 
king at another. And running the bridges over in spite of 
the storm of bombard and matchlock shots that rained upon 
them, they set up the ladders against the wall, and our men 
climbing up them leaped over it, and by force of cuts and 
blows forced their way inside, where they had a very great 
Rattle with the enemy, in which many were killed and wounded 
on both sides. The king of Cota and his people, likewise 
after several losses, entered the tranqueira, on which the 
enemy began to be put to the rout, and abandoned it completely, 
Dora Jorge de Crasto ordering it to be at once set fire to, by 
which it was entirely consumed. They passed that day in 
that place, and sent to Cota those that needed healing (who 
were many). 

1 This is the first time the Kelani river is mentioned. Further on in 
this chapter Couto (p. 139) gives it its proper name. The name Matual 
(which still survives in Mutwal) was applied by the Portuguese to the 
river under a misapprehension, arising from their hearing its mouth 
spoken of by the Tamils as Muhatuvaram (Modara). 

2 The lake referred to is evidently that of Mulleriyava, and the site 
of the stockade was probably near Ambatale. 

3 This must be a mistake for " south." 

4 The formation of the fortress is not very clear from this descrip- 



[Vol. XX. 

Next day they went on marching until they reached the 
other tranqueira, called that of Maluana 1 , of the same plan and 
make as the former. And our troops attacking it at one 
part, and the king at another, it was entered and captured, 
though with many dangers and deaths on our side, and with 
the loss of more than six hundred of the enemy, who aban- 
doned it. 

On the following day they marched upon the other tran- 
queira, two leagues from this one, called Grubabilem 2 , which 
was larger and stronger than the others, on account of being 
near the city of Ceitavaca. The curtain of the wall that ran 
along the front was larger and thicker than those of the ones 
they had passed. At each point it had two very large bastions, 
and on the wall many watch-towers very well provided with 
men and munitions. On the side facing the river, which was 
the same Matual, ran a dense bamboo forest, and on the 
other a very impenetrable jungle. Here in this tranqueira 
were the forces of Madune, though he was in the city. This 
tranqueira was attacked with very great determination, and in 
this attack there were many wonderful feats, which we do not 
particularize as we do not know the names of those who per- 
formed them ; but as a result of the affair the tranqueira was 
captured, though with loss on our side, and in it they remained 
that day resting from their fatigue and tending the wounded, 
who were many in number. 

Next day they proceeded to march to Ceitavaca, which lay 
two leagues 3 in front, and on the road they met Madune with 
all his forces. And joining battle (which was severe and cruel 
and with much loss), Madune was conquered and routed, and 
went fleeing to the mountains of Dinavaca 4 , leaving the city 
in the hands of our people, who entered it as victors. 

1 If this is correct, the allied forces must have crossed the river, 
though Couto does not tell us so. (Perhaps Kaduvela is meant.) 
Malvana became later on a Portuguese position (see p. 405, note x ). 

2 Gurubevila (modern Haovella), where, according to the Rdjdvaliya 
(78), the Portuguese in 1539 defeated Mayadunne and his Moorish 
allies (see supra, p. 107, note x ). As this is on the south of the Kelani 
river, the mention of Malvana previously must be an error. In 
1595-7 D. Jeronimo de Azevedo erected a fort at Gurubevila (see infra, 
p. 405). 

3 This is an under-statement. 

4 According to the Rdjdvaliya (78), Mayadunne, after preparing his 
palace for the entry of his brother, left with his household and forces for 
Batugedara (Ratnapura District), which, we see from Couto's state- 
ment, lay in the old territory of Dinavaka (see supra, p. 34, note 3 ). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 139 

This city is very large 1 , and is situated amidst four moun- 
tain ranges, and this same Matual river (which by another name 
is called the Calane) divides it in the midst 2 , which comes from 
the confines of the kingdom of Candea. On the south side 
on an eminence is the king's palace, which is built in the form 
of a handsome fortress, with its walls very thick and strong, 
and one ascends to it by twenty very wide and large steps. 
The fortress is square, and in each side it has three gates for 
service ; on this side lies half the city, and on the other to the 
north the other half ; and in this part is the most superb and 
sumptuous pagode 3 that exists in the whole island, which is 
dedicated to an idol of theirs called Paramisura 4 . The archi- 
tecture of this pagode is strange 5 , and it is asserted that nearly 
twenty years were expended on it, more than two thousand 
workmen being employed on it continuously. 

Our people having entered the city, the king took up his 
residence in his brother's palace, where he found many valu- 
ables ; and Dom Jorge de Crasto with his soldiers in that part 
of the city, which was put to the sack by our men, who found 
much gold, drugs, and wares of all sorts, with which they 
loaded themselves well. Then they passed over to the other 
side, and did the same, without touching the pagodes, as Dom 
Jorge de Crasto had ordered them for the sake of the king of 
Cota, who sent and placed guards over them 6 . And the king's 
people were the ones that stole most, because like house rob- 
bers they dug and disinterred much treasure. Madune, who 
had retired to the mountains of Dinavaca, seeing himself 
beaten and routed, and his brother master of his city, thought 
to employ his guile, and sent to the king his brother and to 
Dom Jorge de Crasto his ambassadors, who entered Ceitavaca 
and were conducted to the king, who heard them in the 
presence of Dom Jorge de Crasto 7 . 

1 Compare what follows with Bell's Rep. on Keg. Dist. 62-5, and 
the sketch plan there given. 

2 It was actually the Sitavaka-gahga, a tributary of the Kelani-ganga, 
that divided the city. 

3 The Berendi Kovil (see Bell's Rep. 63-5 and plates). 

4 Paramesvara (supreme lord), a title of Siva, of whom Mayadunne 
was a worshipper. 

5 Or " foreign." As a fact, Berendi Kovil is modified Dravidian in 
style (see Bell's Rep. 65). 

6 The Berendi Kovil was not so fortunate in the following year, when 
the avaricious viceroy D. Affonso de Noronha entered Sitavaka (see 
infra, p. 152). 

7 The Rajavaliya is silent regarding this embassy. 



They told him, that his brother Machine sent to beg mercy 
of him, and that he fully confessed that he had committed 
many faults, for which he had already been well chastised, 
and had repented of them ; that he besought him earnestly 
to be reconciled to him, and that he was ready to give him all 
the satisfaction necessary. The king, who was a man of very 
good heart and nature (a rare thing in this Chingala nation 1 ), 
touched with the miseries of his brother, and believing that 
he would never more attempt against him his evil designs, 
said to Dom Jorge de Crasto that he wished for peace with his 
brother, if it appeared good to him. Dom Jorge de Crasto 
answered that in this matter he might do what he thought 
well, and what would be best for himself and for the quiet of 
the kingdom. Upon this the king dispatched the ambassa- 
dors, by whom he sent word to his brother telling him to come 
to Ceitavaca, that there they might be reconciled and make 
peace, sending him a surety on his own account, and another 
from Dom Jorge de Crasto. Madune at once went, accom- 
panied by some modeliares of high rank ; and on arriving at 
Ceitavaca his brother received him very kindly, embracing 
him with much affection and good- will (there being nothing of 
this in Madune), and in the presence of Dom Jorge de Crasto 
they were reconciled, and made peace with the following 
conditions : — 

That never more should Madune make war on his brother, 
and that he should deliver up to him all the territories that he 
had taken from him. And that he should at once pay to Dom 
Jorge de Crasto one hundred thousand pagodes for the expenses 
of that fleet, since he was the cause of the war. And that for 
the expedition to Candea he should supply all the servants and 
provisions necessary for payment. And that the king of Cota 
should be obliged to give him three thousand men to accom- 
pany him on it. 

Having made these contracts, both the kings concluded 
peace according to their mode, continuing there in great friend- 
ship 2 . Dom Jorge de Crasto began to get ready to proceed to 
Candea, as he had been ordered ; and if that king should have 
become a Christian, he was to consider the expedition well 
undertaken, and to help him against his subjects if they should 
attempt any disturbance, and also reconcile him to his son ; 
and if not, he was to chastise him for his past faults. And he 

1 Compare Couto's sweeping condemnation of the Sinhalese in V. I. v e 
(p. 66), and his description of Bhuvaneka Bahu's character in V. V. viii. 
(p. 106). 

2 All the preceding, as well as what follows, is entirely passed over 
by the Rdjuvaliya. 

No. 60 — 1908.] couTO : history of ceylon. 


began to press those kings for the things that they were under 
obligation to give him. Madune at once complied with the 
hundred thousand pagodes that he owed, with which Dom 
Jorge de Crasto made two payments to the soldiers, and he 
also furnished him with the provisions and servants that he 

The king of Cota, as he was a great friend of the Portuguese, 
because of the many obligations he was under to them, under- 
standing and knowing the malice of the king of Candea, and 
that all the things he had said were inventions caused by the 
fear that he was in, wished to dissuade Dom Jorge de Crasto 
from that expedition, putting before him the many obstacles, 
and assuring him that the expedition was one of great risk and 
peril, because of the difficult passes that lay in the road. And 
that although that king was his first cousin 1 , he was under far 
greater obligations to the Portuguese than to him ; that he 
assured him that he did not consider it safe to trust him, and 
that on every occasion that he found time and opportunity 
he was certain to plan against him all the treachery that he 
could. Dom Jorge de Crasto thanked him for that counsel ; 
but as he was bound by the governor's order he did not like 
to be induced to do anything outside of it, and he therefore 
asked him for the troops that he had promised, which he at 
once gave him. 

And when all was ready he set out at the beginning of April 
[1550], taking leave of those kings : and the king of Cota at the 
same time left for his kingdom. Dom Jorge went making his 
daily marches, of which the king of Candea was advised each 
day. And fearing that Dom J orge de Crasto having entered his 
kingdom with that force would seize and chastise him, not 
wishing to be at his mercy, he collected forty thousand men, 
and fortified his city, with the intention of preventing his 
entry, keeping strict watch therein. And one night there was 
an alarm that our people were already within a league of the 
city ; and the king having hastened at that report with all his 
troops to await him at the entrance to it, it pleased our Lord 
that the French captain (who, with his soldiers, was, as it were, 
under detention) had opportunity to escape, and in the dark- 
ness of the night went walking along, until he reached Dom 
Jorge de Crasto, who with his army was encamped at a league 
from the city, in order to enter it next day ; and having re- 
ported to him the manner in which the king was waiting for 
him, and of the large force that he had, and of how all his pro- 
fessions were inventions, Dom Jorge was dumbfoundered, and 

1 See supra, p. 124. 



[Vol. XX. 

immediately called a council of the captains, and before them 
all heard once more the French captain's report. Having all 
heard this, they voted that they ought at once to retire, as 
they were thirty leagues within the heart of the island, and 
many narrow and difficult passes had to be passed through ; 
and that if that king should attack them they had not sufficient 
forces to fight him. With this resolution they at once raised 
the camp and retired in great haste but in very good order. 

In the morning the king of Candea received word of their 
retreat, and sallying forth with all his army he followed after 
them by devious roads, and getting in front waited for them 
in some very narrow and difficult passes ; and attacking them 
in those narrows where our men could not turn round, they 
continued shooting them down with firelocks and arrows, 
without our people's having any shelter or defence. Dom 
Jorge de Crasto and the fidalgos and captains were unable to 
govern their men, because as they all went in single file and 
broken up, and at a great distance one from the other, they 
could not help them, nor had they any to do the same for them, 
they running the same risk, and being all of them wounded. 
Thus they proceeded fighting until they got out of the terri- 
tories of Candea, where they got quit of them, seven hundred 
men having been killed and lost in those jungles, among whom 
were four hundred Portuguese, the rest being native Chris- 
tians and people of Cota ; and all the others that escaped 
suffering from many wounds 1 . And as they went marching 
through the territories of Madune, there came out to meet them 
a modeliar of his with five hundred men, and informed Dom 
Jorge de Crasto that Madune begged them to come to Ceita- 
vaca, and was waiting to give him everything needful 2 . 

1 This was the first of many such disastrous expeditions of the Portu- 
guese. In Primor e Honra, pt. iv. cap. 1 (108-9) the author says : — 
" Women gave their lives to many Portuguese who escaped from the 
rout of Dom Jorge de Castro in the island of Seylao in the kingdom of 
Candea, where there were some who to save the Portuguese from death 
offered themselves thereto." The writer may have been one of those 
that accompanied the expedition. Curiously enough, Couto, who has 
given us the foregoing details regarding Jayavira which the Rajavaliya 
omits, now drops all further reference to that king, and not until 1565 
do we hear of Kandy again, when Jayavira's son was reigning (see pp. 
233-4). Jayavira's expulsion from Kandy by his son, and his reception 
as a'fefugee by Mayadunne, are recorded by the Rjdvaliya (82) ; but 
when these occurred, and when he died, does not appear. 

2 Correa tells a similar story in connection with the retreat of Antonio 
Moniz Barreto in 1547, which he has probably confused with this one 
(see C. Lit. Reg, iii. 253). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 143 

Dom Jorge de Crasto made a show of being very grateful for 
this ; and as he was prudent he well understood the malice of 
Madune, and told the modeliar that he would do so. And as 
soon as it was night, and he had encamped in a place at some 
distance from the modeliar, after having made it secure, he 
decamped, and took the road to Cota by ways far removed 
from Ceitavaca, leaving in the camp thirty badly wounded 
men, who could not walk. Next morning the modeliar arose, 
and found the camp vacant, and taking the baggage that he 
found there and the wounded men, he went to Ceitavaca. 
Madune ordered all the Portuguese to be decapitated, telling 
them that he intended to do the same to the captain and to 
all of them. This was learnt afterwards from one of them, 
who managed to escape, and hid himself, and some days later 
arrived at Cota. Dom Jorge pursued his way in great haste, 
and met the king of Cota with all his men, who had come to 
seek him, as he had already been informed of the disaster 
that had occurred, and that he had foretold. On seeing the 
king, Dom Jorge de Crasto was relieved, and thanked him 
heartily for that succour, and accompanied him to Cota, 
where the king lodged all the Portuguese, and tended them 
and gave them every necessary. Dom Jorge when he was 
healed left for Columbo, and at the beginning of September 
went across to Cochim, where he arrived a little before the 
governor Jorge Cabral 1 . 

Dec. VI., Bk. ix., Chap. L 
* * * * * * * 

The ships 2 passed the Cape of Good Hope almost at the 

same time The viceroy 3 and Dom Alvaro de Tayde 4 , 

without sighting each other, took their course outside of the 

1 The end of D. Jorge de Castro was a sad one. In 1563 be was 
appointed captain of Cochin, and in 1571 he was captain of Chale when 
it was besieged by the samuri of Calicut with an enormous force. After 
bravely defending the fort with his small body of Portuguese for four 
months, Dom Jorge was compelled by famine to capitulate. For this 
he was, by royal command, in 1574 imprisoned and tried, and sentenced 
to death, the sentence being carried out in spite of his past services and 
great age (eighty years). Couto (IX. xxvi.) describes the general horror 
felt at this event. 

2 Of the outward-bound fleet of 1550. 

3 D. Affonso de Noronha, who was proceeding to India to succeed 
Jorge Cabral. His ship was the S. Pedro. 

4 A son of Vasco da Gama's ; he was going out as captain of Malacca. 



[Vol. XX. 

island of Sao Lourenco, and encountered many dangers and 
difficulties, which caused the death of some of the men ; and 
attempting to make the coast of India in October, the easters 
took them on the bow, in such fashion, that the viceroy was 
compelled to fall off to Ceilao, ...... As soon as the viceroy 

sighted land his pilot said that it was the coast of India ; but 
Joao Rebello da Lima, a famous pilot who was going as a 
passenger, said that the land that was seen was Columbo and 
Ceilao. The pilot began to contend stoutly that it was the 
coast of India ; and whilst they were in this uncertainty there 
came a boat and informed the viceroy that the land that was 
visible was Columbo. The pilot on hearing this, as he had 
been considered the best on that course, was so mortified 
that he retired to his cabin, and in three days died of 

The viceroy gave orders to steer for Columbo, and anchored 
outside. Those on land recognizing that it was a ship from 
the kingdom, there put out to it speedily several vessels that 
had remained there of the fleet of Dom Jorge de Crasto ; and 
learning that it was the viceroy, they at once sent word to 
Cota to the king and to Gaspar d'Azevedo 1 the alcaide mor 2 , 
who quickly hastened to Columbo, the king coming with a 
very large retinue, and ordering the viceroy to be visited and 
supplied with plenty of provisions and some pieces [of jewelry]. 
The viceroy learnt from Gaspar d'Azevedo what had hap- 
pened shortly before to Dom Jorge de Crasto (as we have 
related in the seventh chapter of the eighth book) , and of the 
wars that Madune had waged against his brother ; and hear- 
ing that the king was in Columbo, he disembarked in the 
vessels, and went on shore to see him, being accompanied by 
all the fidalgos and people from his ship ; and he repaired to 
Santo Antonio, the monastery of the minorite friars 3 , whither 
the king went to see him, there passing between them great 

t There the king gave him an account of his affairs, and 
begged him that, as he was a vassal of the king of Portugal's, 
he would so arrange matters as to secure that kingdom against 
his brother, who treated him badly and desired to kill him. 

1 He came to India as captain of one of the ships of the fleet of 1536. 

2 According to the Tombo do Est. da Ind. (240) he combined this office 
with that of factor. When he was appointed, I do not know. To Pero 
Vaz Travassos and Manuel de Queiros (see supra, p. 74, note 3 ) seem 
to have succeeded Duarte Teixeira and Antonio Pessoa (see G. Lit. Reg. 
iii. 236, 237) ; and Gaspar de Az-evedo probably came next. 

3 Franciscans. This is the first mention of a monastery in Columbo. 
The exact position of this building I do not know. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto: history of ceylon. 


The viceroy answered him that he had had that strictly en- 
joined upon him, and that the first thing to engage his atten- 
tion would be that ; and in return for this he asked him for a 
loan of two hundred thousand parddos, from which the king 
excused himself, telling him that there had been great expense 
on account of the wars, and that shortly before he had spent 
more than seventy thousand parddos with Dom Jorge de 
Crasto, The viceroy was not very pleased ; and taking leave 
of him embarked ; and the king gave him to send to the 
queen 1 by those ships the following pieces [of jewelry] : — A 
large gold collar with pearls and rubies and three crosses of 
precious stones at the lower part and a large pearl below ; 
another collar with rubies, one large one in the middle ; an- 
other gold collar with several rubies and catseyes, and in the 
middle a large catseye surrounded by rubies ; three bracelets 
of gold and precious stones ; a large ring with a catseye sur- 
rounded by rubies ; a beautiful catseye unset : all of which 
was given in charge of the factor of the fleet, and went that 
year to the kingdom. The viceroy also took his trinkets ; 
and before setting sail, there came to see him a son of 
Madune's 2 the king of Ceitavaca, and what passed with the 
viceroy is not known. 

The king of Cota, seeing how the viceroy left him displeased, 
sent after him one Bragmane Pandito 3 with fifteen thousand 
parddos, which he sent him as a present 4 

jjj s|» *S* H* ■ ' H* *§? 

Dom Alvaro de Tayde da Gama, captain of the galleon 
Sao Joao, who, made landfall at Pegu, after taking in water 
and provisions, set sail for India, and came to land at the 
Point of Gale, where he cast anchor, it being the beginning of 
November, and there he disembarked in order to have his 
sick cured, because there were Portuguese there and friars of 
St. Francis with a small house 5 . There he remained the whole 

1 Of Portugal. 

2 This was probably the " Barbinhas " referred to by Couto in 
X. vn. xiii. (see p. 273, note \ and c/. p. 242, note 4 ). 

3 Who this Brahman pandit was I do not know. 

4 Correa (iv. 725) says : — " The viceroy Dom Affonso, through the 
faulty navigation that was kept on his voyage, being separated from the 
other ships made landfall in Ceylao at the end of October, where he at 
once occupied himself in some things to his profit, as I shall tell further 

on. And he left Ceylao, " As Correa does not appear to have 

written more than the four volumes, his promise was never fulfilled. 

5 Cf. supra, p. 124. This is the first mention of a Portuguese settle- 
ment at Galle. 

l 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

of the month of November, without taking any notice of the 
many requests made to him by Manoel de Crasto, on behalf of 
Diogo de Crasto, whose the galleon was. When the month had 
passed he re-embarked, and came to Cochim on the 13th of 

Dec. VI., Bk. ix., Chap. xvi. 

Of the war that Madune again made on the king of Cota : and 
of how this king was killed by accident : ...... and of 

how the viceroy Dom Afonso de Noronha left for Geilao. 

We have above, in the seventh chapter of the eighth book, 
related how Madune, king of Ceitavaca in Ceilao, after seeing 
himself routed by Dom Jorge de Crasto, was reconciled to his 
brother the king of Cota by force of necessity ; but as the 
hatred that he bore towards him was deadly, he dissembled 
as long as the summer 1 lasted. And as soon as the winter 
began, having assembled his armies, he marched against his 
brother in order to destroy him once for all 2 (it being the 
season in which he could receive no help from India). The 
king of Cota, as soon as he received advice of this, having 
collected his troops, sent his son-in-law Tribuly Pandar 3 , and 
with him Gaspar d'Azevedo, factor and alcaide mor, and all 
the Portuguese, who would be nearly one hundred, in order to 
meet Madune, who had already entered his kingdom. Tribuly 
Pandar went in search of Madune, who was going along com- 
mitting great ravages, and had some encounters with him, 
in which he killed some of his men , and forced him to retire to 
the other side of the Calane river, where he encamped his army, 
Tribuly Pandar with his remaining on this side. 

The king of Cota learning that his father 4 was there left 
Cota and went to the army to see it ; and as ill-luck would have 
it, while the Portuguese were in a very large verandah eating, 

1 That is, the hot season, September 1550 to April 1551. 

2 The Rdjdvaliya (79) erroneously says that it was " after the lapse of 
many years " that " Mayadunne once more disturbed the peace of the 
districts which belonged to Kotte." This statement is due to the mis- 
placement of events of which I have spoken. 

8 This is the first occasion on which we hear of this man's taking an 
active part in state affairs. The Rdjdvaliya does not mention him in 
connection with these events. 

4 There is an obvious error here : for " his father " we must read 
either " the father of his grandson," or " his son-in-law." 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of obylon. 


he came to a window on the outer wall 1 to see them ; and 
while there a firelock shot struck him in the head, so that he 
immediately fell dead, without its being known whence it 
came 2 ; and all rushing in confusion found the king dead 3 , and 
Tribuly having taken the body went with it to Cota. The 
army having decamped, after they had performed the funeral 
ceremonies they placed Prince Dramabella on the royal throne, 
and proclaimed him king, the grandees doing him obeisance 
after their manner, his father being the first, and then the 
alcaide mor, and all the great men of the kingdom ; which 
took place the same day, without any festivities or pageantry 4 . 

Madune as soon as he learnt of the death of his brother went 
with his army to the village of Belegale, a league from the city 
of Cota 5 ; and from there he sent to require the grandees of 
Cota to do obeisance to him, because that kingdom belonged 
to him by right. The grandees sent word to him that they 
had a king and prince who was heir by right, to whom they 
had already done obeisance ; and that in his service and in 
defence of his kingdom they were all ready to die. On this 
reply Madune advanced nearer to the city, and encamped his 
army in sight of it, a lake lying between them. Tribuly 
Pandar, seeing that effrontery, collected what troops he could, 
and with them the Portuguese, and had with him a severe 
battle, in which our men were in the van and performed such 
feats that they drove the enemy from the field with the loss 
of many men, and Madune betook himself to a place called 

1 The Rdjdvaliya (79) says that the king " opened the doors of the 
uppermost storey of the royal pavilion built over the water." Valentyn 
(Ceylon 77) has it, that the house belonged to Mayadunne. 

2 The Rdjdvaliya (79) says: — " and, as he walked about, looking up 
and down the river, the Portuguese fired a shot, which struck the king 
on the head, and instantly killed him. Some say that this hurt was 
done of set purpose ; others, that it was done unwittingly : God 
alone knoweth which is true." Valentyn (u.s.) attributes the act to 
" a Portuguese," and adds that some said that it was done on purpose, 
others accidentally ; and yet he gives a ridiculous picture showing a 
Portuguese soldier taking deliberate aim at the king. 

3 The date of this fatality is not given ; but it seems to have occurred 
in June or July 1551. Tennent (Ceylon ii. 15) gives the year as 1542 ! 
Valentyn (Ceylon 47) says it occurred after the king had reigned 11 
years (which may be a misprint for 17). 

4 The Rdjdvaliya simply states that ' ' the Portuguese raised Dharma- 
pala to the throne and sent information thereof to Goa." 

5 Probably the place meant is Boll^gala on the right bank of the 
Kelani river, nearly opposite to Ambatale, which is about the distance 
stated (say 4£ miles) from Kotfe. 




[Vol. XX. 

Canabol 1 , Tribuly being left to carry on the war and the 
government, the king his grandson 2 being very young 3 . 

The king remained in Cota observing the funeral ceremonies 
for his grandfather, whose death was for many years suspected 
to have been caused by Portuguese bribed by Madune, until 
one Antonio de Barcelos dying many years afterwards told in 
the hour of his death, on account of the condition in which he 
then was, that it was he who killed the king of Cota by pure 
accident while shooting at a pigeon, and that nothing else need 
be suspected, as that was the truth. At the time of this man's 
death there was present a Chingala, a Christian and very old, 
from whom we learnt this, and he told it to the king his grand- 
son. We are glad to have ascertained the truth of this fact 
through a man that was a native of that island, on account of 
the bad opinion that was held of the Portuguese in this matter. 

These tidings were sent early in August 4 to the viceroy, 
who, seeing how necessary it was to go at once and settle 
these affairs, ordered the fleet to be got ready with all haste, 
because he was obliged to set out in September, and he 
immediately set afloat the whole fleet, and began to pay the 

It being the 10th of the month, there anchored at the bar 
of Goa five ships, of eight that had set out from the kingdom, 
the captain-major of which was Diogo Lopez de Sousa 


With the arrival of the ships the viceroy hurried on his 
embarkation ; and having committed the care of India to the 
captain of the city, and with him as deputies the chief 
justice, the veador da fazenda 5 and others (because the bishop 
was accompanying him on a visitation), he embarked, and set 
sail at the end of September. The viceroy took ten galleons, 
eight carvels and galleys, and nearly fifty rowing vessels, 
including galliots, foists, and catures 6 . The captains that 

1 Perhaps Kanampella, south of the Kelani river, a few miles west of 
Sitavaka. All the foregoing details are summed up in the Rdjdvaliya 
(79) a? follows : — " Mayadunne, on learning of the death of Bhuvaneka 
Bahu, proceeded to attack the Portuguese ; but the Portuguese checked 
his advance and held their ground." 

2 Another absurd blunder : read " son." 

3 At this time Dharmapala could not have been more than twelve 
years of age (c/. supra, p. 119, note 1 ). 

4 That is, as soon as the south- west monsoon had abated sufficiently 
for a vessel to put to sea. 

5 Comptroller of revenue. 

6 See Hob.-Job. s.v. " Catur." 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


accompanied him on this expedition are the following : — 
Dom Fernando de Meneses his son, Dom Antonio deNoronha, 
son of the viceroy Dom Garcia de Noronha, Eitor de Mello, 
Diogo Alvarez Tellez, Bastiao de Sa, Francisco de Mello Per ira, 
Dom Joao Anriquez 1 , Martim Afonso de Miranda, Pero 
Barreto, Vasco da Cunha, Goncalo Pereira Marramaque, 
Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, Diogo de Sousa, Diogo de Miranda 
Anriquez, Diogo de Mello Coutinho 2 , Antonio de Noronha, 
Jorge Pereira Coutinho, Fernao de Castanhoso, Nicolao de 
Sousa, Alvaro de Lemos, Manoel do Canto, Pero Vaz de 
Matos, Joao da Rocha, Mathias de Trinchel, Luis Mergulhao, 
Pero Salgado the viceroy's ensign, and his veador, Simao 
Botelho 3 the veador da fazenda, Andre de Mendanha the 
chief justice, Manoel da Cunha, and other fidalgos and knights. 
In this fleet there went three thousand men, a very fine body. 

The viceroy went pursuing his course to Cochim, 

where in passing he dispatched some business ; and leaving 
there he doubled Cape Comorim and crossed over to Ceilao, 
where he arrived in a few days. 

Dec. VI., Bk. ix., Chap. xvii. 

Of how the viceroy Dom Afonso de Noronha disembarked at 
Columbo and had an interview with the king of Cota : and 
of the compact that they made against Madune : and of how 
they routed him and captured the city of Ceitavaca. 

The viceroy having anchored with all his fleet in the port 
of Columbo disembarked on the following day, and the king 
and Caspar d'Azevedo the alcaide mor gave him a very grand 
reception : because through some rowing vessels that had 
gone in advance they had had notice of his coming, and had 
at once gone to Columbo to await him, the king taking with 

1 This man, we shall see further on (p. 154), was left at Columbo as 
captain-major of Ceylon. 

2 Succeeded D. Joao Henriques on the death of the latter (see infra, 
p. 157). 

3 Perhaps the only honest man in the whole gang of robbers. Regard- 
ing him see Whiteway 290-8, and Sousa Viterbo's O Thesouro do Rei 
de Ceyldo 1-17. From his long letter to the king of 30 January 1552, 
it appears that he wished to leave for Portugal, as the king had given 
him leave to do, but the viceroy forbade it on various grounds, so he 
was forced to accompany this marauding expedition. 



[Vol. XX. 

him his father and the chief men of his court 1 . The viceroy 
took up his lodging in the factory, and immediately dispatched 
his son Dom Fernando de Meneses with five hundred men to 
occupy the city of Cota, in order to hold the passes to it, so 
that no one should go out of it : the which Dom Fernando did, 
placing a captain with a hundred men on guard over the king's 
palace, so that there might be no disturbance of any kind; 
these precautions scandalizing many, since it appeared as if 
they were going to conquer a friendly king rather than one 
that was an enemy. The viceroy after having given orders in 
Columbo regarding various matters left for Cota with his whole 
force, and after taking up his quarters laid hands on the chief 
modeliares and the servants and the oldest persons of the house- 
hold of the king, the latter being unable to come to their help, 
and began to inquire of them regarding the treasures of the 
ancient kings, since it was surmised that they were very great ; 
and because he could extract nothing from them he ordered 
several modeliares to be put to the torture, we know not by what 
right or justice ; and in this he went to such an extreme, and 
carried it out with such evil methods, that all being horrified 
at the tortures that they saw some put to, they began to 
leave, a few at a time, and during that period there went over 
to Madune more than six hundred of the principal men. The 
viceroy seeing that they would not reveal anything to him 
ordered the king's palace to be searched, even invading his pri- 
vate apartments, and carried off all his gold money, including 
five hundred and sixty portuguezes of old gold, silver, jewels, 
and precious stones, and the money alone amounted to a 
hundred thousand parddos : all of which was incharged upon 
Simao Botelho, the veador da fazenda, in a separate book, 

1 The Rdjdvatiya (79-80) says : — " When letters reached Goa that 
king Mayadunne was checked when he .once more marched against 
the Portuguese on the death of Bhuvaneka Bahu, and that prince 
Dharmapala had been made king, many persons and the pidalgu 
[fidalgo] called Don Juvan Arikku, nephew [or, son-in-law] of the 
viceroy, and the padre Vilponsi Aponsu Perera, came from Goa, landed 
at Colombo harbour, went to Kotte, and had an interview with king 
Dharmapala." I cannot confirm or confute the statement as to the 
relationship to the viceroy of D. Joao Henriques ; but regarding the 
padre named I shall have something to say further on (see p. 172, 
note 4 ). Valentyn (Ceylon 77) says that Dharmapala sent a message to 
the king of Portugal as well as one to the viceroy, and he adds that " the 
viceroy of Goa Don Louis de Tayde, and his sister's son, Don Joan,'' 
came with a great fleet to Ceylon, &c. How the name of D. Luiz de 
Ataide (who was viceroy in 1568- 71 and again in 1578-81) got in here, 
I cannot imagine. 

No. 80. — 1908.] couto : history op ceylon. 


which is among the revenue accounts at Goa, where we saw 
these details 1 . 

After they had taken from this poor king all that they could 
find, the viceroy discussed with him and his father Tribuly Pan- 
dar the business of Madune, and they agreed as follows : — That 
the viceroy and they two should go against Madune , and that 
they should not cease their operations against him until they 
had him in their hands, and had utterly destroyed him, so 
that he could give them no more trouble ; and that they should 
give him two hundred thousand parddos for the cost of that 
expedition, one hundred at once, and the other hundred 
afterwards, for which an acknowledgment was given, which 
was incharged upon the factor of the fleet Manoel Collaco, and 
afterwards upon the factor of Cochim, and by him handed 
over to the receiver of residues, where we went to see it, and 
it does not state whose the debt is, only saying that they are 
due, without mentioning the time in which he was obliged to 
pay them, which must have been in the original, which we 
cannot find. Furthermore the viceroy agreed with the king 
of Cota that all the prizes that should be taken in Ceitavaca 
should be divided equally, one half for the king of Portugal, 
and the other for the king of Cota. 

These agreements having been made and signed, they began 
to prepare for the expedition against Madune, the king of Cota 
giving the viceroy then and there eighty thousand parddos 
on account of the hundred thousand that he was under obliga- 
tion to give him immediately ; though even to give him this 
he had to sell jewels and other personal and household articles, 
which he carried with him and had thus saved. Then the 
king and his father took the field with four thousand men, 
and the viceroy with nearly three thousand Portuguese. 
Before they set out there arrived Dom Diogo d' Almeida, son 
of the auditor of the exchequer, with fifty soldiers, whom the 
viceroy welcomed gladly. 

This fidalgo, as we have related in the past chapter, left the 
kingdom that year as captain of the ship Espadarte, of the 
company of Diogo Lopez de Sousa ; and having bad weather 
passed outside of the island of Sao Lourenco, and with much 
trouble and risk made landfall at Cochim, after the 15th 
of October ; and learning that the viceroy was in Ceilao 

1 Incredible as the above statements appear, they are fully substan- 
tiated by Simao Botelho himself (Cartas de S. B. 39, and Inventario do 
Thesouro do Rei de Ceyldo, printed for the first time in 1904 by Sousa 
Viterbo). All that the Rdjdvaliya says is (80), that the viceroy " took 
possession of much of their royal treasures." 

152 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. XX. 

immediately freighted a foist, and collected fifty soldiers from 
his ship, and set off in search of him, and found him in Cota 
already in the field. 

Everything being ready for the expedition, the viceroy began 
to march in very good order, the van being led by his son Dom 
Fernando de Meneses, with all the young fidalgos, who quickly 
attached themselves to him 1 . Madune as soon as he had 
news of the arrival of the viceroy fortified his tranqueiras 2 and 
garrisoned them with many men and munitions, while he 
himself remained in the open with three thousand picked men 
to go wherever needed. Our people arrived at the first tran- 
queira, attacking it on all sides ; and although they met with 
very great resistance they gained an entrance, many of the 
enemy being killed ; and passing on, they captured the other 
two tranqueiras, into which, though very well defended, our 
people gained an entrance with very great valour. Going on 
to the city of Ceitavaca, the vanguard had some encounters 
with Madune, in which they totally routed him, and he with a 
hundred men went fleeing to certain very strong mountains, 
called Darnagale 3 . The viceroy entered the city of Ceitavaca 
without resistance 4 , and took up his quarters in Madune's 
palace, and the king of Cota near the pagode, and he at once 
ordered guards to be placed at the entrances to the city, which 
was then sacked, both by our people and by those of the king 
of Cota, and many prizes were found in it. The viceroy 
ordered the whole of the royal palace to be dug up, to see if 
he should find the treasures, which he did not, and he did the 
same with the great pagode that was there, in which were 
found many idols of gold and silver, large and small, candle- 
sticks, basins, belts, and other things, all of gold for the 
service of the pagode, and some pieces of jewelry set with 
stones, all of which was incharged upon the veador da fazenda 
Simao Botelho : all these pieces are entered without valuation, 
and for this reason we do not estimate what they were worth 5 . 
All this the viceroy collected together, without giving half to 

1 See Rdjdv. 80. 

2 Those described in VI. vm. vii. (pp. 136-8). They appear to have 
been reconstructed. 

3 Deraniyagala (see Rajdv. 80). Valentyn {Ceylon 78) says that 
Mayadunne soon left this mountain fortress for " the village of Balatga 

4 The Rdjdvaliya speaks of fighting taking place after the entry into 

5 The lists are printed in Thesouro do Rei de Ceyldo 24-8. As Couto 
says, there are no valuations entered. 

No. 60. — 1908.] oouto : history of ceylon. 


the king of Cota as had been agreed 1 , besides what was concealed 
and secreted, and God only knows how much that was. 

The king of Cota ordered spies to be set on Madune ; and 
learning that he had withdrawn to the mountains of Darnagale 
with few followers, begged of the viceroy five hundred men 
to go with his father Tribuly Pandar to attack him, and 
capture him ; because if he compromised with him, on their 
backs' being turned he was certain to reinforce himself and 
cause new troubles to that island and to the state of India. 
The viceroy replied that he approved of this, and thereupon 
asked him for the twenty thousand parddos that were due to 
him of the balance of the hundred thousand. And as the king 
was poor , and for the eighty thousand that he had given had 
even sold articles of his personal use, as we have said above, 
he could not collect the money, nor had he any source whence 
to obtain it, and the viceroy leaving the business in suspense 
said that it was already late, and that it was necessary for him 
to go and dispatch the ships that had to leave for the kingdom ; 
and leaving Ceitavaca he went to Columbo, to settle various 
matters of that island before he took his departure 2 . 

Dec. VI., Bk. ix., Chap, xviii. 

of the matters that engaged the viceroy's attention 

in Geilad : 

it i ' i < '■ ■ . ■ ' 

We must now leave him [D. Antao de Noronha] 

to return to the viceroy, whom we left just now in Columbo. 

There he disposed of the affairs of that island, agreeing to 
leave a garrison of four hundred men in the city of Cota for its 
security, and nominated as captain-major of that island and of 

1 In the headings to the lists as given in O Thesouro, &c. , the fact is 
stated that half was for the king of Portugal and half for the king of 
Ceylon as agreed by contract made with the viceroy. Faria y Sousa 
(Asia Port. II. n. ix.), after recording the contract, adds sarcastically : 
— " however the necessity of India did not allow of the observance of 
words, or faiths, or punctualities. If the barbarian had violated them 
to the Catholic, he had been a thousand times a barbarian. In this wise 
I am reduced to not knowing what is a Christian or a politician when he 
breaks them to the barbarian. Better judges may know." 

2 The Rdjdvaliya (80) says that the viceroy " having again given the 
city to the flames returned to Kotje." Neither of these statements 
appears to be correct. 



[Vol. XX. 

the fleet that he was leaving there Dom Joao Anriquez 1 , and 
assigned to him ten rowing vessels, the captains of which 
were Dom Duarte Deca, Jorge Pereira Coutinho, Diogo de 
Miranda Anriquez , Fernao de Castanhoso , Antonio de Noronha , 
Ruy de Brito, Nicolao de Sousa, Joao Coelho de Figueiro, and 
Manoel Colaco as factor of the fleet. He left an order for Dom 
Joao Anriquez that he should reside in the city of Cota, appoint- 
ing as magistrate to administer justice Rafael Corvinel, while the 
post of alcaide mor he intrusted to Fernao de Carvalho 2 , who had 
to reside in the city of Columbo , it being agreed at a council of 
all the captains that it should be walled in all round as speedily 
as possible, artizans being at once left for this. And so as 
soon as the viceroy embarked they took the work in hand, 
and began to enclose it with mud- walls, of which even 
today the greater part is standing 3 . The viceroy hurried on 
these matters in order to embark; and it appears that he had 
determined to take with him Tribuly Pandar 4 , father of the 
king, of which he got wind, and taking himself off betook 
himself to certain jungles that are a league from Cota : at 
which the viceroy was much annoyed, but hid his chagrin, 
and on several occasions pressed the king to become a Christian, 
from which he excused himself, telling him that at present it 
was not convenient for him to make a change of law, because, 
as he had reigned only a short time, and his uncle Madune had 
a fixed determination to take the kingdom from him, it was 

1 He was the first " captain-major of Ceylon ": D* Joao da Silveira, 
Lopo de Brito, and Fernao Gomes de Lemos were styled only "captain 
of Columbo." With the demolition of the fortress in 1524 this office 
ceased to exist : now it was to be revived and enlarged. 

2 From O Thesouro do Rei de Ceyldo 40 , it appears that he was also factor. 

3 It is unfortunate that Couto does not enter into greater detail on 
this subject (regarding which the Rdjdvaliya is silent). It is evident 
that by " the city of Columbo " is intended so much, at least, as lay 
within what are now the Pettah and the Fort, for it was this extent that 
the Portuguese fortress of Columbo covered down to its rendition to the 
Dutch in 1656. (It therefore lasted just over a century.) The 
mud- walls, of which Couto reports the greater part as still standing 
when he wrote [circa 1597), had to be strengthened to resist the great 
siege of 1587-8, as we shall see. Valentyn (Ceylon 91) says that he 
could not find in the Portuguese writers when the fortress was rebuilt : 
he must have overlooked the above passage. 

4 The reason is not stated ; but it was doubtless to prevent him from 
influencing his son Dharmapala. The Rdjdvaliya (80-1) attributes 
the issuing of an order to imprison Vidiye Baiidara to his having married 
a daughter of Mayadunne's; but according to Couto (VI. x. xii., p. 163), 
this marriage took place a year or more later. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couTO : history of ceylon. 155 

certain to be a great argument for him to induce his vassals to 
go over to him, which would be the cause of that kingdom's 
being lost 1 ; but that he would give him a prince who was his 
first cousin to take to Goa, and that there he might make him a 
Christian : and at once he committed him to the viceroy, who 
ordered him to be given quarters in his galleon, and in Goa he 
made him a Christian with great solemnity ; and when he left 
for the kingdom 2 he took him with him, and the king com- 
manded him to be, committed to the fathers of the Company to 
be indoctrinated, giving him six hundred thousand reis for the 
expenses of his household. 

This prince (who was called Dom Joao) frequented the 
court for many years, and the king bestowed honours upon 
him, and when he talked with him gave him a chair, as he did 
to the counts. Afterwards he sent him to India with the same 
allowance of six hundred thousand reis 3 ; and in the city of Goa 
he married a Portuguese wife, the daughter of an honoured 
knight, who is still living; and the prince of Ceilao (for thus 
he was always intitled) died, and lies interred in Sao Francisco 
at Goa. We have given an account briefly of this prince, in 
order not to do it afterwards in bits 4 . 

1 And yet, in his curious appeal to the pope, the king of Portugal, 
and the viceroy of India, written at Columbo on 10 December 1594 
(see Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 735-40), Dom Joao Pereapandar claims to have 
been a Christian for forty-five years ! The Rdjdvaliya (80), after the 
paragraph that I have quoted above (p. 150, note x ), proceeds: — "He 
[Dharmapala] was "made a proselyte to the religion of Christ and 
admitted to baptism, and had the baptismal name of Don Juvan Propan- 
dara conferred upon him. At his baptism many leading men of Kotte 
also received baptism." (In the glossary prefixed to the English trans- 
lation of the Rdjdvaliya the learned translator explains Propandara 
by " proponent " — which means a divinity candidate in the Dutch 
Reformed Church !) On the other hand, Ribeiro (liv. i. cap. v.) implies 
that Dharmapala was not baptized until 1594. The fact is, that the 
actual year when he was baptized is not mentioned in any of the authori- 
ties that I have consulted. (See further infra, p. 172, note 4 .) 

2 In 1555. 

3 From a royal letter of 6 February 1589, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. 
iii. (187), it would seem that this prince received an annual sum of 2,500 
parddos from the rents of opium and soap : this, at 300 reis to the 
parddo, equals 750,000 reis — rather more than Couto mentions. 

4 As the Rdjdvaliya is silent regarding this prince, I cannot identify 
him ; nor do I know when he died, but, judging from the document 
referred to in the previous note, his death occurred probably in 1587. 
Sae Menezes, in his Rebelion de Ceylan cap. ii., refers to this prince (see 
C. A. S. Jl. xi. 462-3, where, however, the translation is very faulty). 



[Vol. XX. 

And to return to our subject : the viceroy wished not to 
leave there without being given the twenty thousand parddos 
that were still due to him, and also wished for the return of 
Tribuly Pandar, who owed him nothing, since he had not 
fulfilled the contracts that he had made with him, to pursue 
Madune until they had killed him or had him in their hands. 
And seeing that Tribuly had fled, he seized the king's grand 
chamberlain 1 ; who was all his household, and sent him on 
board a galleon of the fleet, telling him that he would not be 
released until he had paid him the twenty thousand parddos. 
The grand chamberlain seeing himself in such straits sent to 
beg money of his friends and relatives ; but could find none 
that could lend it to him, so ordered to sell a gold belt that 
he wore and some trinkets of his, which amounted to five 
thousand parddos, which he sent to the viceroy with a pro- 
missory note, in which he bound himself to pay the fifteen 
thousand in full that year. On this the viceroy ordered him 
to be released, and embarked, leaving the grand chamberlain's 
promissory note with Dom Joao Anriquez for him to collect 
the fifteen thousand parddos. And also among certain 
things that he left him orders to carry out, that which he 
most impressed upon him was to capture Tribuly Pandar 
and send him to Goa. Having taken leave of all, he set sail 
for Cochim 2 , 

1 This was Dharmapala's paternal uncle Tammita Bala Surya 
Bandara, or, as he is called in a letter of D. Joao III.'s of 16 March 1543, 
confirming this office to him and his descendants, " Tammatey Sam- 
paraprimal " (? Sampakapperumal). 

2 The Rdjdvaliya (80) says that the viceroy " departed for Goa, 
giving the post to his nephew, and leaving the captain Diyagu da Mel 
to assist him. The Buddhist monks who were at Kofcte departed to 
Sltavaka and the hill-country." What Simao Botelho thought of the 
viceroy's doings may be judged from the following passage in his letter 
to the king dated 30 January 1552 (Cartas de S. B. 39) : — " Regard- 
ing the expedition to Ceylao and its result and the death of the king 
I shall not enlarge, because the viceroy is doing this minutely; but it 
appears, since the purpose was treasure and Christianity, things so 
different the one from the other, that our Lord was not willing that 
either of these should be done or got, except so little of one and the other 
as that the money and jewels did not come to ninety thousand pardaos 
(I do not mention the exact quantity because there are some things to 
be sold, and what they will be worth I do not know, thej^ being articles 
with precious stones), and there was no Christian made except a boy, 
who was given by force, a son of the dead king's [?] ; and since there 
are bound to write to your highness concerning this business all who 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


Deo. VI., Bk. ix., Chap. xix. 

of what happened in CeMao. 

i|C *JC jj» S|i 5{c jjt 

The viceroy having left Ceilao, Dom Joao Anriquez tried 
to capture Tribuly Pandar, the king's father, as the viceroy 
had left him orders to do ; which becoming known to the king, 
he took a hand in the matter, and begged him not to interfere 
with his father, but to dissemble with him for the present, 
as it was necessary for them once more to unite against Madune, 
who was already in Ceitavaca reorganized, and with a large 
force. The king's request seemed to Dom Joao good, and 
he gave him a safeguard for his father to come to Cota, that 
they might settle about the war that had to be carried on 
against Madune The king wrote this to his father, and sent 
to summon him. Tribuly was in the Seven Corlas, where 
there reigned a first cousin of his 1 , with whom he had agreed 
to marry the king his son to a sister of this cousin's, so that 
thus they might all be allied against Madune. The captain 
Dom J oao Anriquez learning of this was greatly pleased at it , 
and agreed with Tribuly Pandar that he should set out with 
the prince of the Corlas with all the army against Madune, 
and that he with the king his son and his grand chamberlain 
should go by way of Calane, that thus he would not be able 
to escape them. This agreement having been made, when 
they had one and the other begun to prepare for the expedition, 
Dom Joao Anriquez fell ill of a severe sickness , of which he died 
on the first of May [1552]. He was succeeded by Diogo de Mello 
Coutinho, either by an order that existed, or by election, we 
cannot well ascertain which, who carried on his obligations, 
waging against Madune all the war that he could, not taking 
into consideration the league that had been formed against 
him with Tribuly Pandar and the prince of the Corlas ; rather 

were there, I think I am excused from doing so, and through them 
your highness can learn if I served you therein well or ill ; only one 
thing I shall say, which no one shall drive out of my head, only that 
there is treasure there, although it may not be much, and some was 
hidden." From Simao Botelho's Tombo do Estado da India (240) it 
appears that the viceroy also raised the amount of the tribute cinnamon, 
although the factor had already increased it from 300 to 450 bahars. 
In spite of all this, Couto (or perhaps his " corrector " Adeodate da 
Trinidade) in VII. I. vi. expatiates on the virtues of this rapacious extor- 
tioner, and says that he lived poor ! 

1 This is apparently Edirimanna Surya, of whom we shall hear again 
in VII. in. v. (see p. 175, note 



[Vol. XX. 

he determined to seize Tribuly Pandar, as the viceroy had 
left orders to do, and so he seized him, as will be seen further 
on 1 . 

Dec. VI., Bk. x., Chap. vi. 

And because there had reached 2 him [the viceroy] 

tidings of the death of Dom Joao Anriquez, captain of Ceilao, 

he dispatched to that fortress Dom Duarte Dega 3 ; 


Dec. VI., Bk. x., Chap. vii. 

Of how Diogo de Mello, captain of Ceilao, seized Tribuly 
Pandar, father of the king : 

There took place at this time so many events simultaneously 
that it has not been possible to continue relating them in 
their order, because the most important and material ones 
occupied their place : and so we shall give these a little rest, 
in order to continue with those that took place at the beginning 
of this summer, both in Ceilao and in Malaca ; and for this 
purpose we shall continue with them together, a thing that we 
always avoid, because we strive as far as possible to keep them 
separate and relate them by themselves, so that they may be 
found apart when they are sought for. But here we shall 
not at present keep to this order, because thus it is necessary. 
And to continue with the affairs of Ceilao, Dom Joao Anriquez 
having died, after that they had agreed with Tribuly Pandar 

1 The Rdjdvaliya (80) says : — " Not many days after this, the 
nephew of the viceroy died of a flatulent complaint after he had handed 
over charge to Diyagu da Mel , and left written instructions to imprison 
Vidiye Bandara." 

2 In September 1552, it being impossible to communicate with 
India earlier, owing to the south-west monsoon. 

3 As this man was captain of one of the ships left at Columbo by the 
viceroy, we might take the word "dispatched " here to mean " appoint- 
ed by dispatch," which it usually does in the Portuguese historians, 
were it not that in the next chapter we read of his "arrival" at 
Columbo, presumably from Goa. Through a careless misreading of 
Couto's words, Faria y Sousa (Asia Port. II. n. x.) says that Dom 
Duarte was accompanied to Ceylon by Xavier " fired with zeal for a 
spiritual conquest " : the fact being that, as Couto states, Xavier went 
in the ships for Malacca, on his way to China. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of oeylon. 


and with the king his son to go against Madune, he was 
succeeded by Diogo de Hello Coutinho (as has been related 
above in the nineteenth chapter of the ninth book of this 
Sixth Decade), who as soon as he took charge of the fortress, 
finding in the instructions that tho viceroy left for Dom Joao 
Anriquez that he was to seize Tribuly , resolved to do it, without 
giving a hint to anyone. So, having an interview with the 
king, he asked and required him to order his father to come 
to Cota, because he wished to speak with them both on matters 
concerning the service of the king of Portugal. The king , think- 
ing that Diogo de Mello would not meddle with him, sent to 
summon his father, who at once came to Cota. Diogo de 
Mello, who was in Columbo, as soon as he heard that he had 
arrived, went thither, and in the king's house seized him, 
and brought him to Columbo, and put him in a tower that 
served for keeping the powder in , and put on him strong iron 
fetters 1 . 

Tribuly's wife, the king's mother 2 , when she saw her hus- 
band made a prisoner, stirred up the greater part of the people 
of Cota, and left there and went to the town of Reigao 3 , 
whence she planned for his release ; and three days after this 
had occurred, there arrived Dom Duarte Deca, who came as 
captain, and at once took charge of Columbo 4 . The king- 
went and interviewed him, and begged him to release he 
father, which he would not do, but rather made his imprison- 
ment more rigorous 5 : and so we shall leave him for a time, 
to continue with the affairs of Malaca. 


Dom Pedro da Sylva encountered at sea Bernaldim de Sousa, 
who imagined that he would be enraged at his conduct with 
his brother 6 ; but he was very far from being so, these things 
seeming to him very bad, and so after saluting each other 

1 The Rdjdvaliya (81) says: — "Accordingly Diyagu da Mel, on 
obtaining the post, seized king Vidiye, took him to Colombo, and im- 
prisoned him there." 

2 This shows that Bhuvaneka Bahu's daughter was still living (c/. 
infra, pp. 161, note 1 , 164, note 2 ). 

3 See supra, p. 99, note 4 . 

4 This was probably in September 1552. 

5 As might be expected of such a man (see infra, p. 169, note :! ). 

6 This refers to an unseemly quarrel that took place at Malacca at the 
end of 1552, in which Xavier played a discreditable part (see White way 
76). D. Pedro da Silva was captain of Malacca, and his brother D. 
Alvaro de Taide was sent to succeed him when his time expired. This 
led to jealousy, and ultimately to violent measures, sides being taken 
by the various captains there. 



[Vol. XX. 

they went together to Ceilao and disembarked at G-ale 1 , and 
from there went by land to Columbo 3 , where they remained 
some days, going to visit Tribuly Pandar in prison, and con- 
soling him, and offering to speak to the viceroy on his behalf 3 ; 
and after getting some necessary things they embarked and 
left for Cochim 

Hs * ' * * * * # 

Dec. VI., Bk. x., Chap. xii. 

Of the events that took place this year in Ceilao : and of how 
Tribuly Pandar, who was imprisoned, became a Christian, 
and escaped from prison : and of the ravages that he com- 
mitted, and of other things. 

We left the affairs of Ceilao with the imprisonment of Tribuly 
Pandar, father of the king of Cota, and the arrival of Dom 
Duarte Deca ; we shall now continue with the events that 
took place this summer. Upon the assumption of the captaincy 
of Ceilao by Dom Duarte, the king interceded with him 
for the release of his father, making him very great offers, and 
giving him all the assurances that he might require, without 
being able to persuade him. The fathers of St. Francis had 
intercourse with this prince, who prayed them to make him a 
Christian, because he was well affected to the matters of our 
faith, and because in no one had he found humanity and 
charity except in them. The fathers were highly gratified at 
this, and catechized him, and baptized him 4 , without telling the 
captain of this, because they feared that he would prevent 
them ; but after it was done they let him know of it. Dom 
Duarte was so angry about it, that it had been done without 
their communicating it to him, that he at once ordered to be 
put on Tribuly a huge fetter, and to fasten it to a chain, and 
to stop his communications with the friars, by whose means 
he thought he might obtain some alleviation, and all the other 
consolations that a prisoner could have, whereby he reduced 
that unhappy 5 prince to a state of utter desperation. His 

1 Apparently in February 1553. 

2 This is the first time we read of Portuguese journeying by land 
between Galle and Columbo, and it shows that, at this time at least, 
that portion of the coast was in a settled condition. 

3 The reason for all this solicitude on behalf of Vidiye Bandara is not 
evident : perhaps it arose from dislike of D. Duarte Deca. 

4 The Rajavaliya is silent regarding this. 

6 The word in the original is atribulado — an evident pun on the 
prince's name. 

No. 60.— 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


wife, the king's mother (who, as we have said s affronted at 
the imprisonment of her husband, had gone off to the town 
of Reigao), as she was a prudent and courageous woman, 
being informed of the ill-treatment meted to her husband, 
took steps to release him thence by stratagem, since it could 
not be done by force ; and putting herself in communication 
with some persons that she trusted, Portuguese, who 
had also been disgusted by these excessive measures, she 
bribed so much, and gave so much, that they made a mine 
in the garden of the fathers, upon which the prison looked, 
which led into the place where Tribuly was, and by this 
they got him out one night, and he was hurried away from 
the fortress 1 . Next day, when the alarm was given to the 
captain of that business, he lost no time in holding an 
inquiry, and arrested several persons, against whom nothing 
was proved, and at once dispatched a message to the viceroy 
of what had occurred. 

As soon as Tribuly found himself free from prison, as he 
bore in his heart bitter resentment for the ill-treatment that 
had been accorded to him, collecting a large number of men, 
whom his wife had sent to him, he betook himself in the direc- 
tion of Gale, and all the churches and Christians that he came 
across he put to the fire and sword, not sparing anything 2 ; and 
on reaching Gale he did the same, and burnt a fine ship that 
was there already finished and on the stocks, which belonged 
to one Miguel Fernandez ; and proceeding to Reigao, he took 
his wife and went to the town of Pelande 3 . which would be 

1 The Rdjdvaliya (81) says : — " The queen of king Vidiye contrived 
to have the jail broken into by pallaru, and the king removed and 
brought by night from Colombo to Rayigam Korale, and thence to 
Awwagama (or Atulugama)." Valentyn (Ceylon 78) has it that the 
two wives of " Videa Rajoe " procured his escape. The date of Vidiye 
Bandara's release is nowhere stated, but it must have been after Febru- 
ary 1553, when, as we have seen in VI. x. vii., he was visited in prison 
by the two Portuguese captains. 

2 In VII. ii. iv. (p. 170) Couto records another raid by Vidiye Bandara 
in the same region, which shows that the loss of life and property on this 
occasion could not have been as great as is here stated : unless, indeed, two 
raids have been evolved out of one. TheRdjdvaliya is silent on the subject. 

3 The Rdjdvaliya (81) says: — "There [Awwagama], however, he 
co aid not maintain his ground, because the Sinhalese and Portuguese 
army marched against him from Kotte. He therefore crossed over the 
Kalu-gaiiga and lived in the heart of Pasyodun Korale. Here he 
founded the city of Pelenda and erected a fort. He assumed the 
honorary title Tuttardyakanda Anganvira, spread his fa^me in the four 
directions ; and, while residing in Pel&ida, cherished a desire to 
attack Kotte and Sitavaka." 

m 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

eight leagues from Cota 1 , with the intention of making all the 
war that he could on the Portuguese. 

The king his son when he had news of his flight, and of the 
ravages that he was committing, was very sorry, and sent to 
beg him not to go any further with that business, nor to 
remember the wrong they had done him ; but to cast his 
eyes upon Madune his enemy, who was the cause of all those 
troubles ; and that they should all unite for his hurt, because 
otherwise that kingdom would be lost ; and to the same purport 
he spoke to the captain, and begged him that past events 
might be forgotten and present ones considered, and that they 
should all arm against Madune, who was powerful, and incited 
by these dissensions ; and that he knew for certain that unless 
something was done in this direction very quickly all that 
island would be lost and would remain in the power of the 
hostile king ; and that it was the king of Portugal that would 
lose most in this, since he was suzerain of that kingdom of Cota, 
and the commerce of that cinnamon was of great importance 
to him. 

Dom Duarte Deca having considered all these things made 
a compact with the king against Madune, bringing into the 
league Tribuly Pandar , who was to go from the town of Pelande, 
where he was, with his troops against Ceitavaca ; and that the 
king should send the grand chamberlain with all his army 
and fifty Portuguese that he would give him. This compact 
the captain swore upon a missal to observe, and the king 
thereupon gave him a thousand cruzados towards the expenses 
of the fifty soldiers, and began to arrange matters for the 
expedition, the grand chamberlain putting in the field nearly 
three thousand men ; and when he expected the fifty Portu- 
guese that Dom Duarte Deca was to send him, he failed him 
with all of them, sending word to him that the soldiers did not 
care to serve without pay, and that he must send him more 
money for this. The king, as he had been plundered and 
was penniless, had nothing to send him ; but the grand 
chamberlain had a golden girdle that was worth five hundred 
cruzados, and this he sent him, that he might pay the fifty 
soldiers. Dom Duarte received the girdle, and responded by 
sending him twenty soldiers, and as captain of them Joao 
Coelho 2 . The king was very indignant at Dom Duarte Dega's 
thus failing to do as he had sworn ; but he did not cease 

1 It is rather less in a direct line. 

2 Doubtless Joao Coelho de Figueiro, who was captain of one 
of the ships left at Columbo by the viceroy in 1551 (see supra, 
p. 154). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


preparing for the prosecution of the enterprise, and dispatched 
the grand chamberlain with orders to go and see the prince of 
the Corlas 1 in order to get him to join the league. The grand 
chamberlain having set out arrived at the village of Madabe 2 , 
where he had an interview with that prince, and arranged 
with him that he was to assist him against Madune from that- 
side, and left him four hundred men to add to his forces. This 
done, the grand chamberlain with the Portuguese invaded 
the territories of Madune at one point, the prince of the Corlas 
at another, and Tribuly Pandar from Pelande at another. 
At the part where the grand chamberlain entered there came 
out to meet him Madune's captain-general, with whom our 
people had several encounters, in which they routed him. 
Dom Duarte Deca, whether it were that Madune, learning 
of this confederation, sent secretly to bribe him, in order 
that he might not aid the king of Cota^ or lest he should, 
from cupidity of what he hoped to get from him, offer 
himself to him, or whatever it was, they had communications 
with one another, which were not so secret that Tribuly 
Pandar did not get to know them, and at once informed his 
son thereof 3 . 

The king seeing such bad faith, as he was a great friend 
of the Portuguese, fearing some treachery, sent to recall all 
with the grand chamberlain. Tribuly seeing this injustice 
of the captain's, and how on top of what he swore he 
corresponded with Madune, wished however to be quits 
with him and pay him back in the same coin, and 
so they entered into an agreement, which concluded as fol- 
lows : — That Tribuly Pandar should marry a daughter of 
Madune's, a widow with one daughter, and that the latter 
should marrjr his second son, the king's brother : and to this 
they gave their assents, which were at once published. When 
the king heard of it he was very vexed, because he knew from 
the malice of Madune that all these agreements were in order 
to cajole his father Tribuly, so as to arrive at depriving him 
of the kingdom, which was what he aimed at. The old queen, 
the grandmother of the king and of Madune (who was a very 
serious lady of great prudence), seeing the king of Cota 
abandoned even by his own father, took with her the grand 
chamberlain, and went to the village of Reigao, where Tribuly 
was ; and having an interview with him, she made him a 
speech much to her credit regarding this business, which had 

1 See supra, p. 157, note 1 . 

2 Perhaps Madampe is meant. 

3 The Rdjdvaliya has nothing of all the foregoing. 

M 2 ■ > \, 



[Vol. XX 

such an effect that she got him to cancel all the proposals he 
had made with Madune, placing her son's affairs once again in a 
more hopeful position ; and it pleased God that this lady 
arrived before the matrimonial alliances with Tribuly were 
consummated ; for had it not been so all would have been lost. 

These matters having become known, Dom Duarte Deca 
was deposed, and in his place succeeded Fernao Carvalho, 
alcaide mor of Columbo 1 . The king, his father Tribuly 
Pandar, and the prince of the Corlas (who by the intervention 
of the old queen swore a new league) got ready to prosecute the 
war, begging the assistance of fifty soldiers from Fernao 
Carvalho, who offered them to them, and they immediately 
sent him five hundred cruzados for their expenses. All being 
in the field, when the king sent to ask the captain for the 
soldiers he sent answer asking to be excused, saying that some 
Malavar vessels were cruising off the coast of Columbo, and 
that he must go after them, lest they should pillage the country : 
and so he went off without sending them either soldiers or 
money. The king, seeing how he went from bad to worse 
with these captains, yet did not desist from the enterprise, 
and ordered it to be prosecuted. The confederates entered 
the territories of Madune, and defeated his captains many 
times, and brought him to such a state, that he sent to beg 
mercy of his brother, who as he was a good man showed it to 
him, and they made a new peace, with the carrying out of the 
marriages that had been agreed 2 . In this state we leave 
these things. 

1 This was only until the viceroy should appoint a successor (see 
p. 165). 

2 The Rdjdvaliya (81) says : — " The princess whom the aforesaid queen , 
daughter of Mayadunne, bore in dangerous labour, was given in marri- 
age to king Vidiye's son by his first bed. It should be noted that the 
name of this son was prince Vijayapala, afterwards known as king 
Dharmapala." The words italicized are not in the original, and are 
erroneous. (According to Valentyn's version, Ceylon 76, Dharma- 
pala had a younger brother named Vijayapala.) The version of the 
Rdjdvaliya translated by Valentyn (Ceylon 79) says : — " About this 
time there died the emperor's mother, or the wife of Videa Rajoe, who, 
having learnt of her death, whilst he was still at Pellenda, made peace 
with the king of Majadune, and thereafter married his daughter Maha 
Tiquiri Bandara, beside this, in order to render the bonds of friendship 
so much the stronger, giving in marriage to his son Jaja Palla Astana, 
the lawful brother of the emperor's, a niece of the king's, Coeda 
Tiquiri Bandara. After the consummation of these marriages, he made 
little of the king of Majadune, or of the Portuguese ; but on the con- 
trary began to do them harm, and gave out that he was the rightful 
heir to the empire." 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


Dec. VI., Bk. x., Chap. xiv. 
* * * * # * * 

Summer having begun, in the early part of September [1553] 
there arrived at the bar of Goa two ships from the kingdom : 

The viceroy warmly welcomed the captain-major, who 

delivered to him the bag of vias 1 , in which he found various 
instructions regarding matters which the king commanded 
him to attend to at once, and of some oi these we shall give 
the purport, because it is necessary for our history. 

The viceroy found an alvard 2 , in which the king commanded 
him immediately, as soon as he had read it, to return to the 
king of Ceilao all the money and jewels that he had taken 
from him ; and if any had been sold, to pay him their value; 
because the king considered that the viceroy had done him 
great disservice by his conduct towards that king, for which 
he reprehended him in his letters. The viceroy at once 
began to carry into execution the alvard, and dispatched the 
galleon of the Ceilao voyage 3 , in which he ordered to embark 
Affonso Pereira de Lacerda, whom he appointed to the 
captaincy of that island, ordering Dom Duarte Deca to return 4 , 
and by him he sent to that king all the jewels that still remained 
to be sold ; and of the rest, which might be worth some 
two hundred thousand pardaos, a declaration was made in the 
journal of Belchior 5 Botelho (upon whom all had been 
incharged) , in order that it might be repaid to him little by 
little ; but of the whole the poor king did not get back twenty 
thousand pardaos, by instalments, and by articles that were 
sent to him, because all the rest was deducted, part in the 
tribute, and the greater quantity in gifts and favours that he 
bestowed upon captains, alcaides mores, secretaries, fidalgos, 
officials, and servants of the viceroys and governors. And in 
these gifts was well fulfilled that old adage that says : " Monro 

1 The royal dispatches were termed vias, because they were generally 
sent in quadruplicate, one set, or via, in each ship. 

2 A royal order. 

3 See supra, p. 121, note 3 . 

i From VII. i. vii. and VII. ii. iv. it appears that, although " dis- 
patched " at this time, Affonso Pereira did not actually enter on the 
post until April 1555 (see pp. 169, 170, infra). If D. Duarte Deca left 
Ceylon, as he was ordered to do, ,it is to be presumed that Fernao 
Carvalho continued to act as captain of Columbo. 

5 This must be a slip of the pen for " Simao," as it was upon Simao 
Botelho that all the Ceylon plunder was incharged (see supra, 
p. 150). Belchior was Simao's eldest son (see O Thesouro do Bei de 
Oeyldo 7). 



[Vol. XX. 

que nad podes haver, dd-o por tua alma " 1 . So this king, seeing 
that he could not get what was due to him out of the hands of 
the governors who succeeded down to Mathias d'Alboquerque, 
bestowed liberal favours upon those that asked him 2 , which 
were paid by means of secret agreements, which all had for 
that purpose, — a very great injustice, much in use in India, nofr 
to pay men for the money, the foist, the provisions, the coir, 
and all the rest that is got for the fleet, but to pay others, with 
whom they have agreed for the third part. But leaving this 
matter, and others from which we derive little satisfaction, 
let us return to our subject. The king continued to press the 
governors and viceroys for his dues, without being able to get 
them out of their hands, until the year 1558, when Francisco 
Barreto being governor, and seeing how that king worried 
him, brought the matter into court, after the king's proctor 
had presented a libel against that king : by the judges it was 
decided, that the king [of Portugal] was not under obligation to 
pay him anything, because the state had spent much more on 
fleets than he had sent in the way of help 3 . 

This decision appears to have been disapproved of by the 
king Dom Filippe when he succeeded to the realms of Portugal, 

1 Literally, " The Moor that you cannot get, give for your soul." 

2 Of. infra, p. 241. 

3 In the Arch. Port. -Or. v. (No. 206) is printed an alvard issued at 
Goa on 3 January 1558, by the Governor Francisco Barreto, which runs : 
— " The Governor of India, etc. I do to wit all who shall see this my 
alvard and whom it may concern that inasmuch as I am informed that 
the king Dom Johao king of Ceilao on account of importunities and 
untrue statements grants favours to many men without their deserving 
it, and for just considerations that move me thereto, I think fit and com- 
mand that henceforward no Portuguese person or any other person of 
any quality or condition whatsoever receive from the said king any 
favour of money that may be payable to him from the money that our 
lord the king has to give to the said king of Ceilao , and may order to 
be given and paid to him, nor likewise shah they sell him merchandise 
or anything else in order to get payment from the said money, under 
pain that whoever shall act contrary shall not have the said favour nor 
the price of what he shall thus sell him, and shall lose the things that he 
shall sell, and in addition he shall be given the punishment that I shall 
think fit. I notify thus to all the judges, magistrates, officers, and 
persons to whom this shall be shown, and command them thus to com- 
ply with it and cause it to be complied with without any doubt or hin- 
drance. x\nd this shall be proclaimed in Ceilao, and shall be registered 
in the exchequer, so that it shall be notorious to all, the which shall 
be valid though it may not pass through the court of chancery. The 
secretary Quintino Martins did it in Goa the 3rd of January 1558/ 
Francisco Barreto.'" 

No. 60. — 1908.] cocto : history of ceyloh". 


because in the year 1585 he passed an alvard, signed by the 
cardinal Alberto, regent of the kingdom, in which he com- 
manded that payment was no longer to be made to the persons 
to whom the king of Cota had granted the debts due to him, 
and that on account of these he was to be given each year 
what had usually been given him for entertainment, which 
was a thousand parddos 1 ; as we shall state more exactly and 
at greater length in our Tenth Decade, because here we only 
refer to it, these things being closely connected. 

* * * * * * * 

1 The alvard of 1585 spoken of by Couto is not in the Arch. Port. -Or. : 
but in that collection is a letter from the king to the viceroy, dated 6 
February 1589, paragraph x. of which (180-1) runs: — "And I was 
pleased at the manner in which you acted regarding the king of Ceilao, 
and at your having ordered payment to be made to him of the thousand 
parddos that he has yearly as pension, which as a Christian king, and 
one who has nothing else to sustain him, it is right that he should not 
lack, and that you have particular care of him, and that he understand 
by deeds and words that I have enjoined it upon you ; and as regards 
the money that he gives to several persons on account of what was lent 
to the viceroy Dom Affonso. I have nothing fresh to treat of, because 
by the ships of the past year I commanded to write to you that in no 
case should payment be made of any of this money, having been informed 
that a great quantity had been paid to persons to whom he gave it 
with much largess, without there being a book of receipt or expenditure 
of his money, regarding which I commanded a provision of mine to be 
passed, which I sent you in past years, which you shall cause to be 
observed entirely as is set forth therein." The promise that Couto 
here makes, of dealing with the subject in his Tenth Decade, he appears 
to have forgotten to fulfil, since he does not refer to the matter therein, 



[Vol. XX. 


1554-1565 a.d. 

Portuguese Governors of India. — D. Pedro Mascarenhas, 
viceroy, September 1554 to June 1555 ; Francisco Barreto, 
governor, June 1555 to September 1558 ; D. Constantino de 
Braganoa, viceroy, September 1558 to September 1561 ; 
D. Francisco Coutinho, count of Redondo, viceroy, Septem- 
ber 1551 to February 1564 ; Joao de Mendonca, governor, 
February to September 1564. 

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon. — Dharmapala alias Dom Joao 
Pereapandar, 1551-97 (Kotte); Mayadunne, 1534-81 (?), 
(Sitavaka) ; ? alms Dom Joao, 155? -6? (Kandy). 

Tamil King in Jaffna. — Sangili. 

Portuguese Captains-Major of Ceylon. — Affonso Pereira de 
Lacerda, 1555-9 ; D. Jorge de Menezes Baroche, 1559-60 ; 
Balthazar Guedes de Sousa, 1560-4 ; Pedro de Ataide Inferno, 

In this Decade we are told of the ravages committed by 
Vidiye Raja after his escape from prison ; of an alliance 
between the Portuguese and Mayadunne for his destruction ; 
of a combined attack upon him in the city of Pelenda ; and 
of his flight to Jaffna and death there at the hands of the 
Tamils (1555-6 ?). We also read of further engagements 
between the Portuguese and Mayadunne 's troops under the 
command of Raja Sinha, in which on one occasion the 
former suffered a serious defeat ; and of the siege of Kotte and 
its relief (1556-63). Several chapters are devoted to a detailed 
account of a campaign (in 1560) against the king of Jaffna, 
commanded by the viceroy in person, which after a successful 
beginning ended in disaster, the Portuguese being obliged to 
make a hasty and shameful retirement from the peninsula. 
A curious and perplexing episode in connection with this 
expedition is the alleged capture by the Portuguese, in a 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


temple in Jaffna, of the tooth relic ; the subsequent offer (in 
1561) by the king of Pegu of a large sum for its redemption ; 
the refusal (after much debate) of this offer, and the destruc- 
tion of the relic by command of the viceroy. 

Dec. VII., Bk. i., Chap. vii. 

»i» jfc *Jc sfs sjj s|( 

Almost at the same time 1 there also anchored at the 

bar of Goa the ship Espadarte of the company of the viceroy 
Dom Pedro Mascarenhas, which had gone to Ormuz to winter, 
as we have said. And because Fernao Gomez de Sousa, who 
came by it as captain, carried the captaincy of Cochim, the 
viceroy at once dispatched him to enter on it ; and he did the 
same to Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, who was there as captain, 
to go from there to serve in the captaincy of Columbo in 
Ceilao ; and also dispatched Dom Duarte 2 to go and enter 
on the captaincy of Maluco 3 , who went on board the ship 
Conceigao, the captain of which was Dom Jorge Deca, who 
had been dispatched for these voyages 

Dec. VII., Bk. n., Chap. iv. 

Of the events that happened in Ceilad : and of the stratagems that 
Madune made use of in order to set Tribuli Pandar a,t enmity 
with the Portuguese : and of how afterwards he agreed with 
them to destroy him, as they did. 

Tribuli Pandar having escaped from the prison in which Dom 
Duarte kept him (as has already being related in the Sixth 
Decade in the twelfth chapter of the tenth book) went and 

1 Apparently in March or April 1555. 

2 See supra, p. 165, note 4 . 

3 He had been appointed to this a year before. He had no sooner 
entered on his office than he began to show what manner of man he was 
(" obstinate, headstrong, and of a violent temper, and blinded by his 
cupidity," is Couto's description of him). His outrageous proceedings 
culminated in his being seized by the Portuguese in the Moluccas and 
sent a prisoner to Goa, whence he was sent to Portugal to justify his con 
duct to the king, which he managed to do by inculpating another man. 



[Vol. XX. 

took up his residence in the village of Balande 1 (after he had 
committed the ravages of which we have spoken). Madune, 
as he was crafty, and as all those dissensions had been cut 
short midway from the conclusion he desired, at once dispatched 
messengers to Tribuli Pandar, by whom he sent to persuade him 
to avenge himself of the affronts that the Portuguese had put 
upon him, offering him to this end all the help he might need, in 
men and money : which Tribuli Pandar accepted of him, and 
he sent him six hundred Chingalas with their modeliares 2 ; and 
with the troops that he collected in addition he began to wage 
a very bitter war on our people, and destroyed the villages of 
Paneture, Caleture, Macu, Berberi, Gale, and Beligao 3 , and 
wrecked all our temples that the friars of St. Francis had in all 
these places, having made in them many Christians of great 
and exemplary life, some of whom on this occasion received 
a glorious martyrdom at the hands of this barbarian, who 
spared nothing ; and many of the Christians he took captive, 
ill-treated, and even put to the torture 4 . 

At this juncture there arrived 5 Afonso Pereira de Lacerda 
(whom we left above on his departure from Cochim) to succeed 
to that captaincy ; and after taking posession of it, learning 
of the great ravages that Tribuli Pandar had committed, 
he determined to make on him all the war that he could, 
for which purpose he made his preparations. Madune, who 
never lost an occasion, as soon as he saw Tribuli Pandar 
at full enmity with the "Portuguese, dispatched ambassadors 
to Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, ordering them to wait on him 
and offer him all that he might need against Tribuli Pandar : 
which Afonso Pereira de Lacerda accepted of him with thanks, 
a compact being made between them that each on his side 
should make war on Tribuli Pandar, and that they should 
not relax their efforts until they had totally destroyed him ; 
because as long as he was alive he was sure to cause trouble to 
that island 8 . This compact was made with the condition that 
the customs dues of the country and ports should be collected 

1 An error for " Palande." (The edition of 1782 has " Bandale.") 

2 The Rdjdvaliya says nothing of this alliance, but (81) ascribes Maya- 
dunne's enmity to Vidiye to the latter's ill-treatment of his second wife, 
daughter of the former. 

3 Gf. supra, p. 124. 

4 Cf. supra, p. 161. It is probable that it was in this general 
massacre that Fernao Rodriguez lost his life at Berberim (Beruvala), as 
recorded on his wife's tombstone, now in the Colombo Museum (see M. 
Lit. Reg. i. 14). 

5 In April 1555. 

6 The Rdjdvaliya is silent regarding this compact. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


for the king of Portugal, to whom they were paid in former 
times, but had been usurped by Machine 1 , which were as 
follows : — From the ports of Licao 2 one thousand fanams, of 
Belicote 3 three hundred, the lands of the queen 4 three thousand 
three hundred , those of Mapano 5 seven hundred, those of Muli- 
ara 6 two thousand, the Regir 7 two thousand five hundred, the 
port of Matual three thousand three hundred and twenty, that 
of Columbo two thousand 8 , Paneture five hundred and sixty, 
the port of Macii 9 , Beligao, and Gale, and Chucari 10 nine thou- 
sand seven hundred. And they agreed further that the captain 
should apprehend the grand chamberlain 11 of the king of Cota 
and his brother-in-law Alaca modeliar 12 , and a son of the black 
captain's 13 (who were the three persons whom Madune most 
feared), the ambassadors leading the captain to believe that 
these were the instigators of the affairs in which Tribuli Pandar 
was concerned, that they helped him in the ravages that he 
had committed : for Madune thought that when he had not 

1 This is the first time we learn of these important facts. When the 
customs dues of the Ceylon ports first began to be collected for the king 
of Portugal, I do not know. 

2 This should be " Alicao " (Alutgama), the initial having, as in other 
instances, been dropped through confusion with the Portuguese femi- 
nine definite article (cf. C. Lit. Reg. iv. 190, note). The plural form 
" ports " refers to this and the next place mentioned. 

3 This is an error for " Belitote " ~ Welitota near Balapitiya (cf. p. 358). 

4 I do not know where these were. 

5 Mapane (Mapane) was the name by which, in Portuguese times, 
the tract of open land now called Galle Face was known (see C. A. S. 
Jl. xii. 76, note). We shall come across the name more than once in 
the account of the great siege of Columbo, 1587-8 (cf. infra, p. 296, 
note 10 ). 

6 This is evidently Mulleriyava, a few miles east of Colombo (cf. 
infra, p. 292, note 4 ). 

7 This is a puzzling name ; but coming, as it does, between Mulleri- 
yava and Mutwal, I think the original " o Regir " is a misreading or 
misprint for some such form as " Veregore " = Veragoda {cf. infra, p. 384). 

8 The port of Matual, it will be seen, had a larger trade than that 
of Columbo. 

9 Maggona. 

10 This, I think, must be a ghost name, evolved out of a misreading 
of some Portuguese word or words. It may, however, be a blunder 
for " Caleture " ; but its enumeration after Galle makes this dubious. 

11 Tammita Bala Stirya Baildara (see supra, p. 156, note 1 , &c). 

12 In VII. in. v. (p. 177) he is called Alanca. (Perhaps Alegakkon 
is intended. ) The Rdjdvaliya does not mention him. 

19 I do not know who this was. 



[Vol. XX. 

got these against him it would soon be very easy for him to 
make himself master of the whole island. 

All these contracts having been made according to the wishes 
of Madune, without Afonso Pereira de Lacerda's suspecting 
his falsehoods, they at once prepared to prosecute the war : 
and the captain apprehended the persons that Madune had 
indicated, and the grand chamberlain he sent at the beginnnig 
of summer 1 to Goa, where the governor Francisco Barreto 2 
received him cordially , and ordered him to be intrusted to the 
friars of Sao Francisco 3 , where he remained, and commanded 
him to be given all that he needed, and they treated him with 
so much kindness, that they succeeded in making him a 
Christian, and baptized him with great rejoicings, the governor 
Francisco Barreto being his godfather, and bestowing his name 
on him ; and afterwards he sent him back to Geilao with gifts 
and honours 4 . 

1 That is, in September 1555. 

2 He succeeded to the governorship on the death of the viceroy D. 
Pedro Mascarenhas on 16 June 1555. 

3 On the convent and church of St. Francis of Assisi see Fonseca 

4 In VIII. xii. (p. 244) Couto again refers to this "conversion" of the 
grand chamberlain. All that the Rdjdvaliya says (81) is, that "his 

'* [Vidiye's] younger brother, Tammit.a Siirya Bandara, was captured and 
sent to Goa" ; and no mention is made of his return to Ceylon. The 
version used by Valentyn, however, says {Ceylon 78) : — " Meanwhile the 
deported councillor Tammutta Bala Soeria Sena Dipati [sic] f ound means 
of making himself so esteemed by the viceroy [sic] of Goa, that he returned 
to Ceylon with great gifts." In what year or years the chamberlain's 
baptism and return to Ceylon took place, I cannot find : but, as Fran- 
cisco Barreto's governorship ceased on 8 September 1558, they 
must have occurred before that date. The " conversion " and baptism 
of Dharmapala must also have taken place during this period, for in the 
Arch. Port.-Or. (v. No. 257) is printed the summary of a provision by the 
governor Francisco Barreto, dated at Chaul, 21 March 1558, allowing 
the king of Ceylon, on account of his " being now converted to our holy 
faith," to send to India yearly fifty extra bahars of cinnamon, besides 
the usual 150 of tribute. The wording of this would seem to imply 
that the " conversion " took place in 1557. I have quoted above 
(p. 150, note 1 , p. 155, note x ) a passage from the Rdjdvaliya (80) 
which implies that Dharmapala was " converted " and baptized by 
means of a padre named " Vilponsi Aponsu Perera," who accompanied 
the viceroy D. Affonso de Nbronha to Ceylon in 1551. The key to this 
mysterious and obviously anachronistic passage is to be found in Valen- 
tyn (Ceylon 78), whose more correct version of the Rdjdvaliya reads : — 
" At this same time there left for Ceylon a Franciscan priest Fra Joan 

No. 60. — 1908.] co i to : htstory of ceylon. 


The contracts between Machine and Afonso Pereira de 
Lacerda having been agreed to, Machine dispatched a bastard 
son of his called Raju 1 (who was the worst enemy and gave 
more trouble to that fortress than all others, and laid two very 
strait sieges to it, one when Maiioel de Sousa Coutinho was 
captain, and the other in the time of Joao Correa cle Brito, as 

Villa da Conde, and a captain xilfonso Pereira with him, who came first 
to Colombo, and afterwards to Cotta to the emperor Darrnapala, 
whilst the latter was preparing for a severe conflict, in which the Portu- 
guese also took their share. After this priest had been here for some 
time, he brought the emperor so far, that, in the presence of the cap- 
tain-general, he with many of his grandees, and a large portion of his 
people, was baptized." So we find that the mysterious padre ** Vilponsi 
Aponsu Perera " resolves himself into the friar Frei Joao de Villa do 
Conde and the captain Affonso Pereira de Lacerda ! Now, the latter, 
as we have seen, did not arrive in Ceylon until April 1555 : so that it is 
evident that Dharmapala's baptism could not havo occurred before that 
date. According to the Hist. Seraf. iii. 536, Fr. Joao de Villa do Conde 
was one of the six Franciscan friars sent out by King Joao III. in 
1540 [sic] in reply to the request of " Bonezabago," whom, however, 
he failed to convert, but who, nevertheless, was persuaded to send two 
of his sons (?) to Goa, where they were baptized, and died shortly after- 
wards (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 245, 327). The death of Bhuvaneka Bahu 
is mentioned, and the succession of his grandson, D. Joao Parea 
Pandar, who deferred becoming a Christian, but gave a cousin (and so 
on, as Couto states above on pp. 154-5). This writer then says : — 
"Some time having passed, the same father Fr. Joao baptized not only 
this king, but the queen his wife, who took the name of D. Catharina, 
many of the grandees of his court, all the ladies of the palace, and so 
large a number of the people in the city, and outside of it, that the 
baptized were counted by thousands. Within a few months in a limit 
of thirty leagues he erected twelve churches, where with his companions 
by day and night, without taking an hour of rest, they cultivated and 
watered with the holy sacraments these new plants, which afterwards 
filled the whole circuit of the island. Besides this we baptized in Goa 
his grand chamberlain, who received the name of D. Francisco Barreto.'* 
Now, taking the above with the official documents quoted supra (p. 166, 
note 3 , and the first part of this note), I think we may conclude that 
it was in 1557 that Dharmapala was baptized and took the name of 
Dom Joao (after the king of Portugal), his wife taking that of Catharina 
(after the queen of Portugal). That it could not have been later than 
the early part of 1558 is certain, since King Joao III. died on 11 June 
1557 ; and the news would have reached Ceylon in the latter part of 

1 Here enters on the scene the famous " royal lion," Raja Siyha I., at 
this time only a lad in his teens, known as Tikiri Baiidara (see Rajdv. 82). 
There is no reason for believing him a bastard, as Couto calls him (c/. 
infra, p. 272, note l ). 



[Vol. XX. 

will be related in the Ninth and Tenth Decades 1 ). This Raju 
went with a large army against Tribuli Pandar in the direction 
of Caleture 2 . Afonso Pereira de Lacerda sent Ruy Diaz 
Pereira with two hundred men and Antonio de Espindola with 
one hundred to attack each on his side the city of Palanda, 
where Tribuli Pandar was, because Raju was to go from another 
side, so that thus he could not escape them. Having all 
arrived there and encamped their armies, our people attacked 
the city with great determination ; and although Tribuli 
Pandar defended himself very bravely, an entrance was 
nevertheless effected, many inside being killed ; and 
Tribuli Pandar, seeing himself defeated, managed to escape, 
and fled to Tanavare 3 , and our people entered his houses, and 
captured his wife, who was the daughter of Madune, and whom 
he had only recently married ; and carried off all his household 
and personal property, and thereupon returned to Columbo 
and Raju to Ceitavaca. Tribuli Pandar not thinking himself 
safe in Tanavare went to the Seven Corlas, whither Madune 
afterwards followed him and proceeded to lay siege to him 
very leisurely, as will be seen further on. 

Dec. VII., Bk. hi., Chap. v. 

Of the events that took place this year in Geilad : and of the war 
that was prosecuted against Tribuli Pandar : and of how he 
fled to Jafanapatao, where he was killed : and of the war thai 
Madune again made on the king of Gota. 

In the past winter 4 we left Tribuli Pandar a refugee in the 
Seven Corlas after being defeated ; and finding himself so 
persecuted there, he betook himself to the prince of Urungure 

1 These were in 1579-80 and 1587-8 respectively. The second we 
shall find described in full detail in the Tenth Decade (p. 274ff.); but the 
Ninth Decade having been stolen, and Couto's summary of it unfinished, 
almost all that we know about the first is gained from a reference here 
and there in the Tenth Decade (see infra, p, 257). 

2 The Rdjdvaliya (82-3) recounts the incidents of this campaign in 
much greater detail than Couto, but ignores any Portuguese participa- 
tion (see also Val. Ceylon 79-80). 

3 Dondra. From the Rdjdvaliya it would seem, however, that he did 
not actually go to Dondra. 

4 The " past winter " should mean May-August 1555 ; but it will be 
noticed that in VII. II. iv. Couto gives no dates, nor does he in this 
chapter : so that it is not easy to fix the year in which the events he 
describes took place. 

No. GO. — 1908.] cottto : history of ceylon, 


(which is one of the corlas 1 ), because of his being a close con- 
nection of his 2 , and he entertained him well, and assisted him 
against Madune, and gave him everything necessary for war ; 
but as Tribuli Pandar was wicked and perverse, in payment of 
this great kindness he one night murdered the prince, and took 
possession of the city 3 , in which he fortified himself with his 
followers, making himself master of the palace, house, and 
treasure of the prince 4 . This tyrant seeing himself in power 
and master of Urungure determined to get possession of the 
whole of the Seven Corlas, which was a large dominion, and in 
which neither the Portuguese nor Madune could do him harm, 
it consisting entirely of high mountains and narrow and 
difficult passes 5 . Having determined this, he mustered a force 
and began to invade the other corlas and with his army to 
capture and destroy their villages. 

The natives, seeing how great was the wickedness of a man 
that should murder a prince who had sheltered him in his 
troubles and persecutions, and one so closely connected with 
him, all entered into correspondence with each other, and 
formed a general league against him, swearing with their 
ceremonies that they would all die both in the defence of their 
cities and in avenging the death of that prince ; and mustering 
all their forces, they occupied and fortified all the passes by 
which this tyrant could enter ; and for greater security they 
sent ambassadors to Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, captain of 
Ceilao, to beg him for assistance in soldiers, promising that to 
all that should come they would pay fifteen gold parddos the 
month each. 

Afonso Pereira de Lacerda having seen their request and 
offer, and considering that it would be to the king's service 
to help those people, in order that that tyrant should not make 
himself master of those cities (because he would cause great 
oppression and trouble to the whole of that island) , at once 
dispatched one Joao Fernandes Columbrina, an old soldier and 

1 There is not, and never was, I believe, a korale in the Seven Korales 
with a name like this. Perhaps Kurunegala is meant ; but this seems 
very doubtful (cf. infra, p. 318, note 3 ). Regarding this man and his 
capital see C. A. S. Jl. xiii. 46-7. The Rdjdvaliya (84) calls him " king 
Edirimanna Surya of the Irugal race." 

2 Cf. supra, p. 157, note 1 . 

3 Mundakondapola. 

4 Cf. Rdjdvaliya 84; C. A. S. Jl. xiii. 47, and note. Valentyn 
(Ceylon 81) gives an imaginary picture of the murder. 

5 As a fact, the Portuguese never did obtain any permanent footing 
in the Seven Korales. 



[Vol. XX, 

worthy knight, with sixty Portuguese, who were glad to go on 
that business on account of the high pay that they had promised 
them ; and they proceeded to join the natives of those 
corlas, and began to make war on Tribuli Pandar from above, 
while E-aju, son of Madune (of whose services they also 
availed themselves), did the same from below 1 ; and thus they 
harried that tyrant, who seeing his cause lost sought to save 
his person, which he did one night, taking his mother-in-law 
and his wife, Madune' s daughter, with whatever treasures he 
could ; and by unfrequented roads made his way to Jafana- 
patao to beg help of that king 2 , so as to return once more 
with a larger force : and he received him humanely. And in 
discussing his business afterwards, and giving him an account 
of his experiences, in the course thereof he represented to him 
the obligation binding upon all the kings of that island, to 
expel from it the Portuguese, making it appear to him so easy, 
that he persuaded him to give him help against them, and to 
urge the same upon all the kings his friends and relatives. 
And for the greater certainty of this they met in a pagode, in 
order there to swear that league with the ceremonies customary 
amongst them. But as the thing that God most abhors is 
false and tyrannic men, it pleased him to speedily chastise 
this Tribuli Pandar, when he was most intoxicated with the 
revengefulness of his hate : and it occurred in this manner. 

These princes being before their idols in order to take their 
oaths with great festivities and rejoicings, there happened to 
fall from a soldier's firelock powder-flask a little gunpowder, 
and another that stood by out of mischief set fire to it, which 
took place close to both those princes. And as Tribuli 
Pandar was fearful, and alarmed at everything (which is the 
weight that the wicked always carry on their heart, as a penalty 
of their wickedness), as soon as he saw the blaze of the powder, 
thinking that it was treachery, he drew his sword on the king ; 
and amongst all there ensued a great strife, in which Tribuli 
Pandar was killed, there remaining, as a result of this affair, 
in the power of that king the old queen, the grandson, his 
daughter-in-law, and his treasures 3 : and thus ended all his 

1 The Rdjdvaliya (84-5), while recording a previous engagement 
between the Portuguese-cwm-Kotte Sinhalese plus Vidiye's troops 
and the forces of Mayadunne at Puvakella ferry, of which Couto says 
nothing, is silent regarding the confederacy here described against 

2 This was Sahgili, who massacred Xavier's converts in 1544. 

3 Of these treasures we shall hear again (see pp. 195, 196). As regards 
Vidiye Raja's widow, see infra, p. 396, note 4 , p. 398, note 6 . 

>fo. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


wars and troubles 1 (whom the captains of Columbo persecuted, 
he having in the beginning perhaps some small faults : because 
if he came to bite, it was because they worried him). And 
after his death began the great troubles of that island, and the 
kingdom of Cota was lost ; and there were so many sieges of 
that fortress and of that of Columbo, as will be seen in the 
course of the Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth Decades : for Madune 
had never grown so impudent had Tribuli Pandar lived, it 
being he that broke his power and abated his pride and tyranny. » 

Madune seeing that Tribuli Pandar was dead, and the grand 
chamberlain of the king of Cota, and his brother-in-law 
Alanca Modeliar and the son of the black captain prisoners, 
and out of favour with the Portuguese (all brought about by 
his industry to this end), forthwith took steps to prosecute the 
war on Cota, and not to desist therefrom until he had made 
himself master of that kingdom. And mustering his armies , he 
sent his son Raju, whom he was training and inciting to acts 
of bravery, that he might afterwards kill him [Mayadunne] 
and his legitimate brothers and make himself king (as we 
shall relate in the Eleventh 2 Decade, Madune paying for his 
tyranny at the hands of his own son), to prosecute the war and 
lay siege to Cota : which he did, sallying forth from Ceitavaca 
with a large army ; and invading that king's territories, he 
marched on causing great havoc and pillaging 3 . 

There was at this time in the city of Cota with that king 
Afonso Pereira de Lacerda with a few troops, and with those 
that he had he garrisoned the passes to the city, and fortified 
them as best he could, and on the rivers he distributed ten or 
twelve vessels, the captains of which were Fernao de Crasto., 
Domingos Rapozo, Joao Rodriguez Correa, Antonio de Espin- 
dola, Diogo Juzarte 4 , Christovao das Neves, Gaspar Lopez, 
Vicente Bello, Antonio Fernandez, Gongalo de Chaves, Antonio 
d'Araujo, Antonio Jorge, and Domingos Diaz, and as captain- 
major of the whole Fernao Perez Dandrade. These vessels 

1 The account in the Rdjdvaliya (86) of Vidiye's flight and death is 
very different from Couto's. The version in Val. (Ceylon 81) is curious, 
and agrees with neither of the above. It runs : — " From there [' Conda 
Palla Nuwara'] he went on board ship in the bay of Portaloon or 
Putaleon, left for Jaffanapatnam, and betook himself to a haven or 
bay which is since called Anaxaddie or Anacse Heriatotta, that is, ' the 
passage of the king's crossing.' .... Vigea Rajoe with his son Jaja Palla 
Astana and their retinue went to the village of Tammaraccoelam ; but 
there, after a very sudden but short fight, he was robbed of everything 
by the Malabaars." 2 Sic, for Tenth (see infra, p. 271). 

3 The Rdjdvaliya does not record this. 

4 This man is mentioned again in VII. ix, vi, (p. 205). 

n 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

went up and down preventing the passage of Raju's troops, 
as well as making attacks on several of his father's villages, 
which they destroyed and burnt. The king of Cota, although 
he was in an impoverished condition, yet mustered his troops, 
and put in the field some modeliares, who had many encounters 
with the enemy in which there was loss on each side. And 
since these assaults were many and unimportant, and we do 
not find a record of anything noteworthy, we shall pass them 
over : enough that they spent part of the summer and all this 
winter 1 in waging all the war they could, and so we shall 
leave them until we return to them. 

Dec. VII., Bk. in., Chap. x. 

This prince 2 , they say, went and landed in the island of 
Ceilao, haying taken with him a large number and throng of 
jogues, his disciples, and that he took up his abode on that moun- 
tain range where is Adam's Peak, where he lived many years 
leading a holy life . And desiring to depart thence , his disciples , 
who remained there, begged him to leave them some memorial 
of him : upon which, planting his foot upon a slab of rock, he 
impressed in it that footprint, as if he had done it in a little 
soft wax, the which they venerate and reverence as that of our 
father Adam ; and it is held by all in such veneration, as I 
have described in the twentieth 3 chapter of the sixth book 
of my Fifth Decade, where I relate this matter of this footprint 
very minutely, and show that this island of Ceilao is the 
Tapobrana of Ptolemy, in which I treat of many curious things 
which no previous writer has written of. This prince is called 
in their writings by many names : but the principal one is 
Drama Raio ; and after that they held him for a saint they 
called him Budon, which means " sage," to whom this heathenry 
have erected all over India many very costly and sumptuous 
pagodes ; and in his legend they relate great marvels, which, 
in order not to surfeit and weary the reader, I refrain from 
setting down. 

1 This should mean the first eight months of 1556 : but when we 
return to the king of Kotte and his Portuguese allies (in VII. ix. vi., p. 
204) we shall find that there is a hiatus, or else Couto has run several 
years together. 

2 See V. vi. ii. (p. 113), where the same details are given in almost 
identical words. 

3 This should be "second." 

No. 60. — 1908.] cotjto : history of ceylon. 179 
Dec. VII., Bk. v., Chap. viii. 

iJC j|t «(• ^5 H* 

Having arrived at Goa in a few days 1 , he [the gover- 
nor Francisco Barreto] dispatched the supplies for Ceilao, 
Malaca, and Maluco, and with this the winter set in, 

Dec. VII., Bk. vi., Chap. vii. 

Having done all this very methodically, he [the viceroy, 
Dom Constantino de Braganca 2 ] embarked at the end of 
March, and in a few days arrived at Goa, where he was very 
well received, and at once dealt with the supplies for the 

fortresses of Ceilao, Malaca, and Maluco And at the 

same time he dispatched Dom Jorge de Meneses Baroche 3 as 
captain of Ceilao, and ordered Afonso Pereira de Lacerda to 
return, and with this the winter set in. 

Dec. VII., Bk. vn., Chap. hi. 

sic *(c sjc *f* *t» *f* 

And by the same opportunity he [the viceroy] sent 

many supplies to Malaca and Ceilao 4 . 

Dec. VII. , Bk. viii., Chap. ii. 

And to the bishopric of Cochim 5 he [the archbishop 

of Lisbon] assigned from Cananor to Bengala, and Pegu, with 
the coast of the Fishery, Negapatao, and Sao Thome, with 
the large and beautiful island of Ceilao, with all the rest 

1 In April 1558. 

2 1558-61. 

3 This last name is a title assumed by D. Jorge de Menezes after his 
capture of Broach in 1547. 

4 This is a repetition of the statement made in VII. vi. vii. 

5 King Sebastiao (or rather his grandmother the regent) had asked 
of the pope, and the latter had granted, that the bishopric of Goa 
should be elevated to an archbishopric, new bishoprics being created 
for Cochin and Malacca. 



[Vol. XX. 

adjacent to them and to all the coast, separating from it the 
great and widespread Christianity that lies in the interior of 
Cochim, Cranganor, and Coulao, and in the mountains of 
Malavar, which was ruled and governed by Armenian arch- 
bishops and bishops that follow the false sect of the heresiarch 



Deo. VII., Bk. vra., Chap. x. 


And the winter setting in 1 , he [the viceroy] spent it in revising 
the general muster-roll, and in making a new one, in order to ex- 
clude from it all the artizan mechanics that received the king's 
pay, who were a great number, by which he saved the state a 
good sum of money, and prevented an excessive number of 
old soldiers, who were always paid either by patronages or by 
bribes 2 ; and at the same time he ordered the whole fleet to be 
got ready, and many provisions and munitions to be collected, 
as he had determined to cross over to Ceilao against the 
king of Jafanapatao, which lies at the northern point of the 
island ; because the king 3 (in an instruction) had strongly 
recommended him to take steps to destroy him and capture 
his kingdom, because he was there acting the pirate and had 
ordered all the ships and vessels of the Portuguese that passed 
by his coast to be set upon, and was using stratagems to get 
them to put in to the coast, so as to rob them 4 , sending by 
night to cut their cables, by which means he had committed 
great robberies and destructions ; and to strive as much as 
possible to transfer to that part the inhabitants of the town of 
Sao Thome, so that they might not be subjected to the insults 
and affronts that the king of Bisnaga sought to offer to them, 

1 In May 1560. 

2 In the fleet of 1559 there left Portugal for India nearly three thou- 
sand men of arms. Couto himself, a lad of 15, came out in the admiral 
ship, the Flor de la mar, as he tells us in VII. vm. ii. 

3 By "the king" is apparently meant Dom Sebastiao, who succeeded 
to the throne on the death of his grandfather I). Joau III., 11 June 
1557. But as D. Sebastiao was at this time (1560) only six years of age, 
we must suppose that the 4 ' instruction ' ! referred to came from the 
regent, his grandmother Dona Catharina, and his uncle the cardinal 
D. Henrique. In this year the Inquisition with all its horrors was 
established in India. 

4 Cf. the statement of Xavier quoted on p. 120, note s . 

No. 60.— 1908.] cottto : history of ceylon. 


because the king had already had news of those that he had 
put upon them, when he made all of them captives 1 : and these 
instructions we cannot find in the whole of this state 2 , they 
being entirely lost, of which we have many times complained 3 ; 
but these details we have obtained from old and ancient men. 

Dec. VII., Bk. ix., Chap. i. 

Of the great armada with which the viceroy Dom Constantino set 
out for J afanapaiao : and of what took place until he arrived 

The viceroy Do in Constantino spent the whole of the winter 
in getting ready the armada which he intended to take to Jaf ana- 
patao, and in collecting the stores for that expedition 4 : and 
at the beginning of August [1560] he set afloat all the vessels and 
fitted out and supplied them with provisions and munitions, 
and began to make a general payment to all. And already 
by the beginning of September they were all so far ready, that 
the viceroy embarked ; and having first made over the govern- 
ment to Dom Pedro de Meneses the Red, who was captain of 
Goa, he left an order for the licentiate Belchior Serrao, ven- 
dor da fazenda, to go and superintend the loading of the ships 6 
at Cochim, and left him all the powers as regards revenue for 
anything that might happen. 

* He * * * * * 

While the viceroy was already at the bar giving his last 
orders before setting sail, it being the 4th of September, there 
arrived the ship Conceicao, which remained at Mossambique 
the previous year to winter, and then on the following day 
there arrived ten or twelve vessels from Chaul and Bacaim to 
accompany him on that expedition. Amongst others there 
came by these Dom Pedro Dalmeida, captain of Bacaim, 

1 These events, which took place in 1558, are related by Couto in 
VII. vn. i. The king of Bisnaga (Vijayanagar) referred to was Rama 
Raya (see Sewell's Forg. Emp. 193-4). How the proposed transplanta- 
tion of Christians from Sao Thome succeeded, we shall see in VII. ix. iii. 

2 That is, India, which was always referred to by the Portuguese 
historians and in official documents under this term (estado). 

3 Throughout his Decades we find Couto again and again making 
complaint of the absence from the archives at Goa of official documents 
that ought to have been there. 

4 See supra, VII. vm. x. (p. 180). 

* The ships for Portugal. Four only, of the fleet of six that left 
Lisbon in April, reached Cochin in November and December. Of two 
of these we shall read in VII. ix. v. (see p. 202). 



[Vol. XX. 

who had left the fortress in charge of Manoelda Veiga, factor 
and alcaide mor. There came also Dom Luis Dalmeida his 
brother, Ayres de Saldanha, and other fidalgos. And the 
viceroy learning that Dom Pedro Dalmeida had come there, 
leaving his fortress (on the top of other past escapades at which 
the viceroy Dom Constantino had been annoyed), he would 
not see him, but on the contrary ordered him to be taken to 
the fortress by the chief justice, and that he should be sent as a 
prisoner to one of the passes of the island 1 : and the vessels 
that had come in his company he ordered to be equipped anew, 
and divided them amongst Ayres de Saldanha and others. 
And on the eve of our Lady, the 7th of September, he set 
sail with a fine fleet of twelve galleys and ten galliots and 
seventy rowing vessels including foists and catures. 

The captains of the galleys were : — The viceroy, of the 
royal galley ; Dom Antonio de Noronha Catarras, of the 
galley Santiago ; Bastiao de Sa, of the galley Sad Luis ; 
Martim Afonso de Miranda, of the galley Sad Miguel ; Andre 
de Sousa, son of the controller of the cardinal Dom Anrique, 
of the galley Vitoria ; Fernao de Sousa de Castellobranco, 
of the galley Conceigad ; Goncalo Falcao, of the galley Ghagas ; 
Lionel de Sousa, of the galley Monserrate ; and Dom Lionis 
Pereira and Ayres Falcao in two others. 

Those of the galliots were : — Duarte do Soveral, whom the 
viceroy took in order to go over to his vessel if necessary ; 
Dom Antonio Manoel ; Francisco de Mello, brother of the king's 
huntsman ; Dom Jorge de Meneses, who was afterwards chief 
ensign of the kingdom ; Ayres de Saldanha ; Martim Afonso 
de Mello, nicknamed Hombrinhos 2 ; Jorge de Moura ; Fernao 
Gomez Cordovil ; Lourenco Pimentel, in a galliot that had 
belonged to the Rooms ; and others. 

The captains of the foists were : — Dom Joao de Castello- 
branco, son of Dom Pedro de Castellobranco, who was captain 
of Ormuz, and brother of the Conde de Villanova ; Anrique 
de Sa ; Francisco de Sousa Tavares the Lame ; Garcia 
Rodriguez de Tavora ; Dom Francisco Dalmeida, who was 
afterwards captain of Tangier ; DomFilipe de Meneses, brother 
of Dom Joao Tello, who was afterwards one of the governors of 
the kingdom ; Alvaro de Mendoga ; Pero de Mesquita ; Pero 
Peixoto da Sylva ; Nuno de Mendoga ; Dom Paulo de Lima ; 
Nuno Furtado de Mendoga ; Dom Payo de Noronha ; Fernao 
de Crasto; Tristao de Sousa, son of the governor Martim 

1 1 do not know what Dom Pedro's escapades were, to which Couto 
refers. He was released from his imprisonment, and sent back to 
Bacaim to complete his term of office, in April 156L 

2 " Little shoulders.' 1 

No. 60. — 1908.] cottto : history of ceylok. 


Afonso de Sousa ; Fernao de Miranda d'Azevedo, son of 
Antonio de Miranda, who was captain-major of the Indian 
Sea at the time of the differences between Pero Mascarenhas 
and Lopo Vaz de Sampayo ; Dom Pedro de Crasto, son of 
Dom Diogo de Crasto, alcaide mor of Evora ; Joao Lopez 
Leitao ; Manoel de Mendanha ; Afonso Pereira de Lacerda 1 ; 
Gil de Goes ; Martim Afonso de Sousa ; Pero de Mendoca, who 
was called Larim, because of being very thin 2 , son of Tristao 
de Mendoca ; Bastiao de Resende, a natural son of Garcia de 
Resende, he that wrote the chronicle of the king Dom Joao 
the Second 3 ; Antonio Ferrao, married to a bastard daughter 
of Nuno da Cunha ; Agostinho Nunez 4 , son of Leonardo 
Nunez, chief physician to the king Dom Joao; Bertolameu 
Chanoca, secretary of the state ; Vicente Carvalho ; Francisco 
da Cunha ; Luis d'Aguiar ; Polinario de Valdarama, the 
viceroy's equerry, who had charge of his horses ; Manoel da 
Sylveira ; Andre de Villalobos ; Antonio Nunez of Cananor ; 
Christovao de Faria ; Pero Semxemos ; Duarte Ferreira ; 
Diogo Madeira; Jeronymo de Magalhaes; and many others, 
whose names I cannot find. 

The viceroy pursuing his voyage with all this fleet had got 
as far as the islets of Onor 5 , when he encountered a storm 
from the south-west 6 so severe, that the whole fleet was forced 
to turn stern on to it ; and with great trouble they managed to 
cast anchor at the islets of Angediva, where they were detained 
four or five days until the wind had ceased, when they resumed 
their voyage, and in a few days arrived at Cochim, where the 
viceroy landed to give orders about various matters, and the 
city gave him a very grand reception, but he would not take 
up his lodging there , but remained in his galley attending to 

1 The late captain of Ceylon, whence he must have returned at the 
end of 1559 (c/. supra, VII. vi. vii., p. 179, and infra, VII. ix. vi., p. 205). 

2 The allusion is, of course, to the shape of this curious coin, the larin 
being a thin silver bar or rod, sometimes bent over in the form of a hook 
(see Hob. -Job. s.v. " Larin," and the pictures of the coin in Pyr. i. 232, 

3 Chronica que tracta da vida do . Dom Joao ho Segundo, 

&c, Lisbon, 1596. 

4 In Garcia da Orta's fifty-eighth Goloquio, his friend the physician 
Dimas Bosque mentions the presence in this expedition of Agostinho 
Nunez, also of himself (see infra, p. 196, note x ). 

5 Onor is Honavar, a town and port of Kanara (see Hob. -Job. s.v. 
" Honore "). The " islets " here mentioned are doubtless Hog and 
Pigeon Islands south of Honavar. 

6 A storm off the west coast of India in September is rare, but not 



much business ; and he dispatched Fernao Gomez Cordovil 
to go to the town of Sao Thome and get the inhabitants 
to cross over to Jafanapatao 1 , to whom he wrote very flattering 
letters in which he urged them to do this, because it was to the 
credit neither of the Portuguese nor of them that they should 
remain in that town, exposed to affronts and insults which 
the Canaras 2 could put upon them whenever they wished. And 
that the kingdom of Jafanapatao had many and good ports, 
where they could carry on by sea their traffic and merchandize ; 
and that the country was very fertile and abounding in every- 
thing ; and that he would apportion them in such a manner that 
they would live more comfortably and with less alarms ; and 
that they were to be ready when he sent vessels to bring 

them over 

Having arranged everything, the viceroy set out, and in his 
company the bishop of Cochim Dom Jorge Temudo in a galliot, 
who wished to accompany him on that expedition, that 
island belonging to his jurisdiction 3 , and five or six other 
vessels that were equipped in that city. With the whole of 
this fleet he passed Cape Comorim, and went as far as the 
shoals of Chilao, and as the galleys could not cross them, 
he sent them back to Cochim, in charge of Vicente Correa, 
the navjr surveyor of India, and the viceroy went on board the 
galliot of Inofre 4 do Soveral, and the captains of the other gal- 
leys on to other rowing vessels ; and Ay res Falcao alone went 
crossing in his galliot ; and when all had reached the middle of 
the shoals 5 , he alone struck on them with his sails set ; and 
a very big sea that came rolling up struck his vessel on the poop 
and lifted it off again, and with that violence he got over 
them to the other side without perishing, and from there went 
with all the fleet and anchored over against Jafanapatao 6 . 

1 See supra, VII. vm. x. (p. 180). 

2 The Portuguese applied this name to the inhabitants of Vijaya- 
nagar (see Hob.- Job. s.v. " Canara ") . 

3 See supra, VII. vm. ii. (p. 179). D. Jorge Themudo, of the order 
of St. Dominick, had come out from Portugal the previous year. It 
was in his company that Couto came (see p. 180, note 2 ). 

4 Previously Couto calls him Duarte. There was an Inofre (Hum- 
phrey) de Soveral in the East at this time, but I cannot say which name 
is correct here. 

5 Apparently the fleet passed through one of the openings in Adam's 

6 What direction the vessels took after passing Adam's Bridge is not 
said ; but from the statement that they anchored " over against 
Jafanapatao " it would seem that they took their course between 
Mandativu and Kalmupai. 

No. 60. — 1908.] cotjto : history of ceylon. 


Dec. VII., Bk. ix., Chap. ii. 

Of the council that the viceroy Dom Constantino held regarding 
the method of disembarkation : and of how he went on shore, 
and captured the city : and of the incidents that occurred in 
the entering of it. 

The viceroy; having cast anchor over against the city of 
Jafanapatao, spent two days in taking counsel as to the 
manner in which the disembarkation should be made, regard- 
ing which there were differences of opinion amongst the 
captains, and all voted according to the information they had 
received from men that knew the country, who affirmed that 
the city had only two places where one could disembark : the 
first, and most usual, called the Elephants' Quay 1 , which lies 
at the entrance to the city, just as does the stone quay at 
Lisbon 2 , or the customhouse quay at Goa 3 , which that king 
had strongly fortified with tranqueiras and artillery ; the 
other was half a league from there at some distance from the 
city 4 , which although it might be more troublesome would 
involve less risk, because that king had no fear regarding it. 
The majority of the council therefore voted that it was at this 
place that they should disembark. 

1 In the original 46 o caes doselef antes." In the seventeenth century 
the Elephants' Quay (so called, because from it were shipped elephants 
for transport to India, &c. ) was on the island of Karaittivu, as can be 
seen from the maps in Baldseus's Ceylon, the fact also being stated by 
him in chap. xlvi. (English trans.). On the little islet opposite, between 
Karaittivu and Velanai, the Portuguese built a fort, which they named 
" fortaleza do caes " (renamed by the Dutch Fort Hammenhiel). 
Through some strange blunder the word caes as a proper name got 
transferred to a place on Velanai, which still exists and nourishes under 
the name of Kayts ! (see C. Lit. Reg. i. 24, v. 115). 

2 See the plan of Lisbon in the sixteenth century in Morse Stephens's 
Portugal 239. 

3 See the plan of Goa in Baldseus's Malabar and Ooromandel, fig. 41. 

1 In the absence of any contemporary description or accurate map 
of Jaffnapatam and its vicinity, it is difficult to follow Couto. He 
describes the caes dos elefantes as lying " at the entrance to the city," 
like the quays he names at Lisbon and Goa; but, as I have said above, 
the Elephants' Quaj>-, as the Dutch maps of Ceylon show, was on the 
island of Karaittivu, at some distance from the town of Jaffna. In 
Ressende's map of Jaffna, however, the fortaleza do caes is shown on a 
point of land very near to the fort, a narrow channel intervening. 
Where the "other" place was, half a league (say two miles) from the 
town, it is not easy to say. It may have been Nivanturai to the west of 
Jaffna, or (more likely) Karaiyor or Pasaiyur to the east. 



[Vol. XX. 

It having been settled that it was to be at this place, the 
viceroy arranged the order of disembarkation, and mustered 
all the troops, and found no more than one thousand two 
hundred men, although in Goa pay had been received by more 
than four thousand (it being the custom, when viceroys 
embarked, to make a general payment to all, even to the 
Portuguese officials and the casados 1 , and for those to 
embark that liked ; because by means of this bounty and 
liberality this state was always increased and sustained). Of 
all these soldiers the viceroy Dom Constantino formed five 
companies of two hundred men each 2 , as captains of which he 
appointed Luis de Mello da Sylva 3 , to whom he had given the 
leadership of that expedition, Dom Antonio de JSToronha 
Catarras, Martim Afonso de Miranda, Goncalo Falcao, and 
Fernao de Sousa de Castellobranco, while the viceroy remained 
to bring up the rearguard with the banner of Christ, with all 
the fidalgo adventurers and people of his retinue, who formed 
a very considerable body. 

All having been arranged, the viceroy ordered an altar to be 
set up on an islet that was there 4 , in which a very devout mass 
to our Lady was said, at which he and the greater part of the 
fidalgos and men of the fleet communicated with much devout- 
ness 5 and the bishop of Cochim gave them a general absolution, 
and conceded the great and plenary jubilees 5 that the 
supreme pontiffs had granted at the instance of the king Dom 
Manoel for all those that might be killed in battle in India 
fighting for the faith of Christ 6 . This holy and divine act 

1 Literally "married men." Regarding them see C. A. S. Jl. xi. 508, n. 

2 The viceroy himself evidently commanding the extra two hundred. 

3 This man is not mentioned in the list of captains in the previous 

4 Probably Siritivu, the islet between Mandaitivu and Jaffna. 

5 See New Eng. Diet. s.v. " Jubilee," 2. 

6 In Alg. Doc. 146 is printed the summary of a bull issued by pope 
Julius II. at Rome, 12 July 1506, conceding "plenary indulgence 
for all sins to the faithful of both sexes who by order of the king (Dom 
Manuel) shall go out to India, or shall reside there, or die there." In the 
same volume, p. 363, is the summary of another bull, by Leo X., dated 
Rome, 18 of the kalends of October (14 September) 1514, granting 
plenary indulgence to those serving in the conquests of Africa, Ethiopia, 
Arabia, Persia, and India. On p. 455 is the summary of another bull 
of Leo X.'s, dated Rome, 12 kal. of October (20 September) 1521, 
in which the scope of the indulgence is extended to all the Portuguese 
acquisitions in the Red Sea, Persia, Malacca, Sumatra, and China, and 
to those that died at sea as well as on land. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


being ended, they dined, and from two o'clock onward they 
set about the disembarkation : and on setting foot on land, 
there came to meet them the hereditary prince 1 of the kingdom 
with two thousand men, he being conspicuous in the front with 
a shield entirely white 2 , uttering their battle-cries and shouts 
of defiance like men that intended to prevent the disembarka- 
tion. But by running the prows of the vessels ashore they 
played upon them with the falcons in such a fashion that they 
quitted the field, and betook themselves to the jungles, without 
a single one's reappearing, and our people had the opportunity 
of landing entirely at their ease ; and the first captain that 
leapt on shore was Goncalo Falcao, on account of a suspicion 
that attached to him through certain words that he had with 
the viceroy at the council regarding the disembarkation. 

All our people having landed, they formed their companies, 
and in front of all rose in the air the banner of Christ crucified, 
which a father of St. Dominick bore on a long staff, so that it 
might be seen by all those that were to fight under its protec- 
tion, and there it was adored by all and acclaimed with a 
general voice. Thereupon Luis de Mello da Sylva, who led 
the van, began to march towards the city, guided by men that 
knew the way, and just behind him Dom Antonio de Noronha 
Catarras, who took a short cut through some jungle, so that 
when he came again into the open he found himself in front of 
Luis de Mello da Sylva, and halting sent word to him to pass 
in advance, because he was waiting to accompany him : and 
so they went on until they came in sight of the city, which 
had at that part a fine street, and in the middle of it were two 
large pieces of artillery covered with palmyra leaves so that 
our people should not see them. 

Luis de Mello da Sylva advancing on this street, Dom 
Fernando de Meneses the Nosy 3 (who was on in front) told him 
to lookout how he went, because what they saw was artillery. 
He had not even finished speaking when one of the pieces was 
discharged, and it pleased our Lord that it overcarried, 
because they had sighted it too high, and it went passing over 
without doing any damage. Luis de Mello da Sylva seeing 
that sent word to all to take to the shelter of the houses on 
each side, all of which had large porches projecting outward, 
and beneath these they hastened for refuge, which could not. 

1 1 cannot identify this man, who, it will be seen from the next chap- 
ter, was delivered as a hostage to the Portuguese, and by them conveyed 
as a prisoner to Goa. 

2 Doubtless a chank shield (c/. Rajav. 72, where " a conch and 
shield " should be " a chank shield "). 

3 Original " o Narigao " = " the Big Nose." 



[Vol. XX. 

be managed quickly enough, before the other ball came down 
the street with a great roar and shaking of the earth ; and as 
it came lower down, it struck the ensign of Luis de Mello da 
Sylva' s company (who was a certain Sardinha) in the legs, 
and broke them, so that he straightway fell dead ; and in its 
flight it caught two other persons, among whom was a Castilian ; 
and apparently some small piece of iron reached Luis de Mello 
da Sylva, and caused a slight wound on the ball of his cheek, 
from which a good deal of blood ran down his fine long beard, 
which made him even handsomer and nobler looking. At the 
same time that the ensign fell with the banner, Joa5 Pessoa, 
son of Antonio Pessoa, who followed near by, ran and quickly 
raised the banner aloft, and began to march forward along 
the street, until he had placed it over those pieces of artillery, 
not however before there came another ball, which struck 
down four or five men of the company of Ayres de Saldanha, 
who was going in that of Luis de Mello da Sylva. 

The artillery having been captured, Luis de Mello da Sylva 
sent word' to the viceroy, and he passed forward, breaking 
through clouds of arrows and bullets, with which several were 
slightly wounded. A bullet struck Dom Felippe de Meneses 
on his Adam's apple, but he was so fortunate that it glanced 
off, without doing him more harm than leaving on the point of 
the apple a very red and beautiful mark. 

The prince of Jafanapatao 1 hastened to that street along 
which our people were going, and had an encounter with them, 
which lasted but a short time, because at the points of their 
spears they drove him back to the top of the street ; he then 
went by another that opened into that one, whereby he came 
upon Goncalo Falcao with his company, who attacked the 
prince's forces and had a stiff battle with them, and at great 
risk, because from the tops of the roofs and from the gardens of 
the houses they shot arrows at our people at their pleasure. 

The viceroy was already entering the great street, riding on 
a beautiful horse with long stirrups armed with good arms, 
with the guidon of Christ in front, and surrounded by many 
fidalgos and knights ; and receiving news that Goncalo Falcao 
was in danger, he told those fidalgos and captains to succour 
him, and it being just at the time that Dom Antonio de 
Noronha Catarras met him with his company and heard this 
he said : " I, sir, am equal to this ;" and turning he went 
forward along the street, until he reached the part where 
Goncalo Falcao was in straits ; and on his arrival the street 
was soon cleared, where was a piece of artillery, which our 

Presumably the hereditary prince spoken of above. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


people turned about down the street which led to the Elephants' 
Quay, where the king was with all his army ; and firing upon 
them, they caused great destruction amongst them. 

The king, seeing how badly things had fallen out, and that 
the city had been entered by our people, retired with all his 
army to his palace (which was a fair-sized fortress) with the 
intention of defending himself therein. Luis de Mello da 
Sylva entered into a very wide street that led to the parade- 
ground of the palace, and at the top of it halted, and sent a 
message to the viceroy to know what he wished him to do, 
and the latter galloped off on his horse until he reached Luis 
Mello da Sylva, to whom he spoke in very flattering terms. 
And as it was already near nightfall he agreed with the captains 
that they should pass that night there, and on the following 
day attack the houses of the king, where he already knew that 
he had fortified himself. And then he arranged the manner in 
which the guard should be kept of the street, and at night, 
and divided the streets that led to the parade-ground amongst 
the captains of the companies, for them to fortify themselves 
at the entrances to them., which they set to work to do, 
for this purpose pulling down several houses ; and all the rest 
that were in these streets, which were covered with thatch 1 , 
they ordered to be unroofed, so that the enemy should not set 
fire to them in order to embarrass them. The viceroy remained 
at the entrance to the great street on a gallery, where they 
laid for him a carpet with some pillows, in which he passed 
the whole night armed, and from there he dispatched a captain 
to the armada to bring them food and munitions : which was 
done with great speed, without anyone's being encountered to 
hinder it. There our people passed the whole night with great 
vigilance, and with their arms constantly in their hands, and 
the viceroy sent out some spies to learn what the king was 
doing, and if there were any stir where he was. 

The prince did not care to go with his father into the 
fortress, but remained outside with all his troops ; and as 
soon as he saw our people fortified at the entrances to the 
streets, determined forthwith to attack them in the rear in the 
daylight watch, to which end he also sent out some spies, to 
see the manner in which our people lay. One of these went 
along a street where Dom Antonio de Noronha was with his 
company ; and along the walls very secretly he went approach- 
ing the encampments ; and it pleased God that there went 
watching in the same street, and walking at some distance 
from the troops, a soldier, named Francisco da Costa (who 

1 The original has pallia = straw ; but it is more likely that the houses 
were covered with palmyra leaves. 



[Vol. XX. 

still 1 lives, married in this city of Goa, rich and honoured), and 
he chanced to descry a person ; and on going to approach him, 
the spy when he saw him, for greater pretence, squatted on 
his hams, as if he were easing himself, in order that he might 
think from the confidence that he displayed that he was a 
servant of the company. Francisco da Costa coming to him 
asked him who he was, and also put his hand on his arm ; upon 
which the black tried to sneak away, but could not, because 
Francisco da Costa seized him in his arms and carried him to 
Dom Antonio de Noronha, and gave him an account of the 
circumstances under which he found him ; and he told him to 
take him to the viceroy, since he had captured him, that he 
might thank him for it : and so he did. The viceroy ordered 
him to be bound and put to the torture, and at once he con- 
fessed that the prince had sent him to spy out the manner in 
which he lay, because he had determined to attack him in the 
daylight watch, that he had sent out other eight or ten spies, 
and that the king was fortified in his palace, and that the 
prince was waiting with two or three thousand men for word 
from the spies to attack our people. 

The viceroy after getting the information that he desired 
sent to warn all the captains to hold themselves in readiness 
and to allow no negligence. Whereupon all got up, and stood 
with their arms in their hands waiting for the hour, and thus 
they remained until dawn without there being any alarm : 
because it seems that on the return of the spies that the prince 
had sent out this one was missing ; and surmising that he 
might have been captured, and that our people would be on 
the alert, he abandoned his intention and went to the king, 
who on the news that he gave him resolved not to await the 
viceroy there. Therefore ordering to be taken from there 
the things of most importance, as soon as the daylight watch 
came he set fire to the palace, and retired to a fortress that lay 
a league and a half from there, built entirely of unburnt bricks, 
with its bastions and round turrets, very well made and pretty 
strong 2 . 

The viceroy on seeing that fire at once guessed what it 
might be, but he did not wish that any steps should be taken 
until it was full daylight, when he saw that the palace was on 
fire, and then he had information of all that had happened ; 

1 Circa 1604. No doubt Couto got these details from this man. 

2 This may have been at Nallur, a few miles north-east of the present 
Jaffna fort, where, according to Casie Chitty, the royal palace stood 
(see C. As. Soc. Jl. No. 3, 1847-8, p. 72, n.). The map of Petrus 
Plancius (? 1585) shows it slightly south-east of the city, but this is 
probably a mere guess. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


and arranging his companies in the form they had hitherto had, 
he entered the city, which was a large one, and found it aban- 
doned, because its inhabitants had retired to the neighbouring 
villages, and so our people were left masters of it, and of the 
Elephants' Quay, where was the greater part of their artillery, 
and of various things that our soldiers found there. And 
from one pagode, their principal one, they brought to the 
viceroy an enchased tooth, which was commonly called that 
of an ape, which was held amongst all those heathens as the 
most sacred object of all those of their worship 1 : of which 
the viceroy was immediately advised, and they assured him 
that it was the greatest treasure that he could have got, because 
they must needs give him a large sum of gold for it. 

Those heathens had it that this tooth was that of their 
Budao (who is that great saint of theirs, of whom we have 
already given an account in other Decades when we spoke of 
the fo)tprint on Adam's Peak and of the population of Pegu 2 ). 
In his legend they relate that this Budao after he had been 
to Ceilao went to the regions of Pegu, and through all those 
kingdoms, converting the heathers and working miracles ; 
and that when he wished to die, he wrenched from his mouth 
that tooth, and sent it to Ceilao as a very great relic of his. 
And thus it was considered so great among them, and among 
all the heathenry of the kingdoms of Pegu, that there was 
nothing that they valued more highly : so much so, that 
Dom Joao of Cota finding himself in need fabricated a false 
tooth, and set it in gold, and ordered to be made for it a very 
costly charola?, in which he put it, and sent it carefully 

1 This is one of the most puzzling incidents in Ceylon history. If this 
was really the daladd, how came it to be in a Hindu temple in Jaffna ? 
Was it among the " treasures " that Tribuli Pandar ( Vidiye Raja) 
carried with him when he fled from Mundakondapola ? (See p. 176.) 
If so, how did he come by it ? In the Mahdvansa xci. 17-9 we read of 
Parakrama Bahu VI.'s making caskets for the tooth relic circa 1420 ; 
and the relic is not mentioned again until after 1592, when we are told 
(xciv. 11-4) that Vimala Dharma Surya (Dom Joao) having heard 
that the tooth was preserved in Delgamuwa (how and when did it get 
there ?) brought it to Kandy and built a relic-house for it. See on the 
subject Ten. ii. 29-30, 198-9; J. Gerson da Cunha's Memoir on the 
History of the Tooth Relic of Ceylon 40 ff. ; Pyr. ii. 145, n. The earliest 
writer that records the capture of the daladd by the Portuguese is Lin- 
schoten (i. 292-4) ; but his account is full of errors, the most noteworthy 
being that the relic was dug up from the basement of a cloister on 
Adam's Peak ! 

2 See pp. 108, 112-4. 
;i See p. 245, note 3 . 



[Vol. XX 

concealed from the Portuguese to the king of Pegu, who received 
it with the greatest festivities that can be imagined, of which 
with the divine favour we shall give a fuller account further on 
in the Eighth Decade 1 ; and that king sent him a fine ship 
laden with provisions and other things as a present with the 
ship and all that was in it : and so they assured the viceroy 
that that king would give for that tooth a great treasure. 

Dec. VII., Bk. ix., Chap, iii 

Of how the viceroy Dom Constantino went against the fortress 
where the king ivas, and found it abandoned, and sent 
some captains in pursuit of the king : and of the extremity 
in which they placed him, until they came to join battle. 

The viceroy Dom Constantino, seeing himself master of the 
city, and learning from spies that the king had betaken 
himself to a fortress a league and a half from there, determined 
to go and attack him, but first he arranged various matters. 
And among these was to send to the neighbouring villages 
royal safeguards and to issue proclamations, to the effect that 
the natives might bring him the provisions they had, for 
which he would pay them very well ; and that the inhabitants 
of the city should come and live in their houses, and he would 
do them all the favours and give them all the liberties they 
desired : upon which they began to come in, and the villagers 
to bring fowls, chickens, butter, figs 2 , and many other things 
in great abundance. And because rice was wanting, he 
immediately dispatched a vessel with letters to Joao Fernan- 
dez Correa 3 , captain of Negapatao, in which he begged him to 
help him with all the rice he could; and he gave orders to 
collect all the vessels that there were in the country and on that 
coast, which were a very great number, and sent them to Sao 
Thome to embark therein the inhabitants of that town 4 , to 
whom he once more wrote very flattering letters, n which he 
begged and prayed them to come over to that kingdom, where 
they would live full-fed, rich, and free from the alarms that they 
suffered every day there ; and he would divide amongst all of 

1 See VIII. xii.-xiii. (pp. 243-53). 

2 That is, plantains, which the Portuguese cailed "figs of India" 
(see Hob.- Job. s.v. " Plantain"). 

3 See supra, p. 96. 

1 See supra, pp. 180, 184. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


them the lands and villages, those that he wished to grant to 
them being very prosperous and abundant. 

These things and others having been disposed of, the 
viceroy arranged to go in person against that king, and to 
make an end of destroying him once for all for the greater 
security of those territories : because he was so bad and cruel, 
that at the gate of his palace our people found a very huge 
block on which every day he ordered many of his vassals 
to be beheaded ; and to do this it was not necessary to have 
many trials or proofs of crimes, since there sufficed for it a 
very little story, and even a suspicion, imagination, or dream. 
After having got ready everything that he needed for the expedi- 
tion, he left some captains of vessels in guard of the city, and 
of the bishop of Cochim, who remained there with the deputy 
provincial of St. Francis and some friars of his order, who with 
that zeal that they always had for the things of our religion 
and increase of our holy Catholic faith began to convert some 
natives and to baptize with great love and charity. The 
viceroy went marching towards the fortress in the same order 
in which he entered the city, Luis de Mello da Sylva leading the 
van, and in the middle all the baggage and artillery, with 
which . the fortress was to be assailed ; and on arriving in 
sight of it, there came to him the spies that he had sent out, 
who told him that in that hour the king had departed from 
there, as he did not dare to await him, and that the fortress 
was abandoned. 

Upon this good news the viceroy Dom Constantino entered 
the fortress amid great rejoicings and salvos of harquebusery, 
and ordered the banner with the arms of Portugal to be hoisted 
on the battlements, taking possession of it peacefully, as his 
father the duke Dom G-emez had formerly done of the famous 
city of Azamor in Africa. That day he lodged in the fortress, 
and on the next he ordered through a general council that the 
king should be pursued, since he was fleeing in disorder, until 
they had him in their hands, and that for this purpose there 
should go four captains, Luis de Mello da Sylva, Martim 
Afonso de Miranda, G-oncalo Falca6,and Fernao de Sousa de 
Castellobranco. And because there began to be doubts and 
differences amongst them regarding the command and rule, 
the viceroy delivered to them three dice, and told them that 
each day they were to cast lots, and he that cast most was to 
rule that day : on which they were appeased, and that first day 
Luis de Mello da Sylva led the van and had the rule without 
lot, since all consented to this. 

Thus they went marching, guided by some spies, who from 
pure malice led them away from the road that the king had 
taken, and by one turning after another made them lose three 

o 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

days, until they reached a river 1 that divides the territories 
of Jafanapatao from the kingdom of Trinquinimalle 2 , which 
would be an eight leagues' march from the fortress 3 . There 
they got tidings that the king had crossed to the other side, 
which they likewise immediately did 4 , and on the other side 
they found some forty headless men, who seemed to be 
Chingallas 5 killed that day, by which it appears that the king 
was near, and it was not known what that could be ; but as he 
was cruel and wicked, it was presumed that he had entertained 
some suspicion of them, and for this cause had ordered that 
carnage to be wrought amongst them. And on the other side 
of the river they came upon a broad road, along which they • 
marched until they met with narrow ones, which they found 
obstructed with large trees that the enemy kept on cutting 
down in one place and another in order to hinder our people, 
and through these they passed with great. trouble. And as 
soon as it was night, they pitched their camp in the spot that 
seemed to them best, where they passed the night with great 
vigilance . In this manner they marched for five days , meeting 
on that road with many villages, where they bought cows, 
milk, fowls, and other things. 

At the end of these days at the hour of dinner they came in 
sight of the king's arrayal, which was at the top of some fields, 
with a large and dense jungle behind it ; and so suddenly did 
they come upon him, that he had only time to get upon an 
elephant and set off with all his people after him 6 , leaving in 

1 This is the salt lake dividing the Jaffna peninsula from the main- 
land. In the map of Petrus Plancius it is shown as a river running west 
and north-west, and is described as "Rio de Don Constantino o des 
Barataron," Ci river of Dom Constantino [where] they routed him " (sic ! 
— of course the king of Jaffna is meant). 

2 Gf. supra, p. 37; C. A. S. Jl. xi. 529; G. Lit. Reg. iii. 327, iv. 7. 
The map of Petrus Plancius does not make the " Reino de Triquilemale " 
reach to the "river" aforesaid. 

3 The distance from Jaffna town to Elephant Pass by the present 
road is about 33 miles, so that Couto's estimate is about right. 

4 These were probably the first Europeans to set foot in the Vanni. 

6 At this period there was probably a larger Sinhalese population in 
the Vanni than is the case at present (c/. Lewis's Manual of the Vanni 
Districts, chap. vii.). 

6 In the map of Petrus Plancius a bare-legged king with a spear in 
his hand is shown riding on a bare-backed elephant. If this is meant 
for the king of Jaffna, the cartographer is far out, having located him 
south-west of Jaffna; moreover, he seems to be making for Mamiar. 
Just north of him is shown a road reaching almost across Ceylon, which 
is described as " Camino id est via regia." 

No. 60. — 1908.] cotjto : history of ceylots t . 


the place where they were the pots with the food on the fire. 
Our captains, who were full of the desire to encounter him, 
as soon as they saw the camp, thinking that the king would 
wait for them, advanced to attack him in form of battle ; and 
on reaching that place they found all that they had for dining, 
and the rice still hot, which our people appreciated much. 

And as the sun was at its height, they lay down there and 
rested from the fatigue of the march ; and taking counsel as 
to what they should do, they resolved that they would fortify 
themselves very strongly there and remain, and would send 
word to the viceroy of all that had occurred, and that what he 
should determine should be done, because there they were 
safe, and in the villages that were near were cows and other 
things with which they could sustain themselves until the 
viceroy sent them supplies. And thus they did, dispatching 
the message forthwith in haste , which as soon as the viceroy 
received, he immediately sent by all the sailors of the armada 
much rice, munitions, and other things, and wrote them to 
remain there until they got his reply, which they did. 

That king, seeing his kingdom lost and himself pursued 
by our people so far that they had driven him out of his 
territories, thought it the wisest course to send and beg peace 
of the viceroy, and offer him what he asked for, before losing 
everything, and he therefore at once dispatched his ambassa- 
dors, whom the viceroy heard ; and having come to terms, 
they concluded peace with the following conditions and 
articles : — -That the king should remain in his kingdom as 
before, and should after his manner swear vassalage to the 
king of Portugal, with certain tribute of which we can find no 
record; and that he should deliver up to him at once all the 
treasure that he took from Tribuli Pandar, and his daughter- 
in-law the wife of the king of Cota 1 ; and that in pledge of 
fulfilling this he should cede the hereditary prince. The terms 
having been agreed to and signed, he at once ceded the prince, 
whom the viceroy sent to the fleet safely guarded. Whilst 
this was in treaty, which was more than a fortnight, our 
captains who had gone in pursuit of the king suffered such 
huDger and want, through the rice that was sent to them being 
finished, and the villages depopulated from fear, that it was 
necessary for the captains to disperse the soldiers by bands 
to go to the villages to seek some things to eat ; and both from 
hunger and fatigue the greater part of them fell sick ; and those 
that remained in the city did not escape these troubles, nor 
those of the company of the viceroy, who in this emergency 
arranged as best he could, and ordered all the invalids to be 


1 See svqtra, p. 176. 



[Vol. XX. 

brought into the fortress, where many died, and the rest con- 
valesced very slowly, owing to their lacking remedies 1 . 

The viceroy, having obtained possession of the prince, 
proceeded to the river at the extremity of the territories, and 
sent to recall the captains that were on the other side, and 
there he waited more than a fortnight, during which there 
were delivered to him the things that by the treaty of peace 
that king had promised him, which might amount to some 
eighty thousand cruzados ; and he also handed over some 
olas in which were entered descriptions of the places in 
Cota in which the treasures of Tribuli Pandar had been buried. 
At this time there came to see the viceroy Joao Fernandez 
Correa, captain of Negapatao, who when he had there received 
the viceroy's letters had immediately sent him many vessels 

1 The physician Dimas Bosque, who, as I have mentioned above 
(p. 183, note 4 ), accompanied this expedition, refers to this outbreak 
of sickness amongst the Portuguese in Jaffna, and the means adopted 
to cure it. The passage is so interesting that I give it almost in full. 
In Garcia da Orta's fifty-eighth Goloquio Dimas says : — " When the 
viceroy Dom Constantino was in Jafanapatam, what with the con- 
tinuous labours of the war, and the much wet to which the men were 
constantly exposed, and the lack of provisions, much people fell sick of 
fluxes, the cure of all of whom passed through my hands, there being no 
other physician in the armada. And as the medicines that had been 
taken from here [Goa] had already been used up in the island of Manar, 
with the sick on two ships from the kingdom [see infra, p. 202, note 1 ], 
who arrived there in such bad condition that in the space of forty days 
I cured some three hundred men ; and afterwards not having where- 
with to relieve the fluxes, which were causing such trouble to the army, 
I found it necessary and was forced to experiment with what I had 
heard from the people of the couatry of these quinces ; and with them 
I cured many persons, ordering to make jellies, and plasters for the 
stomach and belly. I also ordered to make marmalade, which did not 
taste bad, but on the contrary had a very pleasant acid flavour ; I 
ordered the sick to eat them roasted with sugar ; and I likewise ordered 
to make, during the time that these fluxes lasted, clysters from the 
decoction of the shells, and they had an effect not very different from 
the balausties and styptic things that we use here ; in such wise that, 
with these quinces as we call them, the lack of other medicines was 
remedied. One thing I cannot omit to tell you, which happened to me 
with these quinces. Augustinho Nunez, son of Lionardo Nunez, chief 
physician of these realms, had many of his soldiers sick ; and I ordered 
a black of his to roast two quinces, to give to an invalid soldier ; " (they 
burst in the fire, and burnt the black severely). These quinces (mar- 
melos) were, of course, the bael or beli-gedi, much used by the natives 
in cases of dysentery. While with this expedition Dimas Bosque also 
made dissections of dugongs (see G, da Orta ii. 385-6). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


laden with rice, with which the armada was provided ; and after 
that he set out with some vessels in order to take part in that 
expedition, whom the viceroy receiv d very cordially, and 
bestowed upon him honours and favours. 

At about the same time there arrived three of the most 
respected and oldest inhabitants of the town of Sao Thome 
with the reply to the letters that the viceroy had written to 
them regarding the transference to the kingdom of Jafana- 
patao, by whom they all sent him great excuses for not doing 
•what he had sent to ask them to do : because when they 
finally set about to embark, it was very hard for all to leave 
their houses, oarts 1 , lands, and gardens, which had belonged 
to their ancestors, and which they had cultivated for so many 
years since ; and that moreover it was not proper that 
that country should be depopulated where was the body of the 
blessed apostle Saint Thomas, which every day resplended 
with new miracles, with which they lived contented and 
consoled 2 : begging his pardon humbly for this. And as the 
viceroy had already been informed of everything by letters 
from Fernao Gomez Cordovil, he would neither see nor speak 
to these men, and at the end of many days he gave them an 
ill dispatch. 3 

Dec. VII. , Bk. ix., Chap. iv. 

Of the rising that took place against our people in Jafanapatao : 
and of the siege that they laid to the fortress : and of how the 
viceroy escaped from the conspiracy, and retired by sea to 
the armada : and of the succour that he sent to the fortress, 
the captain of which was Dom Antonio de Noronha : and 
of what happened to him on the expedition. 

Things being in this state, and the viceroy waiting for that 
king to complete the delivery to him of the treasures of 
Tribuli (because, from the information that he had, he hoped 
to get more than three hundred thousand cruzados), the 
natives of the whole of that kingdom hatched a general con- 
spiracy against our people ; and neither the cause nor the 
author of it was ever known, but it was on this wise. All 
being quite unsuspicious, of a sudden on the same day and at 
the same time they attacked the places where our people were, 
and all those that they found were put to the sword, without 
anyone's being spared. The bishop Dom Jorge Temudo, 

1 Coconut, gardens (see Hob. -Job. s.v.). 

2 The first reason was the real one ; the second a mere excuse to try 
and pacify the viceroy, who saw through it. 

3 For their sad fate see next chapter. 



[Vol. XX. 

who was in the city, miraculously escaped falling into their 
hands, and with great trouble and risk to his person escaped 
to the vessels, several of our people however being killed there, 
and in the neighbouring villages all that they found (being for 
the most part Christians of the country, servants of Portuguese 
and comprador es 1 ). Those that attacked the fortress and the 
villages thereabouts found the deputy provincial of St. Francis 
and some of his fellow friars, who were engaged in making 
Christians, and all were put to the sword, suffering a glorious 
martyrdom for the faith of Christ our Lord : for so zealous 
was the bishop in this work of conversion, that he would 
not allow his catechumens to be meddled with ; and if anyone 
caused them any annoyance or injury, he flew into a great rage 
and fulminated, saying that they were not to meddle with his 
angelets : the which they took in such ill part, that they strove 
hard to get him into their power 2 . 

After these conspirators had attacked every place and done 
the evils that we have mentioned, they all united, and pro- 
ceeded to lay siege to the fortress, where Fernao de Sousa de 
Castellobranco already was, whom the viceroy Dom Con- 
stantino had sent as captain of it, but who was ill, and began 
to make many assaults on it. Those that remained to attack 
the place where the viceroy Dom Constantino was 3 were so cun- 
ning as to send into his camp some blacks who a few days before 
had taken on the guise of domestics ; and as they knew that 
the viceroy Dom Constantino was devoted to the chase, 
through his having on several days gone on it around there, 
on the day of the general conspiracy they led him to believe 
that in a jungle near there were some deer, in order to bring 
him to that place, where they intended to fall upon him from 
an ambush ; and as the viceroy was much interested in this, 
he went with a few persons to look for the deer, in which he 
occupied the greater part of the day, and returned towards 
evening, without any disaster's happening to him ; and after 
the general conspiracy was known of, it was surmised that the 
viceroy escaped in that expedition that he made, either 
because of their not daring to set upon him through fear, or 
because the spies had mistaken the day. But the most 
probable is, that our Lord God blinded them, and delivered 
the viceroy : for if they had attacked him, all would have 
been lost, and not one of our people would have escaped, of 
as many as were in that kingdom, just as the three inhabitants 
of Sao Thome did not escape, of whom we have related above 

1 Buyers or brokers (see Hob. -Job. s.v.). 

a One of the causes of the insurrection is thus easily seen. 

3 At Elephant Pass (see previous chapter, p. 196). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


that the viceroy Do in Constantino gave them an ill dispatch : 
for that same day they left him, and on the road were murdered 
with all their servants. 

Of all this the viceroy was quite unaware, when on the morning 
of the following day he learnt the truth and certainty of the 
calamity that had occurred ; and fearing other treacheries, 
he dispatched the captains of the companies to go along the 
river, by a road deviating from the ordinary one, and he 
embarked in some manchuas 1 , which he had there always for 
service, so that communication with the armada might be 
quicker for him, because at that part the land went curving 
inland, and formed a bay, whereby the sea was for him a less 
distance than by land. 

And after reaching the city, when he learnt of what had 
happened, and how the fortress was besieged and in great 
straits, he immediately dispatched Pom Antonio de Noronha 
Catarras with four hundred men divided into companies, the 
captains of which were Joao Fernandez Correa, captain of 
Negapatao, and Andre de Villalobos, to go and succour the 
fortress, giving them orders to withdraw all that was in it 
and abandon it, because it was resolved in council that since 
the inhabitants of Sao Thome did not wish to come and 
occupy that city, they should not saddle themselves with a 
thing that might afterwards give trouble to the state. 

And to withdraw all that was in the fortress Dom Antonio 
de Noronha took all the sailors, servants, and slaves of the 
armada (because there were in the fortress more than two 
hundred sick, who could not retire on foot). And whilst Dom 
Antonio is on the march, we shall give an account of the 
events that took place in the fortress during this time. 

It having been besieged by all the insurgents, they deter- 
mined to take it by storm, because they well knew that the 
viceroy was sure to send help to it ; and before they did so. 
they wished to make certain of this business, wherefore they 
prepared very long ladders of areca trees ; and whilst they 
were making them, some of them by night came to speech with 
our people, and told them that the viceroy was dead and all 
that were with him, that therefore they must not expect help, 
and that if they surrendered they would spare their lives, but 
if not they must know that they would all be impaled. They 
answered them from above that they lied like dogs and curs as 
they were, that they had already received news of the viceroy 
(which was not the case, nor did they know how things went 
there), and that they were the ones who would have to pay for 
that impudence very soon. And because these who spoke 

Large cargo boats (see Hob.- Job. s.v.). 



with our people were those that were on the work of the ladders 
which were being made at a little distance where the arrayal 
was, Fernao de Sousa one night got ready sixty men camisated 
so as to recognize each other, who in the daybreak watch 
sallied forth in dead silence ; and falling upon them of a 
sudden, they cut them down at their will, with such quickness 
that they tasted death before they perceived our people , and they 
took from them the ladders, with which they returned safely. 

Dom Antonio de Noronha, who was going to succour them, 
went marching, Joao Fernandez Correa leading the van, and 
all along the road they kept fighting with the enemy, who 
rushed upon them from ambushes ; and he kept such order, 
that he did not allow a single soldier to fall out until they came 
in sight of the fortress (which was on the day following their 
daylight victory of the ladders). The enemy seeing the succour 
book themselves off. That day and night Dom Antonio de 
Noronha spent in arranging for the abandonment of the fortress 
in connection with the things that had to be carried away, 
which were many, in respect of the manner in which the 
servants that there were should divide them. 

On the morning of the following day he intrusted the sick to 
the sailors that he had selected for tha^purpose, and dragged 
out all the artillery there was, excepting only one large iron 
piece, which it was not possible to take away, which he 
ordered to be loaded with powder to the mouth, and fire set 
to it ; and as it did not burst, he ordered it to be thrown into a 
deep well, so that the enemy should not make use of it. And 
amongst the things that Dom Antonio de Noronha found in 
the fortress was an imperial dais, that was used by those 
kings at their most solemn feasts, which had many steps, 
all carved and inlaid with ivory, and of such costly and curious 
workmanship, that the viceroy had ordered it to be guarded 
very carefully, in order to convey it to the king Dom Sebastiao 
for the day when he should take the sceptre 1 , it being an imperial 
seat, and of much majesty, and as such he commended it much 
to Dom Antonio de Noronha, who strove all he could to carry 
it away entire ; but it was not possible, on account of its 
being a very large structure. So, in order to bring away some 
part of it as a specimen of its grandeur, he ordered the top to be 
taken off (which was the most costly part), and intrusted it to 
persons of confidence to carry. 

These things having been divided amongst the servants, 
Dom Antonio de Noronha began to march in this order :— 
Fernao de Sousa de Castellobranco in the vanguard with his 

1 Dom Sebastiao was at this time only six years of age, as stated abov,e 
(p. 180, note 3 ). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


company, and Dom Antonio de Noronha in the rearguard, 
and in the middle the baggage and the sick, and further back 
Joao Fernandez Correa, captain of Negapatao, who had with 
him Ayres Falcao, and on the outside the chief justice Henrique 
Jaques with a number of slaves to aid those that got tired. 
Thus they went marching, and the enemy behind yapping 
and discharging many fire-bombs and musket shots, and 
great flights of arrows, our people not slacking their pace, 
although some soldiers wanted to get at them. 

And having crossed a beautiful meadow, through which the 
enemy continued to pursue them, at the end of it, where some 
embankments were being made , thirty or forty soldiers remained 
on the other side hidden by them ; and as the enemy saw the 
companies pass on in the order that they observed, they went 
after them, not fearing the embankments ; and on arriving at 
these and beginning to pass them, the liers in ambush rushed 
out upon them so suddenly that without their being able 
to turn they killed more than fifty of them ; and Ayres 
Falcao, who went behind almost limping, on seeing our people 
remaining, hastening to the fray attacked them, and succeeded 
in putting them to the rout, and thenceforth they appeared 
no more. The viceroy received Dom Antonio de Noronho 
and all the rest very warmly, and forthwith set about to 
embark, ordering to be put on the prince of Jafanapatao, who 
was a hostage, certain handsome fetters lined with crimson 
velvet, in order to hold him more securely, and gave him in 
custody of the captain of a vessel. 

Dec. VII., Bk. ix., Chap. v. 

of how the viceroy Dom Constantino erected a fortress 

in the island of Manar, and left for Gochim. 

The viceroy being just about to embark, being no longer able 
to do anything there, the country being disturbed, they saw 
from the land two very fine ships coming with all their sails 
set, one in front of the other, and then they saw them both 
at once strike sail and anchor, without knowing what ships 
they were. And before we treat of these ships (which were 
from the kingdom) we shall give an account of the armada that 
the king sent to India this year of 1560, and of the things 

for which he ordered provision to be made 1 


1 The fleet took out the first archbishop of Goa and the first inquisi- 
tors for India (see m/ra, p. 212, note 3 , p. 213, note x ). 



[Vol. XX. 

The two ships Gastello and Drago likewise experienced much 
trouble, and not till the end of November did they come in 
sight of the land on the inner side of Cape Comorim ; and as it 
appeared to the pilot to be that of Panane towards Cochim, he 
went steering southwards in sight of land, the galleon Drago 
going in advance sounding ; and as he was already almost 
on the shoals of Manar, she ran into five fathoms, whereupon 
she at once struck her sails, and anchored almost at the edge 
of the shoal ; and the ship Gastello, which was following, 
seeing that the Drago had lowered her yards, did the same 
with the same haste, and cast anchor, and miraculously 
escaped grounding on the shoals. These were the ships that 
our people saw from the land ; and the viceroy Dom Con- 
stantino dispatched in great haste some light vessels, which 
towed them out ; and setting sail they went to Cochim 1 , it 
being already December, and the veador da fazenda Belchior 
Serrao at once took in hand their repair and the cargo that 
they had to take. 

And because the captain-major Dom Jorge de Sousa carried 
much goods, and the time was very short, he resolved to 
remain in India with his ship 2 , and went to Goa in it, after the 
arrival of the viceroy at Cochim ; who after he had no more 
to do in Jafanapatao crossed over to the island of Manar, 
which was near to that coast, where he disembarked, and 
observed its situation ; and he resolved with the fidalgos of 
his council to erect a fortress there 3 , and to transfer to 
it the captain of the Fishery Coast with all the inhabit- 
ants of Punic ale. And he immediately ordered the work 
to be taken in hand, and sent word to Manoel Rodriguez 
Coutinho, captain of the Fishery Coast, to come with all the 
inhabitants of Punic ale, so that that naique should offer 
them no more insults, besides those that we described a little 

1 It is not easy to reconcile Couto's account of the movements of these 
two vessels with the statement of Dimas Bosque quoted above (p. 196, 
note x ) that the ships arrived at the island of Mannar and stayed there 
at least forty days, while their sick were being cured. We can only 
suppose that when the viceroy and those with him saw the ships they 
were on their way from Mannar to Cochin after their stay at that island. 
It is, however, curious that Dimas, one of the two physicians with the 
expedition, should have been away in Mannar instead of attending to 
the sick soldiers in Jaffna. 

2 The Castello. 

3 Though the Portuguese had probably made calls at Mannar on 
many occasions ere this, they had as yet no permanent settlement in 
the island. 

No. 60. — 1908.] cotJTO : history of ceylon. 


ago 1 ; and then he ordered the work to be pushed on ; and on 
receiving the message of the viceroy Dom Constantino , Manoel 
Rodriguez Coutinho, with all the inhabitants of Punicale, 
crossed over to that place with much satisfaction and joy 2 . 

And after the viceroy had given regulations for the new 
fortress 3 , in which were left monks of St. Francis and of the 
Company of Jesus, who established their houses there, and 
have reaped much fruit for Christianity 4 , leaving everything 
very well settled, he left for Cochim to write to the kingdom, 
and dispatched Balthesar Guedes de Sousa as captain of the 
fortress of Columbo, and Ceilao, where was Dom Jorge de 
Meneses Baroche, whom he recalled, and by him he sent to the 

1 The reference is to VII. vni. xi., in which Couto relates "how 
Bisminaique, lord of all the Fishery Coast, came with a great force 
against the fortress of Punicalle, the captain of which was Manoel 
Rodrigues Coutinho : and of how he defeated him, and captured that 
fortress " (which, as Couto explains, was only a mud-wall enclosure). 
The Portuguese were allowed to go to Tuticorin on promise of a ransom, 
a Jesuit father being left as hostage. In VI. x. ix. we are told of a pre- 
vious attack (in 1553) on the " fortress " by a Turk, when the same 
nayak took advantage to make the Portuguese prisoners, releasing 
them on ransom. Manoel Rodrigues Coutinho was captain then also. 
There it is said : — " This town of Ponicale stands on a point of land, 
which was cut at one part and formed an island (because it was quite 
surrounded by water)." In the map of Ceylon and the Coromandel 
coast in D. Lopes's Hist, dos Port, no Malabar the place is shown just 
below Caile (Kayal), about half way between Tuticorin and Manapad. 
Regarding its situation and history see Caldwell's History of Tinnevelly 
(1881) 37, 42, 72. 

2 The inhabitants of Punnaikkayal were paravars, converts of Xavier 
and his companions ; and the natives of Mannar had also been converted 
to Romanism by the same means (see C. A. S. Jl. xi. 507). The 
" satisfaction and joy " do not seem to have endured ; for the anony- 
mous author of Primor e Honra says (91) : — " The viceroy D. Constan- 
tino seeing this ordered to build the fortress of Manar, where he ordered 
to reside the captain of the Fishery, and transferred thither the 
Christians that they might be secure from the tyrannies, assaults, and 
robberies of the heathens ; but on account of the land's being dry and 
unhealthy most of them returned to the Fishery Coast and to the same 
Ponicale, where, as Virapanayaque was a better man than his father 
Bizaminaique, and as the fathers of the Company had there a house 
with a superior of that coast and the succour of Manar was near, the 
place was once more populated by married Portuguese with their wives 
and children as before." 

3 Faria y Sousa, in connection with the events here recorded, gives 
a plan of Mannar ; but at what date this was drawn, does not appear. 
4 Cf. Bald. xliv. (Eng. trans.). 



[Vol. XX. 

king of Cota his grandmother and other relatives that the 
king of Jafanapatao had delivered up to him, and the prince 
he ordered to be taken to Goa, in charge of Pero Lopez Rebello 1 . 
And after making provision for everything that was necessary, 
he set sail for Cochim, where he arrived in a few days ; and 
there we shall leave him for a little, because it is necessary 
for us to continue with the events that took place during this 
time in Ceilao, in order that we may 'ollow the order of 

Dec. VII., Bk. ix., Chap. vi. 

Of the events that took place at this time in Ceilao : and of the 
war t at Dom Jorge Baroche waged against Madune : and 
of the encounters that they had, and combats that took place : 
and of some honourable feats that happened therein to 
some of our people. 

The events of this year, being so many, do not allow us to 
continue with them in order ; and those that took place at the 
beginning of this summer 2 we cannot dispose of in any other 
place than this, because so they will fall in with us better. 
Madune did not cease to continue at war with his brother the 
king of Cota, towards whom he bore a deadly hatred, and 
sought to deprive him of the kingdom (as we have several 
times said 3 ) , in which our people always favoured him of Cota. 
And now Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, captain of Columbo, 
was continually in the field to prevent Madune from entering 
his territories, having many encounters with his captains, in 
which there was loss on both sides (of which we do not make 
mention, because they were so frequent, that it would be an 
endless business to relate them). Suffice it thatithe encounter 
with the enemy was always in order that he might not come 
and lay siege to that city of Cota, in which the king was with 
some Portuguese, and all by dint of assaults by day and by 
night, in which our people suffered many hardships : because 
as the enemy were in their own territories, and had all supplies 

1 This is the last we hear of the prince in Couto's pages. 

2 By " the beginning of this summer," it is to be presumed, is meant 
September 1559 ; but, as I said above (p. 178, note l ), Couto seems to 
have omitted some years , or run the events of several together. 

3 So many times, that here Couto repeats the formula almost verba- 
tim, without even altering "brother" to "grand-nephew." (He 
makes the same error in VII. x. xiv. and xix., pp. 214, 222). 

No. 60. — 1908.] COUTO : history of oeylon, 


at home, they recruited themselves every time they wished ; 
and if they lost ten men, they reinforced with a hundred 
in their place, which our people could not do, since their 
supplies came to them from India by the monsoons and with 
trouble ; and if some were killed or wounded, there were no 
others to put in their place, but on the contrary, those that 
remained supplied that want in such manner that they 
experienced the greatest straits and risks imaginable, ever 
carrying on the war, lest all should be lost. And in one 
encounter that Afonso Pereira de Lacerda had before the 
arrival of Dom Jorge Baroche, he was completely routed, and 
lost several soldiers 1 , wherefore it was necessary for him to 
send to beg for help from Manar, whence there came to his 
assistance Jorge de Mello the Fist, captain of that fortress 2 , 
with some soldiers, among whom were Joao d'Abreu the Devil, 
and three brothers, Diogo, Andre, and Christavao Juzarte 3 , 
sons of Joao Juzarte Ticao, and Dom Manuel de Crasto, Gaspar 
Pereira the Long 4 , who was afterwards appointed to the 
captaincy of Chaul, which he did not care to accept, Fernao 
Perez Dandrade, and other fidalgos and knights, who dis- 
tinguished themselves greatly in this war, and did things 
worthy of eternal remembrance. 

Things were in this state when in October past 5 there 
arrived at that island Dom Jorge Baroche, whom the viceroy 
Dom Constantino had appointed to that captaincy, as has 
been mentioned above 6 , who brought many supplies, munitions 
and provisions, and nearly two hundred soldiers, among 
whom were also many fidalgos and knights, whose names we 
cannot learn. And having taken command of the fortress of 
Columbo, he immediately proceeded with all the troops he 

1 The Rdjdvaliya (86) records the invasion and subjection of the 
Matara district (in 1558?) by Manamperi mudaliyar with a Sinhalese 
and Portuguese army, which, however, was subsequently totally defeated 
with great loss at Denepitiya by Mayadunne's forces under the command 
of Vikramasinha mudali, Manamperi and many others being killed. The 
version in Valentyn (Ceylon 81-2) has it that they were taken prisoners 
to Sitavaka. 

2 There seems to be a double error here. In the first place, there 
was no fortress at Mannar before December 1560 (see p. 202, note 3 ) ; 
and in the second place, this Jorge de Mello was not captain of that 
fortress until some years later (see infra, VII. x. xv. , p. 219, note 2 , and 
VIII. hi., p. 233). 

3 The first of these we have met with before, in VII. in. v. (p. 177). 

4 We shall meet with this man again, in VII. x. xv. (p. 219). 

5 This must mean October 1559. 

6 See p. 179. 


journal, r;a.s. (ceylon). 

[Vol. XX. 

had to Cota, where was the king, with whom he discussed the 
matters of the war. And learning that Madune was in the 
tranqueira of Mapitigao 1 on the Calane river, he proceeded, 
with all his forces and those of the king, to station himself on 
the opposite bank, and continued the war, making assaults on 
the enemy, in which he caused them much loss, and not 
without some on our side, because there were also some 

Thus this war continued, being so troublesome, dangerous, 
and toilsome, and above all Dom Jorge so indefatigable 
and so impatient with the soldiers, that they began to desert 
him a few at a time and return to Cota. This fidalgo was a 
very good knight, as we have several times said, but so hasty 
and choleric, that he was held by all as very ill to brook ; and 
besides this he was so vain, that he highly commended some 
soldiers who addressed him as " your lordship," and said 
that the courtesy looked very well. In connection with this 
there is told a good story of a soldier named Antonio Nicolas , 
a good horseman, who happened to be in his time in these Ceilao 
wars : the viceroy Dom Constantino being in Cochim this 
summer that is coming in due time, after the return from 
Ja^anapatao (of which we shall presently give an account 
further on 2 ), this Antonio Nicolas went to his galley to ask 
some favour of him, and it happened to be at the time that 
Dom Jorge Baroche was with him ; and the soldier in talking 
to the viceroy on various matters, addressed him always as 
"merce" 3 ; and referring to Dom Jorge as a witness to his 
services, he said to the viceroy : " Here is his lordship," 
pointing to Dom Jorge, " who knows this very well, and saw 
me fight " : which highly amused the viceroy, because he already 
knew about his acts of vanity and his nature. During the 
war he uttered many very witty quips , some of which we have 
related in the Sixth Decade 4 , and we must now not omit one 
that was very neat ; it was as follows : — When he was sailing 
as captain of a galley, going after certain paraos, it being the 
breakfast hour, a soldier asked the steward for an onion ; 
and Dom Jorge hearing him replied with much anger : " What 
is this , soldier ? Do you ask for luxuries on my galley ? There 

1 Mapitigama, on the right bank of the Kelani river, south-east of 
Malvana (c/. supra, p. 99, note 4 ). 

2 That is, of the events of the " summer " in which the return from 
Jaffna took place. The incident here recorded occurred probably in 
February 1561. 

3 Vossa merce is the ordinary polite term in Portuguese addressed to 
persons of all classes. 

4 See VI. v. vi. and vii. 

No. 60.— 1908.] couTO : history of oeylon. 


is nothing in it but powder and shot "K But with all this , this 
fidalgo was one of the best captains and knights, and a servant 
of the king, that went out to India. 

But to resume the thread of our history. Dom Jorge 
Baroche, seeing that the soldiers were deserting him little by 
little, left Jorge de Mello the Fist in his place, and went tG 
Cota to make the men return ; and whilst he was detained 
there Jorge de Mello thought he would make an assault on the 
enemy ; and getting ready, he set out one morning in perfect 
silence, and fell upon the entrenchments of Raju, the bastard 
son of Madune, and by force of arms entered them and caused 
great havoc among the enemy, killing the chief modiliares 
that were there, and capturing many arms and other spoils, 
with which he retired quite safely. This news reached Dom 
Jorge Baroche ; and filled with envy at such a victory, he 
mustered all the soldiers he could, and set out in great haste 
for the camp ; and finding the soldiers in good spirits, and 
flushed with their success , he at once crossed over to the other 
side of the river in the foists , and at daybreak next day attacked 
the tranqueiras, which Raju had already restored very well 2 ; 
and with that frenzy and desire that possessed him to gain 
some honour he speedily effected an entrance to them, and 
with the sword caused such destruction among the enemy, 
that in a brief space he killed more than two hundred of them, 
among whom were the chief modiliares and ar 'aches, and laid 
the whole of the tranqueira level with the ground, and destroyed 
it. And with such a good success, which cost him no more 
than a few wounded, Dom Jorge Baroche returned so elated 
and vainglorious , that he forthwith determined to attack the 
tranqueira of Mapitigao , in which was the whole force of Madune , 
before the blood dried on the swords of his soldiers, because 
he was informed that the enemy were much dispirited and 
terrified by those two blows ; since it was recognized that if he 
gained that tranqueira and fortified himself therein, he would 
become master of the roads to Ceitavaca, in which Madune 
resided, and by only being therein he would hold him besieged, 
and would be able to wage against him all the war he chose 
to. For this purpose he ordered to be made two wooden 
castles on the top of some boats that ply those rivers, which 
are called padas 3 , and in them placed some soldiers with many 

1 Whiteway (301 n.) tells this story, but puts rather more vigorous 
language into Dom Jorge's mouth. 

2 One of the three destroyed by D. Jorge de Castro in 1550 (see 
swpra, VI. vin. vii. , pp. 137-8) : which one this was, does not appear. 

3 Pada-boats (Sinh. pddawal) seem to be confused with lighters 
(Sinh. padaw). We shall meet with them again in X. vni. xii. (p. 282). 



[Vol. XX. 

pots of powder, fire-bombs, and other contrivances and 
materials, to go by the river and invest the tranqueira, and he 
with all the army crossed over from the other side, leaving 
orders for the foists to tow the castles until they were alongside 
of the tranqueira. And the signal having been given at the 
hour of attack, the foists began to row up the river with the 
castles ; and when they were already near the tranqueira, they 
fired upon them with a camello 1 , which struck the foist that 
was in front in the prow, and the ball went tearing its way 
through the middle of it as far as the poop, killing 
more than twenty sailors whom it took in line who were 
hauling at certain roqueiras 2 , and knocked them all to pieces. 
Upon this the vessels stopped, and Dom Jorge ordered to 
signal to them to turn about, which he also did, because he 
knew that all that were in the castles were certain to have been 
terrified by that mishap 3 . 

1 A kind of cannon. 

2 Petereros or stone-guns. 

3 The events recorded in this chapter and the next are described 
differently and with some detail in the Rdjdvaliya (86-8), but the 
Sinhalese chronicler has reversed the order of the engagements. He 
begins with the curious statement (86) that " king Mayadunne died 
after he had reigned 70 [!] years," and continues: — " On hearing of 
king Mayadunne's death, king Dharmapala came out with the army of 
Kotte and the Portuguese force, and halted at the place called Ma- 
edanda. The next day they marched to the village Weragoda and 
halted there." Valentyn (who, as I have said before, had a much 
corrector version of the Rdjdvaliya) says {Ceylon 82): — " Hereupon the 
Portuguese sent a famous captain, who encamped at the small pass of 
Naclagam [Pass Nakolagama adjoins Weragoda], and from there slowly 
pushed onwards, conquering all that opposed him. This happened at 
a time when the king of Majadune, now grown very old, had 
already given over the kingdom of Sita-vaca to his son Raja Singa, and 
had placed him on the throne of Majadune." As a fact, we find from 
both the Portuguese and the Sinhalese histories that Mayadunne now 
falls into the background, Raja Sinha exercising authority and leading 
the troops. {Gf. the statement of Cesare Federici quoted infra, p. 242, 
note 4 .) I shall return to the subject of Mayadunne's death when 
dealing with X. vn. xiii. (see p. 272, note 2 ). The affair described in the 
concluding part of the above chapter is evidently the same as that 
recorded on p. 88 of the Rdjdvaliya, where the employment of boats 
is mentioned (see the original), though the object for their use is stated 
differently. The incident of the firing of the gun (or two guns) at the 
foist (called a kattala) and the killing of several sailors (kaldsis — see 
Hob. -Job. s.v. " Classy ") is also related. According to this account, the 
result was far worse for the Portuguese than Couto states. Valentyn 
does not record this affair. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of oeylon. 


Dec. VII., Bk. ix., Chap. vii. 

Of another assault that Dom Jorge made on the enemy, in which 
he was totally defeated : and of some honourable feats 
that happened therein to some of our people. 

Dom Jorge remained there some days waiting for a favour- 
able opportunity, until he was notified that Raju was in a 
meadow near the tranqueira 1 with three or four thousand men. 
And desiring to meet him in battle, he ordered his men to get 
ready one day in the daybreak watch, and an hour before dawn 
he fell of a sudden upon his encampments, and in such wise 
were they attacked by our people, that before they were aware 
of them more then a hundred felt the edge of their swords and 
were left lying there, and the rest at this surprise vacated the 
encampments ; and Raju with as many as he could collect 
went retreating across the meadow, with Dom Jorge Baroche 
following in pursuit, in which our harquebusery knocked over 
another quantity of them, until they had driven them out of 
the meadow and penned them inside a hollow, where they made 
themselves secure. Dom Jorge Baroche arrived there, and 
seeing the place in which Raju thought to fortify himself 
determined to take it- and so complete the victory. But there 
came to him a soldier named Pero J orge, and said to him that he 
should be content with the favour that God had shown him, 
and should retire, because already ammunition was wanting, 
and there was nothing with which to load the firelocks, and 
that he did not wish that there should befall them a disaster. 
But Dom Jorge Baroche, being puffed up with that victory, 
answered him very angrily that they might load the firelocks 
with sand, or they might be able to win the victory with the 
sword ; and seeking to attack the pass , he saw that his soldiers 
had begun to retire (because in truth they had no more powder 
or bullets) ; and being unable to do anything else, he followed 
them, getting them into order, because he saw that they were 
already in disarray. Raju, who was a sagacious leader, and 
well versed in engagements, . understanding the situation in 
which our people were, rushed with his troops after them, 
and attacked them with such force and speed, that he threw 
them into confusion ; and Dom Jorge Baroche, with the 
fidalgos and knights that followed him, was forced to turn 
upon the enemy many times, lest they should be entirely cut 
up. And in this strait he arrived at a pass that lay at the end 

1 Where the respective forces were, it is not easy to tell ; but judging 
by what the Rajavaliya says (88), it would seem that they were some- 
where in the vicinity of Raggahawatta, wherever that was (see my 
note in C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 271-2). 

p 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

of the meadow, which he found impeded with large trees, which 
the enemy had cut down and thrown across there in order to 
embarrass them. Here Dom Jorge was detained in giving 
orders for clearing the road, which could not be done so quickly 
but that there came up the war elephants that Madune had 
already sent in aid of his son, and one of them approached 
Dom Jorge to lift him up in its trunk ; but a soldier named 
Pedralvarez Freire, a native of Lamego, seeing the elephant 
over Dom Jorge, went at it, with some foot-soldiers that 
it carried 1 , saying to them : " Here, lads ; " and raising his 
harquebus to his face, he discharged it in that of the elephant, 
and made it turn back with the pain of the wound upon its own 
people, trampling on some of them, and Dom Jorge had time 
to escape. Then came other elephants (it was these that put 
our men to the rout) ; and one of them attacking the ensign 
of Dom Jorge's company, he reversed the staff on which he 
carried the banner, and thrust it into its forehead, where it 
broke off ; but not even thus did he escape ; for as it was 
possessed with that fury, it threw its trunk round him, and in 
its rage flung him down and tore him in pieces. Another 
elephant came to another soldier, called Gregoris Botelho, 
a veteran soldier in India, and born there, who seeing it upon 
him turned upon it with great courage and thrust a halberd 
into its forehead with such force, that with the pain of the 
wound he made it desist, whereby he had time to get to the 
other side of the embankment. 

Here in this passage were killed many of our people, who 
fought very bravely, first taking a great revenge for the death 
they had to suffer. And yet this strait in this pass was more 
bearable and less perilous ; but as the enemy were so many, 
several araches with their companies made a detour, and went 
to other passes to block the road to our people : and thus they 
found themselves surrounded in that passage ; whereupon Dom 
Jorge quite gave himself up for lost ; but it pleased God that 
this was already at the end of the meadow , and to give courage 
and presence of mind to a soldier, whose name we cannot ascer- 
tain, who, seeing the peril in which all our people were, ran to a 
base that our people had left there, and put fire to it ; and the 
ball was so well directed, that it entered into the midst of the 
enemy, and killed a few of them : which being seen by the 
rest, thinking that this was an ambush that had been laid for 
them there, they halted ; whereupon Dom Jorge (who had not 
lost courage) rallied his men anew, and got time to reach the 
vessels, which were at hand, in which he embarked, and 

1 Or "that he had" : I am not sure of the meaning. 

No. 60. — 1908.] cottto : history of oeylon. 


crossed over to the other side , having had more than sixty killed 
in that passage of the meadow, among whom were some fidalgos , 
of whom the only name we remember is that of Joao de Mello , 
son of Tristao de Mello. Dom Jorge proceeded to his tran- 
queiras, so mortified at that loss and disaster, that he threw 
himself on the ground, storming and cursing his luck 1 . 
Thenceforward he remained in that place, continuing the 
war and the defence of the passes, so that Raju might not 
enter the limits of the kingdom of Cota, having several 
encounters with the enemy, in which there were aways some 
wounded on both sides. 

Dec VII , Bk. ix., Chap. x. 

* * * * # * * 

The viceroy dispatched 2 some captains 

with troops for Ceilao, because there had already come away 
from there Dom Jorge de Meneses Baroche, who had left that 
captaincy in charge of Balthesar Guedez de Sousa 3 , who con- 
tinued carrying on the war against Raju, as we shall relate 
more fully further on 4 

Dec. VII., Bk. ix., Chap. xvii. 

Of how the king of Pegu sent to offer a sum of gold to the viceroy 
Dom Constantino for the ape's tooth that he brought away 
from Jafanapatao : and of what the divines resolved regard- 
ing this : and of how it was burnt : 

Martim Afonso de Mello 5 was in the kingdom of Pegu with 
a ship of his doing a trade when the viceroy Dom Constantino 

1 There cannot be any doubt, I think, that the engagement de- 
scribed in this chapter by Couto is the one recounted so picturesquely 
by the writer of the Rdjdvaliya (87-8), which, he says, took place "on 
the field of Mulleriyawa." In this account also the elephants are 
mentioned as playing a prominent part. The loss ascribed to the 
Portuguese by the Sinhalese historian is, however, manifestly greatly 
exaggerated. Valentyn {Ceylon 82) records the affair briefly, and adds, 
that their defeat so embittered the Portuguese against Raja Sinha, that 
they " began to devastate all the lands about Colombo and Cotta, and 
to capture all the ports and villages belonging to Ceitavaca, and to 
depopulate the seaside villages." 

2 Apparently in February 1561. 3 See supra, p. 203. 

4 See infra, VII. x. xiv. (p. 219). 5 I cannot identify this mail. 

p 2 



[Vol. XX. 

returned from Jafanapatao ; and that king 1 , learning that he 
had carried off that tooth which all that heathenry held in 
such reverence, sent to summon Martim Afonso, and begged 
him that as he was going to India he would get the viceroy to 
give him that tooth, and he would give him all that he might 
ask for it. And men who were acquainted with Pegu, and 
knew the great veneration in which they there held that relic 
of the devil, asserted that he would give for it three or four 
hundred thousand cruzados. And by the advice of Martim 
Afonso he appointed some ambassadors to go in his company 
to the viceroy about that business, and gave them powers 
to settle with him whatever he might wish, and he would fulfil 
all that they agreed to. 

Martim Afonso having arrived at Goa this past April 2 , the 
viceroy ordered the ambassadors to be well received and 
entertained, and afterwards heard them regarding that business 
on which their king had sent them, and they presented their 
credentials, begging him on behalf of that king for that tooth ; 
and said that, besides giving him for it all that he might wish, 
he would remain in perpetual friendship with the state, and 
would take upon himself the obligation of furnishing the 
fortress of Malaca with provisions at all times that it had need 
of them, with many other compliments and promises. The 
viceroy told them that he would reply to them soon. And on 
discussing these matters with some old captains and fidalgos, 
they were all of opinion that he ought to accept such a large offer 
as that which they had made him, because by this means he 
would help the state, which was in debt and in want ; and so 
much did they say about this, that they considered him as 
good as persuaded. 

As soon as these things came to the ears of the archbishop 
Dom Gaspar 3 he at once hurried to the viceroy and told him 
that that tooth could not be ransomed for all the treasure in 
the world, because it was contrary to the honour of God our 
Lord, and would give occasion to those heathen to idolatrize 
it, and to give to that little bone what was due to God alone. 
And regarding this he gave him many admonitions, and even 
preached about it from the pulpit in the presence of the viceroy 
and the whole court ; and as Dom Constantino was a very 

1 Bureng Naung (see Phayre's History of Burma 117-8). The 
Burmese annals appear to be silent on the subject of the mission to 
Ceylon for the tooth relic. 

2 April 1561. 

3 D. Gaspar de Leao Pereira, first archbishop of Goa, who arrived 
in India at the end of 1560 (see supra, p. 201, note l p and c/. p. 179, 
note 5 ). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


devout Catholic, and God-fearing, and obedient to the prelates, 
he did not care to go forward with that business, or to do 
anything without a general council. Wherefore he assembled 
the archbishop, prelates, and divines of the religious orders, 
captains and old fidalgos, and revenue officers, and before 
them all explained the case, and the large sum of money that 
they had promised him for that tooth ; and represented the 
great need in which the state was , which could all be remedied 
with that ransom. And the matter having been debated 
amongst all those divines, who had already well studied it, 
they resolved that that tooth could not be given up, because 
it would give occasion to great idolatries, and insults to God 
our Lord ; and that that was a sin that could not be com- 
mitted, even at the risk of the state and the whole world. 
The principal divines that were present were the archbishop, 
the inquisitors 1 , the father Frei Antonio Pegado, vicar- 
general of St. Dominick, Frei Manoel da Serra of the same 
order, prior of Goa, the father deputy provincial of St. Francis 
and another divine of the same convent, the father Antonio 
de Coadros 2 of the Company of Jesus, provincial of India, the 
father Francisco Rodriguez 3 the Cripplekin 4 , of the same 
Company, and others. 

This having been agreed to, and a contract having been 
drawn up, which all signed (a copy of which is in our possession 
in the Torre do Tombo 5 ), the viceroy ordered the treasurer to 
bring the tooth, and delivered it to the archbishop, who 
there in the presence of all threw it into a mortar, and with his 
own hand pounded it and reduced it to fragments, and cast 
them into a brasier, which he ordered to be brought for that 
purpose, and commanded the ashes and cinders to be thrown 
into the midst of the river in the sight of all, who witnessed it 
from the verandas and windows that looked on to the sea. For 
this there was much murmuring against the viceroy, some 
saying, that for the heathen to idolatrize there were not 
lacking to them other idols, and that of any piece of bone they 
could make another tooth in memory of that one, which they 
would hold in the same reverence ; and that such a large amount 
of gold as they would have given him would have been very good 
for the expenses of the state, which was greatly in need ; and 

1 In VII. ix. v. Couto gives their names as Aleixo Dias Falcao and 
Francisco Marques Botelho. 

2 Regarding him see Miss, dos Jes. 132. 

3 See Miss, dos Jes. 135. 

4 Manquinho. 

At Goa. This document no longer exists (see Gerson da Cunha's 
Mist, of the Tooth Relic 44, note f ). 



[Vol. XX. 

so we were told that in Portugal there was much astonishment 
at some persons' consenting to that deed. But by an emblem 
or design, which we shall give here, which they had executed 
there 1 with reference to this affair (made, as it appears to me, 
by the fathers of the Company), they approved of what he 
did, and recorded his great Christianity and zeal for the honour 
of God ; and the emblem was as follows. They made an 
escutcheon, and on it they painted the viceroy and the arch- 
bishop at a council table, and around them all the prelates of 
the religious houses and the divines that were there present, 
and in the midst of all a large burning brasier, and some 
heathens with purses in their hands filled with money, 
which they were holding out to him, and five letters, like the 
first of the name of Dom Constantino, like these, and im- 
mediately below them these five words : — 

C C c c c 

Gonstantinus cceli cupidine cremavit crumenas. 

The true signification of which is, setting aside the construc- 
tion : "Constantino, with aims in heaven, rejected the 
treasures of earth " 2 

Dec. VII., Bk. x., Chap. xiv. 

Of the war that Madune ordered to be undertaken against our 
fortress of Columbo, and that of Gota, in which was the 
king Peria Pandar : and of the actions that took place. 

We have many times spoken of how greatly Madune Pandar 
desired to capture the kingdom of Cota. and seize the king 
his brother, in order thus with greater safety to become master 
of the whole island. Wherefore he never desisted from the 
war, and continually sent his armies, the captain-general 

1 In Portugal. 

2 The translation is certainly free, and the Latin misstates the fact, 
since it was the tooth that was cremated, and not the money-bags 
{crumenas). This episode has been referred to by many writers, some 
praising and others blaming the viceroy (c/. Gerson da Cunha, op. cit. 
45-6). Modern writers have doubted the genuineness of the tooth 
burnt (see Pyr. ii. 145, note). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couTO : history of cbylon. 


of which was his son Raju Pandar, now against Columbo, 
now against the fortress of Cot a, where was the king 
Peria Pandar 1 . The captain of Columbo was Baltesar 
Guedez de Sousa 2 , who had with him his brother Goncalo 
Guedez, both very good captains, with some others that had 
come from Goa, such as Nuno Pereira de Lacerda, Simao de 
Mello Soarez, Gaspar Goterrez de Vasconcellos, Antonio 
Chainho de Crasto, Andre d'Afonseca, Antonio d'Afonseca, 
Diogo Fernandez Pirilhao, and others, whom the captain 
Baltesar Guedez de Sousa had appointed to various posts. 

Raju after having delivered many assaults, now on Ccta, 
now on Columbo, determined to besiege Columbo and en- 
deavour to take it, and so he laid siege to it with more than 
thirty thousand men around the fortress 3 , and attacked it at 
all parts in great force , many times risking his whole power in 
order to get the town into his hands ; but it was always defended 
against him very well by our people, with many deaths on 
each side, and our people many times gave themselves up for 
lost ; and in this siege they did so many things and performed 
such great deeds of chivalry, that I know not how to parti- 
cularize them ; and the assaults were so many, that it is 
impossible to make or give a detailed account of them. I shall 
only say one thing, that of each day of this siege could be 

1 This is the first occasion on which Couto employs this title, one 
used by Dharmapala alone, and explained in a document printed in 
Gol. de Trat. i. 225 as meaning " emperor." It appears to represent 
Sinh. parahanddra or Tarn, periya pandar. (See also supra, p. 155, 
note \) 

2 See supra, VII. ix. x. (p. 21 1), where we read of his succeeding D- 
Jorge de Menezes, in February 1561, apparently. 

3 This seems to have been in 1563. It will be noticed that Couto 
gives no details of the occurrences of 1561 and 1562. In VII. x. ix. he 
mentions, among those who accompanied the viceroy (the count de 
Redondo) in his huge fleet from Go a to Cochin in December 1562, { \Dom 
Theodosio ambassador from Ceilao," but he nowhere tells us when 
this ambassador was sent to Goa, or with what object. This is evidently 
the person referred to by Garcia da Orta in his forty-second Goloquio 
as having given him information regarding the " snake- wood " in 
Ceylon. He was named, doubtless, after the duke of Braganca, 
the elder brother of Dom Constantino, during whose viceroy alty he 
was probably baptized. The Raj dvaliya entirely passes over these two 
years, and says very little regarding the next three, as we shall see 
further on. Respecting the sieges of Columbo and Cota described by 
Couto, the Sinhalese historian is absolutely silent. The Hist. Seraf. 
(iii. 539) recounts briefly these sieges, which, it says, were five in 

216. journal, r.a.s. (ceylon). [Vol. XX. 

made a history of itself, because the actions at every moment 
were well worthy of note ; and I should not fail to describe 
the principal ones, if I knew them in real truth ; but I only 
knew, in short, that the disgust they gave me was greater 
than the pleasure and eagerness that I have to describe this 
affair, which was one of the most memorable and notable in 
the world's history 1 . In fine Raju continued to carry on this 
siege with very great importunity and urgency, until, wearied 
and disgusted with seeing that things were not turning out as 
he desired, he retired to Ceitavaca, our people thinking that 
it was in order not to return to the attack. But as Raju and 
his father entered upon this business with hate and envy, he 
did no more than get fresh supplies of men, munitions, and 
provisions, and then took the road to Cota in order to conclude 
that business, which he considered determined and concluded, 
thinking that our people had suffered so in the past siege, and 
were so disheartened, that they were not in a condition to be 
able to go to the help of that king, — in which they deceived 
themselves : for as soon as Baltesar Guedez de Sousa heard 
that he was moving on Cota, he set out from Columbo with as 
many men as he could muster, and threw himself into Cota. 
leaving his brother Goncalo Guedez hr Columbo with what 
men seemed necessary to enable him to defend himself against 
any attack, should such occur. 

The city of Cota 2 is of a circular form, and is situated as 
it were in an island, entirely surrounded by a fair-sized river 3 , 
which can only be crossed by boat. It will be some two 
thousand paces in circumference, and has no access to the 
outer world except by a passage like a man's neck, which 
would be some fifty paces in width. This defile our people 
had fortified with a valla tion of thick walls at each end, and 
two walls besides that ran across this defile, one outside, and 
the other nearer in, and this passage was called Prea Cota 4 . 
There is also over the river a bridge, which they call the pass 

x This is a very cryptic statement, and I am unable to explain the 
cause of Couto's " disgust." 

2 Gf. the description in V. i. vi. supra (p. 75). Unfortunately no plan 
of Kotte as it was in Portuguese — or even in Dutch — times has come 
down to us : so that it is difficult to locate the places mentioned by 
Couto in connection with this siege. 

3 Gf. the description of the first founding of the city by Alakesvara, 
in C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 285. 

1 Pita Kotte. (The Portuguese frequently represented the cerebral t 
and d in Indian and Ceylonese names by an r. We shall meet with 
other instances in Couto.) 

No. 60. — 1908.] cottto : history of ceylon. 


of Ambola 1 , which goes towards Columbo, which our people 
make use of, and from Cota to Columbo will be a league and a 
half. There is another pass, which they call that of the 
Mosquito 2 , and two others 3 , in which our people had made 
their tranqueiras, and provided them with everything. The 
manner in which Goncalo Guedez and the king provided this 
and the captains whom they placed in these passes I do not 
know, nor do I find any records 4 ; I only know that in Prea 
Cota, which was the most dangerous pass, was a captain with 
forty men, and in all the other passes each had its captain and 
thirty men. And in Prea Cota were the father Frei Simao de 
Nazare, Frei Lucas, and three other fathers of St. Francis 5 , 
all monks of great and well-known goodness. The king 
remained apart with the captain Baltesar Guedez de Sousa 
to go and help whenever needed. 

As soon as Raju came in sight of Cota he surrounded it with 
his whole army, which he had greatly increased, and attacked 
it many times with great determination, chiefly at Prea Cota, 
with the elephants, which at a place to which he came where 
the river was shallower went to the attack boldly ; but our 
people wounded them and burnt them with fire-lances, where- 
by they. made them turn round ; the bulk of the enemy hasten- 
ing hither, thinking that the elephants had made an entrance 
for them , whereupon there ensued a very severe battle of great 
risk and peril, in which many were killed on both sides, where 
the king and the captain Baltesar Guedez de Sousa and other 
knights that accompanied them did such marvels, that they 
seemed like wild elephants. And the friars were those that did 
most, because they fought spiritually with prayers, and by 
persuading the men to defend themselves and to ask pardon of 
God for their sins, they being ever the first in all the risks and 

1 In the next chapter this is called "the pass of the ambolad" which 
seems to be the correct reading, for in VIII. iii. (p. 226) we are told 
that the ambolao (ambalam) was midway between Columbo and 
Cotta : it was, therefore, probably situated at the spot where the 
present Kotte road meets the North and South Base Line and several 
other roads. 

2 I cannot identify this pass. It is mentioned again in VIII. iii. (p- 

3 The names of all the passes are given in VIII. iii. (p. 224). 

4 Apparently Couto obtained his information regarding this siege 
from participants in it, as he did in the case of the next and final siege 
of 1564-5 (see VIII. iii., p. 236). 

5 From a document printed in Arch. Port. -Or. iii. 734, it appears 
that in this year (1563) Dharmapala dotated the Franciscans in Ceylon 
with the rents of the pagodas within his dominions. 



[Vol. XX. 

dangers 1 . In this carnage that day passed, and others fol- 
lowing, without their allowing our people to take a moment's 
rest, because neither by day nor by night did they take their 
hands from their arms, eating very little, and sleeping less. 
And the most wonderful thing, on which I should like to spend 
many quires of paper, is, that the greater part, or almost all, 
of these people of ours were soldiers from Antre Douro e 
Minho, from Beira, and from Tras os Montes 2 , unknown men, 
without usurped titles, but brought up poor and rustically, 
badly clad, and worse laced. But certainly of them it could be 
said, as was once said of Caesar, that one should beware of that 
ill girt youth. So of these our Portuguese, in whom the fault 
of blood concealed the great valour of the spirit, it could be 
said : " Beware of those tatterdemallions, and of those rusty 
swords , for there go other Caesars." And so you would see one of 
these set face to face against many foes, and cutting them down 
with such valour and spirit that it would affright you and 
cause you the greatest astonishment, and standing up to a wild 
elephant that would make a whole army fall back, and making 
it turn round, as if he were another beast wilder and more 
ferocious than it. And these of whom I speak are those 
that in India accomplished most of the dangerous feats 
that were undertaken there ; and those that in this island of 
Ceilao maintained this and other sieges, of which many 
writings could be made, if time or neglect had not buried the 
names, and with them the deeds. 

1 The Historia Serafica (iii. 539) says : — " In these straits the 
Franciscan friars were always seen in the greatest perils. On one 
occasion, the Portuguese having sallied forth to repel the onset of the 
enemy, over whom they gained the victory, they left dead on the field 
for the confession of the faith two very earnest monks, Fr. Luis do 
Amaral speared, and Fr. Martinho da Guarda, the second of the name, 
who was dragged along after an elephant. The Malavares, who at 
this time were cruising along the coast in succour of Madune, captured 
a friar Leygo, who was coming as sacristan of our convent in Columbo, 
and having carried him to Negumbo accorded him a most cruel death, 
In another encounter of the Portuguese with the troops of Raju in the 
meadows of Calane, the former beginning to break their ranks by reason 
of the impetus that pressed upon them, the father Fr. Joao Calvo took 
a crucifix in his hands, and on the part of his Lord commanded the 
elephants to proceed no further with their havoc. A fact to be won- 
dered at ! The brutes remained immovable at the impulses of the 
divine virtue, and the heathens so dumbfoundered at the novelty, that 
our men had the opportunity of retiring from their fury." 

2 The northernmost parts of Portugal, inhabited by the least warlike 
of the population. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : histoky of ceylon. 


Dec. VII., Bk. x., Chap. xv. 

Of the great strait to which Raju brought our people, and of 
how Diogo de Mello, captain of Manar, came to the rescue : 
and of other reliefs that joined them. 

Thus Raju continued to carry on the siege with greater 
forces and with more bloodthirstiness each day, seeking by 
every means to enter the city, both by water with boats and 
jangddas 1 and by Prea Cota. And many times our people 
gave themselves up for lost ; but God our Lord, whose eyes 
were upon them and upon that island, gave courage to our 
people, so that they always drove the enemy back with great 
destruction to them, and with no little loss on our side. The 
king with some of his men was always to be found in the most 
dangerous places, like one who had most at stake on the issue, 
since his kingdom was at stake. The enemy captured another 
road to the pass of the ambolao, by which there came to them 
from Cota some provisions and messages, and thus only with 
difficulty and great risk could our people send messages to one 
another. The news of this siege, and of our people's being in 
great peril, reached Manar at the beginning of August [1563], 
on hearing which, Diogo de Mello Coutinho, captain of that 
fortress 2 , immediately hired some vessels, in which he set out 
to their help, himself in one, and in the others Pero Luzarte 
Ticao and Gaspar Pereira the Long 3 , who was afterwards 
appointed to the fortress of Chaul, but did not wish to go to 
assume that command. 

These vessels having set out full of men, munitions, and 
provisions, as it was not the season for getting to Columbo by 
going along the coast, they went to the opposite coast of 
Tutocori, in order from there to cross over with the wind, 
which was then a monsoon one. Meanwhile Raju kept on 
pressing the siege closer, because he saw that the winter was 
drawing to a close, and that soon many reliefs could come ; 
and so he determined to get possession of Cota, and with that 

1 Rafts (see supra, p. 75, note 3 ). 

2 There seems to be an error here. In VII. ix. vi. we were told that 
in 1559 (?) the captain of Manar was Jorge de Mello the Fist (o Punho), 
and in VIII. iii. we read of his still occupying that post in 1565. On the 
other hand, in VII. ix. v. we were informed that, by command of the 
viceroy, Manoel Rodrigues Coutinho went from the Fishery Coast to 
Manar in 1561, apparently to take command of the newly -built fortress 
of Manar. (Of. p. 205, note 2 .) Of Diogo de Mello Coutinho we have 
read in connection with Ceylon in VI. ix. xvi. and xix. and VI x. vii., 
and we shall hear of him as captain of Columbo in VIII. xxxii. 

3 See supra, p. 205. 


object attacked it at all the passes with great fury, finding in 
our people the usual resistance. Those of our people that 
could fight would be about four hundred, who seemed to be 
made not of flesh but of brass, because neither did the bombard 
shots frighten or affect them, nor did the elephants make them 
move from their posts. Thus Raj u continued, until one day 
he put his whole strength into the combat, and placed the 
largest body of it at Prea Cota, which was attacked by the 
troops of the atapata 1 , who are those of the king's guard, 
picked and brave soldiers (like the J anissaries) ; and before the 
guard went the war elephants, who with their customary 
trumpetings placed their foreheads against the tranqueiras, to 
the help of which hastened the king, and the captain with the 
messengers that accompanied him, and in front of all the 
venerable father Frei Simao de Nazaret, with five or six friars, 
who were always foremost in the greatest fury of battle , 
encouraging the men, and holding aloft to them Christ crucified, 
in whose name and faith they all fought, calling many times on 
the name of Jesus, who always succoured them with his help, 
increasing their courage and strength : for if this were not so, 
all would be lost. At last, such force did they cause the 
elephants to exert, that they burst through the first wall of 
Prea Cota, where our people continued to fight with much 
valour ; and so with that onrush Prea Cota was entered, and 
three brothers of St. Francis and more than twenty Portuguese 
were killed. The king and the captain, seeing this position 
invaded and their cause apparently lost, hastened to the 
rescue with all the rest of the troops that they had, sending in 
advance some men with fire-lances and the musketry ; and 
shouting " Sao Tiago ! " ; and the father Frei Simao de 
Nazaret in front, calling on Christ to succour and aid them, 
it pleased this Lord for his great mercy (as he is accustomed 
to do in similar needs) to succour them in such fashion, that 
they drove out the elephants much burnt, and did the like to 
the enemy, more than four hundred of whom were killed and 
scorched in that action. Finally the havoc was such, that 
Raju on his side had to retire as good as routed, he having 
thought that with that action he would finish the business. 
The captain Baltesar Guedez de Sousa, who that day played 
the part of the brave soldier, was wounded with two wounds, 

1 In X. ix. v. (p. 301) the word is more correctly spelt atapato, and is 
explained as " captain of the guards " (of the king). Bocarro (cap. xci.) 
has atapata (feminine collective noun), and explains it as Couto does 
here ; while Ribeiro (II. i. ) has atapata as a masculine noun, and explains 
it as " captain of the bodyguard " (of the king). The word atapattuwa 
has now come to mean the staff of peons or messengers under a disava. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


but they did not cause him to leave the conflict, rather he 
showed therein all the more the purity of his blood ; and 
likewise did the fidalgos and distinguished knights, whose 
names I have not discovered to glorify them as they deserve. 

The king and the captain without taking any rest rebuilt and 
fortified Prea Cota on the inner side very strongly, and wished 
to send a message to India, to let the viceroy know the state 
in which that fortress was, that he might succour it, which 
he 1 considered doubtful because all the roads were occupied, 
and it. was not possible to go by them. But a friar of St. 
Francis, who saw that need and the risk and peril in which 
all were, talking to a pacha 2 , who knew those jungles very well, 
gave him an account of his determination, which was to get 
to Columbo through the jungles, and said that with all the risk 
to his person he would have him very well paid : the pacha 
offered his services to bring him to Columbo in perfect safety. 
And the father giving the captain and the king an account 
of the plan, they thanked him much for that service that he 
wished to render to God and also to that people ; and 
intrusting him to the pacha, whom they paid well, in the third 
watch of the night they went out by the pass of the ambolao, 
and hid themselves in some new and different jungles, through 
which they journeyed with much trouble and danger. And it 
pleased our Lord, who always favours such deeds, that in two 
hours they reached Columbo, which the father entered, and 
gave an account of the past trouble and of the peril in which 
all were, giving the letters to the alcaide mor, in which he ordered 
him immediately to give a vessel to go over to Tutocori, 
which they soon got for him, it being a small tone, in which he 
embarked, and went across to Tutocori ; and reaching land, he 
saw the armada of Diogo de Mello Coutinho , which had arrived 
the day before, and there was now with him Antonio da Costa 
Travassos, who had come from Cochim as captain-major of 
six rowing vessels with many and good troops, and there they 
added also some seven or eight vessels of provisions. And 
learning the great need in which Cota was, they at once set 
sail for Columbo as the weather was good ; and next day they 
entered that bay with that great succour , of which the news 
quickly reached Raju. As soon as our people landed, they 
arranged to go to the relief of Cota, and mustered more than 
four hundred men, whom they put in order to set out. But 
as soon as Raju heard of it he broke up his army, and retired 
to Ceitavaca, taking back more than two thousand men less 

1 The captain, apparently. 

2 See supra, p. 106, note 2 . 



[Vol. XX. 

than he had brought, whom he had lost in that expedition. 
And with this our people were disburdened, and fortified 
themselves anew, and provided Cota with food and men ; 
and Diogo de Mello , when he saw that he was not needed there , 
returned in his foist by himself to Manar, leaving in Columbo 
all the rest of the succour that had gone with him. 

Dec. VII., Bk. x., Chap. xix. 

jjs Hs ❖ * * ^ 

As the summer 1 was drawing to a close, the governor Joao 
de Mendoca began hurrying on the dispatching of the captains 

that had to go out, who were and also Pero de Taide 

Inferno 2 to the captaincy of Ceilao, and gave him some 
vessels, men, and munitions, because Madune continued to 
carry on war against his brother the king of Cota 3 . 

1 The hot season of 1563-4. 

2 Previously captain of Sao Thome. I do not know how he came 
to have such an unpleasant nickname. 

3 This statement is doubly inaccurate : the king of Kotte was 
Mayadunne's grand-nephew, not his brother (see supra, p. 204, note 3 ), 
and Mayadunne was not at this time carrying on war, but preparing 
for another campaign (see infra, p. 224, note 2 ). 

No. 60. — 1908.] cottto : history of ceylon. 


C U T 0. 
DECADE VIII. (Summary.) 
1564-1571 a.d. 

Portuguese Governors of India. — D. Antao de Noronha, 
viceroy, September 1564 to September 1568 ; D. Luis de 
Ataide, viceroy, September 1568 to September 1571. 

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon. — Dharmapala alias Dom Joao 
Perea Pandar, 1551-97 (Kotte and Columbo) ; Mayadunne, 

1534-81(?), (Sitavaka) ; , alias Dom Joao, 155 ?-6 ? 


Tamil King in Jaffna. — Sangili. 

Portuguese Captains- Major of Ceylon. — Pedro de Ataide 
Inferno, 1564-5; Diogo de Mello, 1565-8; [D. Fernando de 
Monroy, 1568-70 ? ] ; Diogo de Mello Coutinho, 1570-2. 

The principal events recorded in this summary are the 
great (and final) siege of Cotta by Mayadunne's army under 
Raja Sin ha in 1564-5, its relief, and subsequent abandon- 
ment by the Portuguese, Dharmapala and his " court " 
removing to Columbo, where the puppet king was fated to live 
for the next thirty-two years. The only other important 
matters chronicled by Couto are the two embassies from the 
king of Pegu (in 1565 and 1566) to Dharmapala, the first to 
obtain in marriage a fictitious daughter of the latter's, and 
the second to purchase from this " Christian " king the 
genuine (?) tooth-relic. The pompous receptions accorded 
to these two in Pegu are narrated with much circumstance on 
the authority of an eye-witness. 

Deo. VIII.. Chap. iii. 

In which the great siege of Cotta is continued. 

The tyrant Raju did not rest from the idea of making an 
end of Cotta, or of Columbo : for whichever of them he 
captured, the other would soon be given up to him, and he 



[Vol. XX. 

would get the king Dom Joao 1 into his hands, so as to become 
master of the whole of that island ; and thus setting his wits 
to work and laying his plans, he determined to do by wiles 
what he could not by force : and with this object he collected 
a large army with much artillery and munitions, and spread 
the report that he was going to attack Cotta, in order, if our 
people in Columbo were put off their guard, to take it un- 
awares, and get possession of it ; and so with that design he 
appeared before Cotta on the 5th of October 2 , and encamped 
with his whole army in the same place that he occupied on the 
other occasion, that Columbo might be nearer to him. At the 
time that he appeared before that fortress Pedro de Atayde 3 
was in it, having come there to see the king, leaving in his 
stead as captain of Columbo Dom Diogo de Atayde. Pedro 
de Atayde seeing the enemy and finding himself unprepared, 
and without enough provisions for the siege that he expected, 
prepared in the best way he could to receive him, and fortified 
himself wherever it seemed necessary, and dispatched a 
message through the jungle to Dom Diogo de Atayde to 
provide him with victuals whenever he could, because they 
would be sure to need them ; and calling a muster of the 
troops that he had, he found three hundred soldiers including 
old men and invalids, and none of the king's troops, they 
having all deserted to the enemy through knavery that Rajii 
had practised for this purpose ; and he divided the posts of 
greatest danger amongst the fidalgos and captains that were 
there, after the following manner 4 : — Gaspar Pereira de 
Lacerda at the entrance to Cotta with thirty men ; Antonio 
Cardoso Suyero in a pass in front of an islet that the river 
formed there, called the Islet of Challenges because to it the 
soldiers challenged one another ; Manoel Lourenco in a pass 
that they called the Pass of Mosquito^ ; Joao de Mello de 
Atayde in the Pass of Andre Fernandez ; Ay res Ferreira, 
nephew of Pedro Ferreira de Saopayo, in the Pass of the 
Pachas ; Henrique Muniz Barretto at the wall of Prea 5 

1 This is the first occasion on which Couto refers to Dharmapala by 
his baptismal name. (Gf. supra, p. 172, note 4 , p. 215, note 1 .) 

2 1564, as we find from the date given further on. As the relief of 
Cotta mentioned at the end of VII. x. xv. supra (pp. 221-2) took place 
apparently in August 1563, Raja Sinha seems to have given the 
Portuguese a year's respite while he was maturing his new plans. 

3 See supra, VII. x. xix. (p. 222). 

4 Gf. supra, VII. x. xiv. (p. 217). 

5 The printed editions have, by a misreading, primeira (first), the 
blunder being repeated throughout the chapter. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


Cotta, where was stationed as captain Francisco Gomez 
Leytao 1 ; Joao Correa de Britto 2 in the Pass of the Mainotos*. 
With the captain remained some fidalgos and knights to go 
with him and the king to help wherever most needed : these 
were one Dom Francisco de Noronha, of whom they could tell 
me nothing more ; Rodrigo Furtado, brother of the governor 
Andre Furtado 4 : a certain de Atayde Lerma ; Francisco de 
Macedo, who still lives today 5 in Cochim, a friar of the third 
order of St. Francis, a highly respected man, who in this siege 
performed great d.eeds of valour ; and Gaspar 6 Goncalvez, 
master captain of the inhumes 7 , very well known ; and others 
regarding whom I have no information. 

Raju continued carrying on the siege with all his strength, 
and preventing any provisions from reaching our people, who 
were already in great want. Raju's field-marshal, who in 
their language was called Bicarnasinga 8 , on several occasions 
when Dom Diogo de Atayde sent provisions to Cotta always 
attacked his soldiers, who defeated him, at which he was so 
annoyed, that he sent to challenge Dom Diogo to meet him at 
the ambolam 9 , which is half-way on the road from Columbo 

1 In X. vn. xiv. (p. 276) we shall meet with this man again, in connec- 
tion with Raja Sinha's final siege of Columbo in 1587-8. (See also p. 256.) 

2 Afterwards captain of Columbo, 1583-90 (see infra, p. 261). 

3 Washermen (see Hob. -J oh. s.v., and infra, p. 331). The manuscript 
has, incorrectly, moinatas. 

4 Andre Furtado de Mendoga (see infra, p. 393), who governed India 
for only three months and eight days, May-September 1609. 

5 That is, in 1615, when Couto wrote this summary of his Eighth 
Decade. In XII. i. xiv. (p. 427) he mentions this man as taking part in 
the war in Ceylon in 1597-8. When he exchanged the soldier's casque 
for the friar's cowl I do not know. He it was, Couto tells us further 
on (p. 236), that furnished him with an account of this siege. 

6 Further on (p. 237 ) he is called Estevao. I cannot say which name 
is right. 

7 I cannot explain this. The only meaning that the dictionaries 
give for inhame is "yam" (which is derived from the Portuguese 
word) : but that is clearly out of place here. I suspect some error. 
Perhaps it is an attempt to represent Sinh. yamdnnu, which Clough's 
Dictionary explains as ' 6 iron manufacturers in the days of Kandyan 
kings ; " or inama; " a general name for any low caste," may be meant , 

8 In the manuscript ' ' Bicar Narsinga. " This is Vikramasinha mudali . 
so often mentioned in the Rajavaliya 82 ff . We shall meet with him 
again in X. vn. xiii. (p. 273). The Portuguese seem to have mistaken 
the name for a title, for Bocarro (cap. cxiv.) speaks of Antonio Barreto's 
having become " bicanasinga, which is captain-general of the king of 

9 See supra, p. 217, note 1 . 

q 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

to Cotta : which Dom Diogo accepted, and appointed the 
time for three days thence, of which he sent to inform Pedro 
de Atayde Inferno, who on the day fixed sallied forth from 
Cotta with one hundred and fifty men, and sent two pachas, 
men of the jungle, to discover the enemy and ascertain what 
force they had, and return and inform him ; and if they 
did not find the Bicanarsinga, to go on to Columbo, and tell 
Dom Diogo de Atayde to hasten with what provisions he could 
bring, as he was waiting for him on the Outer inho das Pedras 1 , 
half a league from Gotta. These pachas proceeded to Columbo , 
and told Dom Diogo that the Bicanarsinga had not appeared, 
nor were there any troops on the road. On this news there 
set of? from Columbo without the captain's orders a casado 2 
captain of twenty men, who was called Joao Rodrigues 
Piercedfoot 3 , and took with him an arache named Francisco 
de Almeyda with twenty-five lascarins, who carried some 
provisions to leave in Cotta ; and having marched as far 
forward as a tree that they call carcapuleira* , they en- 
countered the whole army of Raju, who was waiting for Dom 
Diogo, and they fell upon him, and surrounded him, and 
killed Pierced-foot with ten Portuguese, and the arache and 
lascarins, and took from them their regimentals : wherefore 
Dom Diogo and Pedro de Atayde always suspected that tha 
pachas had been bribed by Raju. 

Pedro de Atayde received information where he was of 
what had taken place, wherefore he returned to Cotta as it 
were by force, since the captains that accompanied him made 
him return, because he himself wished to go and attack Raju, 
Things being in this state, as Raju had his eyes on Columbo, 
a week after this had occurred he one night broke up his camp 
as noiselessly as he could, and sat out marching on Columbo, 
thinking that he would take it unawares, of which Pedro de 
Atayde was soon advised, and in great haste he dispatched 

1 Literally "the Hillock of the Stones." (The maims ript has outei- 
rinhos.) From the distance given, it is evident that some eminence at 
Borella or Welikada is meant. 

2 See supra, p. 186, note \ 

3 Pe fur ado, literally " bored foot." He had probably in some fight 
received a shot or thrust through one of his feet. 

4 This is a hybrid word, -eira being the common Portuguese termi- 
nation in names of trees, while carcapuli represents Tamil korukkai- 
puli, the goraka, Garcinia Cambogia (see Hob. -Job. s.v. " Corcopali "). 
This goraka tree was evidently a conspicuous one ; but where it stood, 
it is impossible to say. The manuscript has, erroneously, sarsapuleira, 
the copyist having in his mind, apparently, the word sarQaparilha. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylok. 


Nuno Fernandez de Atayde 1 and Pedro Luzarte, with forty 
soldiers, to go by unfrequented paths and got into Columbo 
Raju reached that fortress without being discovered, and at 
once invested it, and assailed it all round with many 
ladders, which he had brought for that purpose, more than 
two thousand Moors 2 climbing to the top of the enceinte ; 
but Dom Diogo de Atayde, who was not off his guard, 
hastened to the defence with Dom Martinho de Castelbranco 
and other fidalgos and knights ; and f ailing upon the enemy, 
they killed many, and others were hurled down from 
the walls ; but Raju hastened thither, and made them attack 
again with great determination, putting all his strength 
into it, going about himself in person and bringing up his 
men, who strove with all valour all they could to regain the 
walls, which our people defended with increased bravery ; 
and such doughty deeds did they perform, that they obliged 
Raju to retire, as he saw that day was breaking, leaving 
around the walls more than five hundred Moors dead, 
besides a large number of wounded whom he carried away 
with him. Our people that were coming from Cotta in succour 
reached that fortress at the time that Raju was already retiring, 
and entered into it. 

The enemy, finding himself met with such opposition, and 
obliged to withdraw from those walls with so much loss and 
humiliation, became as if mad, and resolved to prosecute that 
war by another and more rigorous method, which was, to kill 
our people with hunger : and to this end he returned towards 
Cotta, and beset the whole road from sea to sea, from Mapano 3 
as far as Matual, whereby our people were rendered disheart- 
ened of succour, nor could Nunc Fernandez de Atayde with the 
others return from Columbo 4 . Raju went about like a madman , 
inventing and seeking means by which he could finish that 
business; and having many times held council, it was therein 
resolved that though it might be with excessive trouble, the 
most efficacious means to attain his end was to divert the 
river that enclosed the city at various parts 5 , in order that, the 

1 Afterwards captain of Manar and later of Oolumbo (see infra, 
pp. 305, note 5 , 441). 

2 The printed version omits " Moors " here and in every other place 
where the word occurs in this chapter. (See infra, p. 232, note 1 .) 

3 See supra, p. 171, note 5 . 

4 The Rdjdvaliya, which is, as I have said, strangely defective 
regarding this period, says (89) : — " Raja Sinha cut off communication 
with the districts belonging to Kotte and Colombo, and stopped traffic 
by preventing man and beast from going out or coming in." 

6 Cf. p. 216, supra. 

Q 2 



[Vol. XX. 

passage being open to him, he might be able to enter it dryshod : 
and to this end he ordered to collect a large number of pioneers, 
whom he set to make a beginning with the work, a thing that 
completed the hopelessness of our people. The soldiers that 
were on that side, thirty in number, hearing the noise of the 
work, fell upon the enemy, and killed a large number of the 
pioneers, and captured from them a boat called a catapanel 1 ; 
and Pedro de Atayde Inferno hastening to the help ordered 
to be placed in it fifty firelock soldiers, with whom embarked 
the father Frey Simao de Nasaret, a monk of St. Francis, 
to animate and console them, who came to the place where the 
enemy had begun to work and dig a trench, and with their 
firelocks killed a large number of Moors, and filled in that 
part again. 

Here occurred a most evident miracle, and this was, that 
while our people were engaged in this work there enveloped 
them a mist so dense, that it entirely hid them from the enemy, 
the latter remaining so plainly visible to our people, that these 
made the greatest havoc among them, killing with firelock 
shots three hundred of them, who were straightway left there, 
besides many that retired wounded. This lasted until midday, 
when the filling in of that place was finished, and our people 
retired without having received any loss, not even a slight 
wound. This cost Raju so dear, that never more did he 
care to prosecute that business 2 , and remained thus in that 
position, preventing the passage of provisions to our people, 
who being in entire lack of them, the captain ordered two of 
the king's elephants to be killed 3 , with which they kept off 
hunger for some days, and they did the same with a horse, and 
after this our people fell upon the dogs and cats of the city, and 
there escaped them not a single one, nor even other unclean 
vermin of the country, so that they consumed everything. 

1 The manuscript has catapanol. Baldseus (Ceylon xxii.) has 
katapanelen (plur.), which a marginal note explains as "open boats" 
(the English translator substitutes " ferry-boats "). On p. 308 infra 
we have the plural form catapunes , which shows that the word is Tamil 
kattu-punai — tied-boat, and that catapanel (better catapunel) is an 
artificial singular formed from the plural on the model of Portuguese 

2 He might have renewed the attempt, however, had not the Portu- 
guese abandoned Cotta the following year. We shall find him using 
the most elaborate means for draining the Columbo lake during the 
siege of 1587-8 (see infra, pp. 299-300). 

3 During the siege of Columbo by the Dutch in 1655-6, Ribeiro 
tells us, of fifteen elephants that were in the city at the time all but one 
were eaten (see C. A. S. Jl. xii. 94). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


Those of our people that were in the bastion of the land pass , 
seeing themselves in extreme need, sent some servants into 
the jungle to cut wood and gather some herbs to eat : these 
learnt that there were many of the enemy with several elephants 
concealed in the thicket near a tree that stinks like human 
ordure, and so remedial for the palsy, that in a short space 
of time it has great effects when bruised and plastered on the 
injured parts : and in my own house this was tried many a 
time ; and although there are also of these trees in the 
districts adjacent to Goa yet that of Ceilam has more virtue 1 . 
Of these troops the servants informed the captain, who 
sallied forth from Cotta with eighty soldiers 2 , and went and 
took up his position in the old ditch, which had only one 
single passage, very narrow, and on both sides was very 
marshy, whereby the position was a very strong one, and 
safe against all the forces that might come. Thence he sent 
Balthesar Pesanha with thirty soldiers to go through the 
jungle to discover the enemy ; and at a firelock shot's distance 
he came upon the whole of Raju's force, which was lying in 
ambush, with the object of capturing our bastion that lay on 
that side, because of its being the most important of the whole 
of Cotta. Our people who were in the midst of that multitude 
of foes retreated towards the captain, the enemy following hard 
after them, harassing them with their harquebusery, and 
reached the captain with one soldier missing, named Antonio 
Martins, a native of Arronchez, a very good horseman ; and 
when they got back to the ditch they were already so hard 
pressed by the enemy that these had almost entered together 
with them. On seeing this, our soldiers, without the captain's 
order, sallied forth upon them with an amazing fury, and 
falling upon the enemy they caused great havoc among them ; 
and although those that sallied forth upon them were not 
more than eight, they went driving them before them like 
sheep as far as the main body of the army, whence they returned 
in very good order ; but not so scatheless but that all were 

: From Couto's description, one would suppose that the tree meant 
was Celtis cinnamomea (called by the Sinhalese gurenda, from the dis- 
gusting odour of its wood when fresh), were it not that this tree does 
not, apparently, grow under 2,000 feet in Ceylon, nor is it found on 
the west of India (see Trimen's Handbook of the Flora of Ceylon iv. 
81). On the other hand, Clerodendron inerme (the wal-gurenda of the 
Sinhalese), which is very common on the sea-shore in Ceylon and India, 
is not a tree but a shrub (see Trimen, op. cit. iii. 359-60). 

2 Through a strange misinterpretation of Couto's words, Faria y 
Sousa states that Pedro de Ataide's object was to capture the elephants 
— apparently for food I 



[Vol. XX. 

wounded, one of their comrades named Diogo de Mesquita being 
killed ; the others were named Gaspar Fernandez de Aguiar. 
Pedro de Sousa, Antonio Lourengo, Pedro Fernandez 1 7 Antonio 
Bias, Pedro Pirez the Room 2 (he being of that nationality), 
and Cosmo Goncalvez. Pedro de Atayde remained there until 
Rajii should retire to his array al, which was at four in the 

This occurred two or three days before Christmas, at a time 
when already in Cotta there were not even jungle herbs, which 
they had not been able to go out and seek : wherefore the 
captain dispatched two soldiers, Antonio da Silva and Joao 
Fernandez the Beardless, with a message to Dom Diogo de 
Atayde of the extreme misery they were in, who got through 
the jungles to Columbo ; and Dom Diogo on learning the state 
in which they were, dispatched a pacha with a message to 
Pedro de Atayde that he would send along the sea -coast by the 
outer side seme boats of rice as far as the king's palm- grove 3 , 
which will be some three leagues from Columbo, whither he 
was to take care to send and get it. And forthwith he 
dispatched the same soldiers with a boat, and two tones with 
ten candis of rice, and in the morning of Christmas eve the 
captain received Dom Diogo's message, and the same day in 
the morning watch he dispatched Francisco Gomez Leytao 
with a hundred soldiers and some lascarins familiar with the 
country to go and get that provision : which he did with 
great risk and trouble, and at once returned with the rice, 
arriving in the daybreak watch at half a league from Cotta, 
where he found the captain with all the people of the city, who 
were waiting for him, and with great joy they entered .the 
city ; but the captain, who thought he had obtained a supply 
of rice, found that he had got very little, since the soldiers had 
left it hidden in the jungle, to go and seek it later, at which 
the captain was so angry, that he drew his sword, and went 
at Francisco Gomez Leytao to kill him ; and he would have 
done it, if the father Frey Simao de Nasaret had not interposed 
himself : and through that prompt action the soldiers delivered 
up the rice that they had hidden. With this poor provision 
they managed for some days with great frugality ; and when 

1 The printed version and Faria y Sousa have " Ribeiro." 

2 Turk (see supra, p. 28, note It is strange to find one of the 
most hated of the enemies of the Portuguese fighting on their side. 

3 Bandarawatta on the road to Negombo is situated at about the 
distance mentioned by Couto ; but it seems much more probable that 
the " king's garden " lay to the south of Columbo, as that would be much 
more accessible from Cota : it must, therefore, have been somewhere 
near Ratmalana. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of oeylon. 


it was finished, as the people were many, they began again to 
suffer torments of hunger, for which reason several soldiers 
determined to desert to Raju, because hunger and cold, says 
the old adage, will bring you into the house of your enemy. 

This was at the end of January 1565 1 , when our people 
found themselves in the extremity of want ; and one Francisco 
de Macedo 2 passing along a street met another soldier named 
Luis Carvalho, of the household of the Conde do Prado, who 
was going along deep in thought ; and coming up to him 
Macedo asked him what he was thinking of as he went along. 
Carvalho, turning very pale, looked at him and replied, that it 
was either God or the devil that was speaking in him. Macedo 
responded, that he might confide in him, as he well knew 
the thoughts that he had. Carvalho answered, that already 
he had determined to confess everything to him : and he 
then told * mi how a soldier born in India, named Fernao 
Caldeira, was going about trying to get some soldiers to desert 
to Raju : and that already there were forty who had resolved 
one night to desert through the pass of Antonio Cardoso 
Sueyro, by which they would have to wade, and that they 
were to carry off a brass camelete 3 that was in the pass ; 
and that he had resolved to go with them ; because Raju had 
ordered to be thrown into that pass and others olas, according 
to which he would receive anyone that chose to come over to 
him, and would treat him very kindly ; and that those who 
wished to proceed to the fortress of Manar he would allow 
to go freely and would provide them with necessaries : and 
these wiles this tyrant always made use of, and by their 
means got the whole of the king's people to desert to his 

Francisco de Macedo, who was a very good man, took Luis 
Carvalho, and carried him off with him, and on the way 
dissuaded him from that purpose, giving him many reasons 
why so honourable a man should not undertake an action so 
abominable and diabolical : because, if he were to go forward 
with his purpose, that fortress would straightway be lost, 
and for such a great evil he would have to give a full account 
bo God 4 ; because heaven would not fail to chastise rigorously 

1 In the manuscript the year is written on the margin. 

2 See supra, p. 225, note 6 , Evidently what follows is taken almost 
verbatim from this man's narrative, furnished to Couto, as stated further 
on (p. 23G). 

3 A kind of cannon. 

4 The printed edition omits all that follows of Macedo's arguments : 
it is a pity Couto did not do likewise, as the matter is scarcely of his- 
torical value. 



[Vol. XX. 

whoever should permit that in the churches where were 
celebrated the highest mysteries of our redemption the devil 
should erect altars to the perfidious Mafoma 1 , in which his 
sectaries should sacrifice and should commit the nefand abuses 
of his depraved law: and with these and similar reasons, 
dictated by a truly Christian and loyal courage, he went on 
dissuading him, reminding him by the way of the temporal 
obligations of honour and fealty — what it was to sell and 
betray Christians, professors of his law, to barbarous Moors, 
who with rigorous torments would make them follow the 
deceptions of the Alcoran, and would cruelly tear to pieces 
those that despised their diabolical rites ; and the infamy that 
in time to come would rest upon the Portuguese nation in the 
parts of the East, it being said among the infidels that there 
was a Portuguese who for a scanty portion of rice betrayed his 
countrymen and friends, with whom he had crossed such vast 
seas and sailed to climes so remote 2 ; that he should trust hi 
God, because he never entirely forsook whoever knew and 
confessed his most holy name : and with one discourse and 
another he brought him to where was the father Frey Simao 
de Nasaret, and before him gave him an account of the 
affair, and of the determination of those desperados, the 
which the father heard with very great grief in his heart, 
and taking Luis Carvalho by the hand, he embraced him 
many times, and consoled and encouraged him in the 
present adversity, assuring him of relief with a speediness 
as great as was the need in which God knew that fortress 
was : and so many things did he say to him, God moving 
his tongue, that, with the warnings and admonitions that 
Francisco de Macedo had given him, Carvalho yielded, 
confessing his sin, originated by the general strait in which he 
was ; and leaving Francisco de Macedo with the captain of 
his bastion, Manoel Lourenco, he went with Luis Carvalho to 
the captain, and related to him the whole affair, and what had 
been planned amongst those soldiers. 

■ Pedro de Atayde cast his eyes to heaven, and gave great 
thanks to God our Lord for the mercy he had shown them in 
discovering to them that affair, which , had it not become known 
in that way, could not have failed to cause the loss of that 
fortress : and embracing Luis Carvalho many times, he spoke 

1 Muhammad. All the references to " Moors " as forming Raja 
Sinha's army, like these to the Muhammadan religion, display an 
ignorance, which must be credited to Macedo, and not to Couto, who 
certainly knew better. 

2 This clause is an echo of two lines in the first verse of the Lusiad. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


to him words of much honour, paying him great compliments, 
and then he sent to summon Fernao Caldeira, the ringleader of 
the conspiracy ; and going aside with him, he warned him of 
the plan that he had arranged, and regarding this he gave him 
a short discourse, in it reminding him of the duty he had of 
offering and giving his life in defence of the Catholic faith, 
since he was an old Christian, nurtured and sustained with the 
milk of the Catholic Church, duty to which was the greatest of 
all ; and that it was usual in tyrants to make great promises in 
order to carry out their intents, and that after attaining their 
aims they punished and killed the very ones who had betrayed 
strongholds to them ; that he would badly keep his word to 
men of a different law who had no knowledge of God nor 
professed truth ; that he trusted in his good blood that the 
worm of conscience must have caused him great repugnance 
to carrying out such an exorbitant act of desperation ; that 
God was great towards the tiniest little worms of the earth, 
how much more towards one who had suffered so many 
troubles to confess his most holy name ; and he repeated to 
him almost the same words that the father Frey Simao de 
Nazareth had spoken to Carvalho : and so many things did he 
say to him of this nature, that Caldeira threw himself at his 
feet with great demonstrations of repentance ; and the captain 
raising him up embraced him, and consoled him, promising him 
on his word, that if he escaped thence he would strive to make 
him honoured: and they continued such friends, that the 
captain always endeavoured to keep him near to himself ; 
and in order not to cause a stir about that affair, he did not 
choose to speak further to the other soldiers of Caldeira' s 
faction , but rather made as though he knew nothing of it. And 
because there was no money in the fortress, he called the 
captain of the inhames, who was a friend of all the soldiers, 
and gave him a silver sword of his, and a dagger, and 
sword-belts, that he might melt it into larins, there being 
there craftsmen of that calling, and give the greater part 
to Fernao Caldeira, and divide the rest amongst the other 
soldiers ; but nevertheless he ordered strict watch and ward 
to be kept in the passes, secretly, so that they should 
not think that he continued to suspect them, so as not to 
create in them distrust, nor was there amongst them any 
further disturbance. 

Jorge de Mello the Fist, who was in Manar as captain 1 , 
learning of the strait in which those of Cotta were, persuaded 
the king of Candea, who was already a Christian, and was also 

1 Cf. supra, p. 205, note 2 , and p. 219, note 2 . 



[Vol. XX. 

called Dom Joao like him of Cotta 1 , to send troops to enter 
the territories of Raju and put them to fire and sword, in order 
thus to oblige him to hasten to their help and relieve the 
fortress, which was in the last strait with the rigour of the siege. 
It was easy to persuade the king of Candea to this resolution, 
because he was a mortal enemy of Raju's: and at once 
with all speed he dispatched his field captain-general, who 
was called Dom Afonso 2 , with five thousand men, and with 
him went Belchior de Sousa with thirty men, whom the 
viceroy Dom Afonso had sent to that king, as if for his 

These captains entered Raju's territories, and proceeded 
putting them to fire and sword 3 , until they reached the city 

1 Of. supra, p. 133, note 3 ; infra, p. 242, note 4 . The Hist. Seraf., 
curiously enough, does not mention the Christian name of this king. 
After describing the unsuccessful attempts to convert Jayavlra, it 
adds : — " We had better luck with his son King Mhestana [sic, for 
mahdsthdna = royal highness], who succeeded him on the throne, because 
without those numerous promises and continual changes we baptized 
and received him into the flock of Christ. JECe continued so firm in our 
sacred law, that on the most wicked Raju's robbing him of his crown 
he had not the power to divert him from the faith, but the rather, 
closely united to it, he died in the arms of our friars." (Regarding his 
loss of the kingdom, and death see infra, p. 258.) 

2 Who this man was, I am unable to say. His baptism as a Christian 
evidently took place during the viceroy alty of D. Affonso de Noronha 
(1550-4), after whom he was named; and the Portuguese bodyguard 
here mentioned probably accompanied him from Goa, whither the 
Christian king of Kandy had doubtless sent him on a mission to the 
said viceroy. 

3 In Primor e Honra i. vi. there is a passage that seems to refer to 
this peri6d. The writer has been speaking of the miserable condition of 
certain Portuguese soldiers who had deserted to Raja Sinha and been 
compelled by him to become heathen, and continues : — " But in order 
to show by actual example, in the case of those of whom we speak, the 
evil state to which they will come, it must be mentioned that while 
many of them were going about in the company of Raju there was war 
between him and the king of Candea ; Raju as the more powerful 
entered his territories, and pitched his arrayal near the city of Ange- 
gama [? Ambagamuwa], metropolis of the kingdom. With the king 
of Candea also went Portuguese by command and consent of the vice- 
roys and governors, both because of his being a Christian as also in 
order that Raju (who is our friend [amigo : but must be an error for 
imigo, enemy] ) should not make himself master of the whole island by 
capturing this kingdom of Candea which is in the heart of it. The 
array als having come together from one side and the other came to join 
in battle, in which there died many men, and Pvaju came off the worse, 

No. 60. — 1908.] couTO : history of ceylon. 


of Chilao , which is very large , a,nd totally destroyed it 1 . These 
tidings reached Rajii, who was much enraged at them, and 
determined to press on that affair and finish it with all the risk 
that he might run, and he commanded to prepare his troops 
and elephants and engines, in order to make the last assault 
on the Prea Cotta side : and the day before Rajti sent a letter 
to the captain, in which he begged and counselled him to 
deliver up to him the city of Cotta ; and he with the king's 
baggage and artillery might pass freely to Columbo : and 
that he should not insist on their all dying of hunger, because 
he well knew the state in which he was through lack of pro- 
visions ; regarding which he had already written to him 
twice or thrice before, but this was with more liberality in the 
offers. The captain replied to Raju, that as long as he heard 
his drums beat, and these had skins and the shoes soles 
for them to eat, they must sustain themselves inside the walls 
of that fortress, as the king of Portugal had commanded 
them ; however, after these were finished, and necessity 
constrained them, that he would take care to go to his arrayal 
to seek for provisions for his soldiers ; and that he reminded 
him that it was not well for him to have such guests in his 

Thus our people remained at the last extreme of life , without 
having anything to eat, until the 11th of February [1565], which 
was a Sunday ; when at three o'clock in the afternoon there 
came a Chingala woman to the bastion of Prea Cotta and 
called out to open to her, because she must speak with the 
captain ; who ordered her to be brought in, and having been 

and as defeated left the field and retired to his territories. And as the 
infidels consider us valiant, and, as they say, we cost them little to feed 
they always put us in the forefront, and so Raju did to the renegades 
that went in his company, of whom the greater part died in the battle : 
those of Candea gave sepulture to their people ; those of the enemy 
remained on the field. And as the island of Seilao is full of many 
reptiles and wild beasts and vultures and other birds that devour human 
flesh, all these fell upon the dead bodies, and in a very few days there 
remained of the people of the country only the bones ; but not a thing 
touched the accursed and excommunicated bodies of the renegade Portu- 
guese soldiers, and so they remained entire, since neither wild beasts, 
nor birds, nor reptiles cared to eat them, nor the earth itself to receive 
them, at which even the heathens were amazed, going with their noses 
stopped because of the great stench." 

1 This is the first mention by Couto of the " city " of Chilaw. The 
" city " must have been rebuilt soon after the demolition here spoken 
of, tor in X. x. xvi. infra (p. 377) we shall hear of its being again 
destroyed by Manoel de Sousa Coutinho in 1588. 



brought before him, she told him to prepare himself, because 
that night Raju was going to make the final assault on all 
parts of Prea Cotta, and that into it he would put all the re- 
mainder of his strength. All there considered that this woman 
was the guardian angel of that fortress, who came to warn 
them of that assault, for without doubt Raju would have 
succeeded in his aims if in it he had taken the soldiers unawares 
and exhausted by the weakness of hunger. So says Francisco 
de Macedo in the account that he sent me of this siege ; but 
the captain of the inhames told me on many occasions that 
that woman was or had been the concubine of a soldier of ours, 
of whom she was fond ; and seeing the risk in which the fortress 
was, came to warn him, with the aim of seeing if she could 
save him, should any disaster befall that fortress, and that 
this soldier brought her to convey the warning to the captain. 
In fine, however it was, she seemed directed by heaven to 
come and give that warning to the captain, who at once 
dispatched to Columbo Antonio da Silva, who had already 
been there several times, by whom he sent word to Dom 
Diogo de Atayde, that as soon as he heard bombard shots 
that night he should move from there with all his men, and 
go and fall on the rear of the enemy, who would be fully 
occupied with the assault that they intended to deliver on 
Prea Cotta, the which post he immediately ordered to be 
provided with many munitions and the arms doubled ; and 
he in person with those that accompanied him, and the king 
with them, took up their position in one of the bastions of 
Prea Cotta, where most might be feared. 

Antonio da Silva reached Columbo whilst it was still day, 
and found already there in that fort Jorge de Mello, captain 
of Manar. who with one hundred soldiers had arrived the day 
before in order to succour our people ; and hearing the 
message, at once they all took the field, in order to set out 
at night ; and Dom Diogo ordered to discharge a camelete, 
which was the signal that Pedro de Atayde had ordered, to 
know if Antonio da Silva had arrived there, the which 
was heard well in Cotta, whereby Pedro de Atayde was in 
some measure relieved, because he had a sure sign that he 
would be succoured, although he had no information that to 
this end Jcrge de Mello had arrived at Columbo. 

At the beginning of the daylight watch next day Raju 
attacked the city all round, and he in person with the greatest 
force attacked Prea Cotta, having in front of him the elephants, 
in order that with their foreheads they might ram the bastions, 
which were of wood ; but they encountered so many deadly 
weapons, and in the few and debilitated men who defended 
them met with such doughty deeds, that they were astounded 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


at what they saw and experienced. The greatest force, which 
attacked the city all round, crossed the river at six points on 
very thick mats of bamboos 1 ; but on the other side they found 
our men so ready, alert, and skilful, that in spite of them they 
drove them back with many killed, because they aimed their 
harquebuses as they pleased and in perfect safety. Neverthe- 
less, as they attempted to disembark at so many places, the 
Moors gained entrance to a pass, some of our men being killed ; 
and the news spreading, the captain hastened to help, and the 
king with some of his messengers, and finding the enemy inside 
the pass, they fell upon them, and they engaged hand to hand 
in a very fierce battle, in which Pedro de Atayde kept ever in 
front of all, performing so many deeds of valour with his arm, 
that with much reason and most just cause we may say that 
he alone effected with his own hands more than all ; and whilst 
going about in the full force of the fight, his sword became 
unhilted and flew from his hand, leaving in the latter only the 
hilt and guard, he having many dead Moors in front of him ; 
and springing to a soldier, he took from his hands a halberd, 
with which he rushed into the midst of the enemy, performing 
such prodigies, that he once more drove them out of the pass. 
And although he with his own hands did much, those that 
accompanied him did not a little ; but rather such doughty 
deeds, that of each one could be formed lengthy chapters ; 
and I do not specify their names, because all that I can say 
of one I could say of all, since I know of nothing in which any- 
one excelled the others. 

There was no less stress and strait in the other passes ; 
but our men, ragged and famished, and most of them 
of unknown names, in their defence performed such deeds 
of valour and caused such havoc amongst the enemy, 
that it was a marvellous thing. In one pass, in which 
the stress was greater, was the king, who had hastened 
thither to help, and did it like a very worthy knight ; and 
he that did most there was Estevao 2 Goncalvez, master 
captain of the inhames, in that on the approach of the rafts for 
the Moors to put troops on land he sprang into the river and 
immersed himself knee-deep, and there did feats like a lion, the 
king watching him and remaining amazed at the prowesses that 

1 This seems to be the most probable reading. The manuscript has 
" esteiroes . . . . de bardas " (mats of bark or of briars), the 1673 printed 
version has "cestoens . . . . de badeis" (baskets of bandels !), while the 
edition of 1786 has " esteiroes de bambus," which, I think, is most likely 

2 He is called "Gaspar" above (p. 225). Both the manuscript and 
the printed version of 1673 have this inconsistency. 



[Vol. XX. 

he wrought, which were such that he was sufficient, with the 
musketry, to make the enemy retire with great loss , so that the 
river in that and other parts was full of dead bodies and dyed 
with the blood of the enemies. The captain of the inhames, 
seeing the Moors retired, came up on land transformed into a 
rustic by being coated with mud, and covered with blood ; 
and the king, seeing him ran to him, and embraced him many 
times, exaggerating with hyperbolic encomiums the lofty 
prowesses that he had seen him perform ; and divesting 
himself of a crimson robe that he wore all fastened with gold 
buttons, clothed him with it. This pass is called that of the 
pachas, in which were some twenty men, and we may say that 
four soldiers alone defended it against three thousand Moors 
who attacked it : these were, the captain of the inhames, who 
surpassed all, Ignacio de Gamboa Falcao, Pedro Pirez the 
Room, and another whose name they could not tell me, but who 
did not deserve , for his valorous courage, to remain in oblivion ; 
and each of them performed such prowesses in defence of the 
pass, that Manlius did not perform greater in defence of the 
Capitol, which was a different kind of fortress. 

In all the passes there was hard work ; and although in all 
resounded clamours and cries, and shouts for help were heard, 
no one moved from his place, which iie kept, because the 
captain had so ordered them. 

Whilst this conflict was in progress the two captains Dom 
Diogo de Atayde and Jorge de Mello with all the troops from 
Columbo reached Cotta at the place where Raju's arrayal 
was ; and rinding it deserted, they set fire to it, and halted 
there, because they did not know where the enemy was, it 
being very dark. Our men in Prea Cotta were in great stress, 
because at the time that the captain came to the help of the 
pass that had been forced, Rajii was attacking with his whole 
force, striving all he could to gain an entrance ; but it was very 
well defended against him by fifty soldiers who were in that 
part, who besides the defence performed the loftiest prowesses 
and wrought such havoc among the enemy, that had they not 
been aided by the divine arm, they could not by human 
agency have escaped that fury and unequal strength : and the 
enemies themselves said afterwards, that they saw a most 
beautiful woman, who, arriving at that moment with a blue 
mantle , extended it over our men , and sheltered them from those 
clouds of arrows and bullets that rained upon them : and that 
the same woman caught in the air the enemies' darts and hurled 
them, back upon themselves : and that they likewise saw an 
old man clad in red, who with a staff that he bore caused great 
havoc among the Chingalas ; and they affirmed that the sight 
oi that lady and of the venerable old man caused them all 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


such great terror, that forthwith they fell into a panic of their 
own accord : and we may piously believe that this old man 
was the blessed and chaste Saint Joseph, who in that crisis 
had accompanied his most holy spouse the most holy Virgin 
Mary our Lady. 

Raj u, seeing the discomfiture of his forces, and that daylight 
was already, breaking, removed from where he was, and 
commanded to give a signal to the captains that were in the 
other passes, who forthwith retired and went retreating in 
disorder by different roads ; and Rajii, without taking 
that to his arrayal, went retreating towards Ceitavaca : 
and without doubt if Dom Diogo de Atayde and Jorge de 
Mello had gone harassing him in the rear, they would have 
succeeded in utterly routing him ; but they, when they learnt 
of his flight, fearing that he had gone against Columbo, which 
was left to itself, without communicating with Pedro de 
Atayde set off in great haste to the help of their city. The 
captain Pedro de Atayde, when he saw himself relieved, 
threw out spies in order to get information regarding the 
enemy, who had already crossed over the river Calane, and 
went the round of all the posts, and found that not a soldier 
had been killed in all that combat except one named Francisco 
Fernandez Gameiro : upon which he went out to the field, and 
saw that notable havoc that had been wrought among the 
enemy, and found that the number of the dead exceeded two 
thousand, besides a larger quantity that were wounded, of 
whom manjr died ; and seeing that in the fortress there was 
only enough to eat for that day, he ordered the soldiers to 
collect the dead bodies, in order to salt them in slices, so that, 
if the enemy returned, they might avail themselves of that 
provender : and so in a short space of time they set aside and 
reserved four, hundred of the fattest 1 ; and a mulatto called 
Fernao Nunez then and there opened one and took out the 
liver, which he roasted and ate. The father Frey Simao de 
Nasareth, seeing those corpses being collected, hastened with 
great alacrity and requested the captain not to collect the dead, 
because it was a thing prohibited to Christians to eat human 
flesh : to which Pedro de Atayde replied that in the extreme 
need in which they were everything was permitted ; and whilst 
they were thus debating, there came to the captain a Christian 
Caffre, who had come from Raju's arrayal, and told him how 
he had been routed, and had had a large number of men killed , 
and that he had left him already in Seitavaca, upon which the 
captain desisted from the carrion business that he had ordered 
to be commenced, and commanded to set fire to all those corpses. 

Faria y Sousa wrongly says that the bodies were actually salted. 



[Vol. XX. 

Two hours later there arrived from Columbo some provisions , 
and after them Dom Diogo de Atayde and Jorge de Mello with 
all the others that they could muster, whom they went out to 
receive with as much joy and gladness as those of men who 
thought they had that hour been resuscitated ; and in the 
midst of so much joy there was not wanting envy on the 
part of those of Columbo at seeing those men so debilitated and 
weak who had all done such lofty deeds : and thus ragged and 
disfigured, they remained such gentlemen, that the Romans 
might envy them at the time of their greatest prosperity as 
defenders and conquerors of their empire. 

Pedro de Atayde presently went to Columbo to recruit, and 
left in Cotta Francisco de Miranda Henriquez with some of 
the soldiers that had come from Columbo, because those of 
Cotta also went with Pedro de Atayde to renew their strength. 

This siege lasted four months ; and the last forty days were 
days of cruel hunger, in which they ate nothing but herbs, and 
even those failed some days, for which reason one may count 
this siege as one of the most celebrated in the whole world. 

Dec. VIII., Chap. vii. 

Of the abandonment of the city of Gotta for Columbo. 

The viceroy, seeing the great trouble to the state that the 
siege of Cotta gave, and would give if Raju should return 
against it, resolved with those of his council that it should be 
abandoned, and that the king should transfer himself to 
Columbo : for the execution of which he sent 1 Diogo de Mello 2 
to remain as captain in that fortress 3 , who took the following 

1 In March or April 1565, apparently. 

2 Which Diogo de Mello, is not stated. In VII. x. xv. supra (p. 219) 
we read of Diogo de Mello Coutinho as captain of Manar in 1563 (but 
see note 2 there), and in VIII. xxxii. infra (p. 254) we shall hear of his 
being sent to Ceylon as captain of Columbo in 1570. 

3 This is somewhat puzzling. As we have seen above (p. 224), 
the captain of Columbo at the time of the great siege of Cota in 1564-5 
was Pedro de Ataide Inferno, of whom we last read as returning to 
Columbo in February 1565, after the raising of the siege. Couto does 
not mention this man again (as far as I can find) ; but from Primor e 
Honra 92 it appears that he went from Ceylon to become captain of 
Negapatam (when, is not stated). If he was superseded in the command 
of Columbo by Diogo de Mello Coutinho, the latter must in his turn 
have been relieved by some other captain, or this was some other Diogo 
de Mello (c/. preceding note). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


vessels 1 : he himself in a galliot, Manuel Luzarte Ticao, Fernao 
Vas Pinto, Antonio Froes, Fernao Trinchao, Antonio da Costa 
Travassos , who had come from Columbo 2 . This armada having 
arrived 3 at that fortress, Diogo de Mello immediately put the 
business into execution 4 , and went to fetch the king, and with- 
drew the friars and demolished the temple that they had there ; 
and left the whole deserted, and transferred all those things to 
Columbo, where lodgings were prepared for the king 5 , whom 
ours of Portugal commanded to be very well treated, and 
ordered that of all the money that was owing to him he should 
be given every year two thousand xerafinsfor his maintenance 6 , 
because he wa,s disinherited and without lands from which he 
might obtain sustenance, and only possessed some villages in the 
districts about Columbo 7 : and from that time forward the 
captains of that fortress, and some others that came to its 
succour, continued to extort from that poor king even what 
was due to him, for one would ask him for two thousand 
cruzados as a favour, another for one thousand, and another 
for five hundred, and thus little by little they went on consum- 
ing him, all of which the viceroys paid : which becoming 

3 Only one vessel is described. 2 See supra, VII. x. xv„ p. 222. 

3 Perhaps in April 1565. 

4 No time could be lost, as the burst of the south-west monsoon was 
at hand. 

5 The Rdjdvaliya (73 of Sinh. ed.) says : — " King Dharmapala 
retired to Kolamba by night. King Raja Sinha having laid waste 
the city of Kotte returned to Hitavaka. From that day the Portuguese 
and king Dharmapala resided in Kolontota." (Then occurs a big 
hiatus in this historical narrative, the events of fifteen years, 1566-80. 
being entirely unrecorded — a deplorable and unaccountable fact.) 
Valentyn, whose version of the Rdjdvaliya ends here, says {Ceylon 
82) :—" The empire of Cotta, as the emperor was driven from there by 
Raja Singa Rajoe, lasted only 10 years, and he found himself obliged 
to flee from there with the Portuguese, and to abandon everything." 
Valentyn adds :— " It is asserted that thus it is found in a certain old 
writing, and there also noted that this occurred on 15th March, anno 
1514 (although later)." The year, of course, is absurdly incorrect ; 
and I doubt if the exodus from Cotta took place earlier than April. With 
this shameful abandonment by the Portuguese of Cotta its history ended , 
and now scarcely a vestige remains of the buildings that once adorned 
it (see paper on ' 5 Alakeswara: his Life and Times," by Mr. E. W.Perera, 
in C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 281 ff., and of, C. A. S. Jl. x. 152, 170). 

6 Of. supra, p. 167, note x . This pension is referred to in several 
of the royal letters to the viceroys printed in Arch. Port. -Or. iii. (see 42, 

7 These villages and districts are named in an alvard of 1 3 February 
1601, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. vi. 737. 

R 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

known to the king Dom Sebastiao, he commanded that the 
money that had been given in those parts should be collected 
again, and that never again must the king make grants of 
money that was owing to him 1 : the which I believe did not 
take effect 2 . 

After Diogo de Mello had left, the viceroy immediately sent 
off some foists belonging to private persons with these provi- 
sions 3 : ten thousand xerafins in money, three hundred candis 
of wheat, eight hundred of rice, two hundred quintals of 
biscuit, many munitions, cotton cloths, and ether things of 
that sort 

Dec. VIII., Chap. x. 
Of the provision that was made this year for Ceylam. 
In this September of 1565 the viceroy Dom Antao de 
Noronha sent a galleon to Ceilao, it being again at war 4 , in 

1 Of. supra, p. 166, note 3 . 

2 This is proved by references to the subject in the royal letters 
cited in note 6 , p. 241 ; and that the extortion went on until Dharmapala's 
death is evident from what we read in a royal letter of 10 March 
1598, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 857. 

3 It is not said to what place these were sent, but we may presume 
it was to Ceylon. 

4 This shows that Raja Sinha had again taken the field, emboldened, 
doubtless, by the Portuguese confession of weakness in their abandon- 
ment of Cota. Owing to the irreparable loss of Couto's original 
Eighth and Ninth Decades, and the unaccountable hiatus in the Bajd- 
valiya mentioned above, we are left without any details of the events in 
Ceylon for the next sixteen years, with the exception of the curious 
episode related in chapters xii.-xiii. below. It was during this 
period that the Venetian merchant traveller Cesare Federici visited 
Ceylon ; but in what year he was in Columbo is not clear from his 
narrative. As the English translation of Federici's book by Hiekocke 
(published 1588) is full of gross blunders (not to mention misprints), 
which Hakluyt, in his somewhat amended version (Principal Navigations 
ii. 225-6), has failed to correct, I here give an accurate translation of that 
portion of the traveller's narrative that deals with historical events in 
Ceylon at this period: — " Seilam is a large island, and in my judgment 
a good deal bigger than Cyprus. On the side that looks towards India 
on the west is the city of Colombo, a fortress of the Portuguese, but 
outside its walls is in the hands of the enemies ; only towards the sea 
has it the port free [the Eng. trans, has ' but without wales (sic) or 
enimies (!) : it hath towards the sea his (sic) free port']. The lawful 
king of this island is in Colombo, having been made a Christian and 
deprived of the kingdom, sustained by the king of Portugal. The 

No. 60. — -1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


which went as captain Fernao Rodrigues de Carvalho 1 , who 
carried two hundred candis of wheat, four hundred of rice, 
and many munitions ; for in this manner the viceroys were 
wont at that time to provide the fortresses of India, 

* * * * * * * 

Dec. VIII., Chap. xii. 

The king of Pegu sends to ask of the king of Ceylao a 
daughter in marriage. 

Though I should spend a long time in describing the super- 
stitions of these barbarous heathen Pegus and Bramas 2 , 

heathen king to whom the kingdom belonged, called Madoni, having 
two sons, the prince named Barbinas [see infra, p. 273, note x ], 
and the second named Ragiu, was by the astuteness of the younger 
son deprived of the kingdom, because the latter, having made the 
whole soldiery favourable to himself, in despite of his father and of the 
prince his brother, usurped to himself the kingdom, and is a great 
warrior. At first this island had three kings : — Ragiu with his father 
and his brother Barbinas ; the king of Cotta with his conquests ; the 
king of Candia in a part of the island that is called the kingdom 
of Candia, who had considerable power and was a great friend of the 
Portuguese, and it was said that he lived secretly as a Christian ; there 
was [also] the king of Gdanifanpatan. For the last thirteen years 
Ragiu has impatronized himself of the whole island, and has made 

himself a great tyrant I was desirous of seeing how the cinnamon 

is peeled from the tree that produces it, and all the more because when 
I was in the island it was the season, as it was peeled in the month of 
April : wherefore, although the Portuguese were at war with the king 
of the island, and therefore I ran great danger in going out of the city, 
yet nevertheless I wished to satisfy this wish of mine, and having 
gone out with a guide, I went into a wood three miles distant from the 

city, in which were a good many trees of cinnamon, " As we 

do not know when the writer was in Ceylon, we cannot tell exactly 
what are the " thirteen years " of Raja Sinha's dominancy of which he 
speaks. (See supra, p. 208, note 3 , regarding May adunn6's abdication 
in favour of his son Raja Sinha, circa 1558-9.) 

1 In Arch. Port.-Or. v. is a royal letter of 19 February 1561, 
granting to this man the posts of captain and factor of the ships going 
from India to Ceylon for cinnamon for three successive voyages. 

2 The word " these " here is puzzling, as Couto has not spoken of the 
Peguans or Burmese since he told us (p. 212) of the mission from the 
king of Pegu in 1560-1 to D. Constantino de Braganca with the object 
of ransoming the tooth-relic captured at Jaffna. The " superstitions " 
of the Peguans he had treated of in V. v. ix. and V. vi. i. (see extract 
from the latter, supra, p. 108). 

R 2 



[Vol. XX. 

I could never succeed in telling the smallest part of their 
delusions : and for that reason, when I treat of any, it is only 
in passing, as I shall now do here. On the birth of this Brama 
king 1 the astrologers made great a-strological observations 
and constructions of diagrams to learn his good or bad fortune, 
and the things good or evil that were to befall him during his 
life. Among the absurdities that they wrote down as having 
noted on this subject was that he was to marry a daughter of 
the king of Ceilao, that there were to be such and such marks, 
and that the lineaments of her body were to be of certain 
measurements, which they thereupon recorded ; and the 
Brama king of Pegu, wishing to give fulfilment to the 
absurdities which they called prophecies, sent ambassadors 
to the king Dom Joao of Columbo, in that he alone by blood 
and legitimacy was the rightful emperor of the whole island, 
to ask him for a daughter to wife , and sent him a ship laden with 
provisions, as there were none in Ceilao 2 , and many trinkets 
and rich jewels. These ambassadors reached Columbo at the 
same time that the king left Cotta for that city 3 , whom the 
king received with much honour and entertainment ; and 
learning for what purpose they had come, he dissembled over 
the business, not denying that he had no daughter, as in fact 
he had not, nor has had 4 , in which his astrologers had already 
lied and deceived themselves ; but as he had brought up in his 
household a daughter of his grand chamberlain's, who was 
likewise of royal blood, whom Francisco Barreto when gover- 
nor made a Christian and gave him his name 5 , by whom on 
account of his parts and kinship the king was very much 
led, and we may assert that he ordered everything. 

Of this maiden the king was very fond, and called her 
daughter, and honoured her as such ; and after the ambassa- 
dors of the Brama had presented to him their commission he 
always placed her with him at table, and called her daughter, 
and under this name he wished to give her to the Brama as his 
wife; but he feared that the captain of Columbo 6 would prevent 

1 See supra, p. 212. note x . The curious episodes related in this and 
the following chapter do not appear to be recorded in the native 
annals of Burma. Couto refers to them in VII. ix. ii. (pp. 191-2). 
Phayre (Hist, of Burma 117) erroneously ascribes these events to the 
years 1574-6. 

2 Of. supra, pp. 242, 243. The lack of provisions was confined to 
Columbo and its vicinity, and was due to the blockade set up by 

3 About April 1565 (see p. 241, note 3 ). 

4 Dharmapala was childless (c/. supra, p. 100, and infra, p. 414). 

5 As stated in VII. ti. iv. (see p. 172, note 4 ). 6 Diogo de Mello 

No. 60. — 1008.] couto : history of ceylon. 


his doing it, and that the fathers of Saint Francis would do 
the same, although she was still a heathen : because as they 
had that sheep within doors, and any day might make her a 
Christian, as they intended and each day hoped, it was certain 
that they would hinder her from making the journey. All 
these matters he discussed with his grand chamberlain, who 
was sagacious and a man of great contrivance and had the 
king entirely under his thumb 1 ; who seeing that the king was 
dispossessed of Cotta and poor, and that by this marriage 
would be opened up a way to great trade with the Brama, and 
that the maiden his daughter would be the latter's wife, told 
the king that he would arrange for her to be taken away 
without its being known in Columbo. 

But much further even did his industry go : in that from the 
tine of a stag he made a tooth just like that which Dom 
Constantino carried off of the white ape 2 , and. enchased it in 
gold, and made a charola 3 , very costly with many precious 
stones, in which he placed it; and the grand chamberlain 4 
conversing one day with the Brama' s ambassadors and the 
talupdes that had accompanied them (who were their bishops 
and monks 5 ), who came to make offerings to the footprint of 
Adam, which all adore and venerate 6 , gave them in great 

1 Of. supra, p. 156, note l . 

2 So in the manuscript. In the printed edition the word " white " 
is wanting ; nor does Couto in VII. ix. ii. mention the colour of the ape. 
Faria y Sousa, however, in his account of Dom Constantino's 4 " great 
renunciation," asserts {Asia Port. II. n. xvi.) that the tooth was that of a 
white ape, and compares the sacredness of the white elephant in Siam. 

3 According to Vieyra's Port. Diet, this word is synonymous with 
andor, litter (regarding which see Hob. -Job.). In XII. v. iv. Couto, 
describing the grandeur of the king of Pegu, says : — " And when this 
king wished to go out he went in a charola overlaid with gold, with 
many precious stones, and was borne on the shoulders of thirty-six 
chief men," &c. It is in this sense that Couto uses the w,ord here and 
elsewhere. But charola in Portuguese also meant a niche in which 
images were placed (see Fr. Dom. Vieira's Grande Dice. Port, s.v.): 
and it is in the latter sense that Teixeira uses the word in describing a 
Hindu temple at Barcelor in Kanara (see Teix. 211, where note 2 is 
incorrect). Ralph Fitch (162) describes the Peguan monarch's litter, 
and adds: " This coach in their language is called Serrion." I suspect 
that in charola two words, one of Latin and one of Eastern origin, have 
been confused. 

4 The printed edition here inserts " who was still a heathen." He 
was probably a Christian only " from the teeth outwards." 

6 See Hob. -Job. s.v. " Talapoin." 
6 C7, supra, V. vi. ii., p. 110. 



[Vol. XX. 

secrecy an account of that business, and of how the king Dom 
Joao had the real tooth of the ape, or of their Quiar 1 ; and 
the one that Dom Constantino carried off was a false one and 
an imitation : inasmuch as by the ingenuity of the king it 
was made to the end that he should be left with the genuine 
one, which he esteemed more than all the riches of the East, 
but as the king had become a Christian at the instance of the 
Portuguese, he had kept the tooth in his house in the greatest 
secrecy, with all the suitableness that was possible to him. 
The ambassadors and talupoes on hearing that were very glad, 
and with great insistancy begged the king's chamberlain to 
show it to them, the which he promised them under great 
assurances, cautions, and promises that no one should learn 
from them that secret, nor the king have knowledge of what 
he had revealed to them, the which ceremonies and precau- 
tions stimulated all the more the curiosity of the ambassadors 
to importune him ; and after some days of much intreaty. 
during which he kept on expressing fears to them, one night 
he allowed himself to be conquered by their intreaties, and 
took them with great caution to his house, where with great 
preparations and feigned reverences he showed them the tooth 
in the charola in which it was on an altar much adorned with 
lights and perfumes, and on seeing it they prostrated them- 
selves on the ground, and adored it many times with great 
ceremonies and superstitious rites, in which they spent the 
greater part of the night, and afterwards conversed with the 
grand chamberlain regarding the tooth, begging him to send 
it to the Brama with his daughter, in order that the pleasure 
and festivities of the wedding might be more, and they 
pledged their word to him that the Brama should send him 
a million of gold, and every year a ship laden with rice and 
provisions, as they had promised : all of which was settled in 
great secrecy, so that only the king and his chamberlain 
knew of it. 

As soon as the weather was fit for this maiden to embark 2 , 
the grand chamberlain carried it out with such secrecy, that 
neither Diogo de Mello, captain of Columbo, nor the fathers 

1 This should be Quiai, as it is spelt in V. vi. i. (below spelt Quiay). 
Valentyn, in the list of Javanese words at the end of the last part of his 
great work, has "kijay, een heer." It is, in fact, the Talaing kydik = 
Buddha, lord, master. (Of. Ovington's Voyage to Suratt, &c. , 566, 576.) 
Ralph Fitch (168) spells the word Mack, and wrongly explains it as 
" their [the Peguans'] holy place or temple." Tennent's footnote in his 
Ceylon ii. 217 is both inaccurate in statement and erroneous in surmise, 

2 At the close of the south-west monsoon, doubtless. 

No. 60—1908.] cotjto : history of ceylon. 


had the remotest idea of it 1 : and there went with the ambas- 
sadors the king of Ceilao's, who was Andre Bayao modeliar 2 ; 
and sailing with good weather, they made landfall at another 
port below Cosmi 3 , where they disembarked, and informed 
the Brama of all that had happened, and of the arrival of the 
queen, which was a great joy to the king and all the grandees ; 
and immediately the king dispatched all the ximes* (who are 
the dukes and grandees) to accompany her, and sent her 
jewels and very costly stuffs ; and all this people, which was 
without number , went down the river in many boats, which they 
call legdes 5 , which are like galleys, all gilded and awninged, 
and with, silk flags of richly ordered colours ; and that in which 
the queen was to embark had the awning and cabin all overlaid 
with gold, and was equipped with beautiful and richly attired 
women, who rowed better and more in stroke than the galley- 
slaves of Europe, and of these women the king had many 
in separate wards, and it is certain that they married one 
another, and lived in houses two and two like married couples : 
and I have spoken with several Portuguese who were captives 
in Siao, and chiefly with one Antonio Toscano 6 , who was my 
neighbour and wh,o still has sons in Goa, who said that they 
went many a time to see these wards of the mariner esses, and 
that it was true that they were married to one another. In 
this galley that I have been describing the king commanded 

1 It is certainly strange that none of the Portuguese in Colnmbo 
should have got wind of the affair. 

2 What this man's Sinhalese name was, I do not know. In VI. n. vi. 
Couto mentions a brave soldier of the same name, and in the account 
of the siege of Columbo in 1587-8 we read of a Sebastiao and a 
Jeronymo Bayao, who may have been sons of the mudaliyar's. As 
Manoel de Sousa Coutinho's father was lord of Bayao, we may assume 
that captain to have been sponsor to the mudaliyar at his baptism. 

3 In manuscript erroneously " Cosri." On this port see Hob.-Job. 
s.v. " Cosmin," 

4 In the next chapter we have the form xirms, and in XII. v. iii. 
Couto gives the singular as xemim. Ralph Fitch (161) has " his noble- 
men which they call Shemines." The word is Talaing thamin. E. B. 
Michell's Siamese-English Dictionary has " cha'meun, a superior class 
of king's pages having the same rank as a phra" 

In printed edition of 1786 lagoas. In V. v. ix. Couto describes the 
boats as like galleys, with two tiers of oars, and says that they were 
called chalavegdes. E. B. Michell's Siamese-English Dictionary has 
" cha'laum, a small sea vessel " (c/. Hob.-Job. s.v. " Chelingo "). 

6 Couto mentions this man again in XII. v. v., whence it appears 
that in 1594 Toscano was again in Pegu, when he and other Portuguese 
were made prisoners by the Burmese king. 



[Vol. XX. 

to embark the wife of the banhd 1 of the old city, as her lady 
of the bedchamber and governess, and other very beautiful 

This structure having arrived, the principal lady of the 
bedchamber went to visit the queen and do reverence to her, 
and began to execute her office : and as she was a very old 
woman, and of great respect and authority, the queen began 
to treat her as a mother. Some days having passed, during 
which the grand lady of the bedchamber had charge of her 
and they were on terms of great friendship, she said one day 
in speaking to her, that the Brama king had been informed 
by his astrologers that he was to marry a princess of Ceilao 
who would have certain measurements of the legs, arms, and 
head, as was all set forth in those books, which the lady of the 
bedchamber showed her : that therefore she must give her 
leave, since of it was of great importance, that she should take 
those measurements upon her : that that was the principal 
cause for which the king had sent her, because he trusted her 
alone with her person. The princess listened to her very 
gravely, and with great haughtiness replied, that her body 
should be touched by no other person besides the king her 
husband : that they would go to Pegu, and that there he could 
take what measurements he wished. The lady of the bed- 
chamber could not persuade her to do anything else ; but she 
at once informed the king of what had taken place , who had 
advice of what occurred by couriers daily ; and on hearing 
this message that the lady of the bedchamber sent him of 
what had taken place with the queen he rejoiced greatly at it, 
and made great pleasantries over it, and commanded that they 
should immediately journey to Pegu, which she did : and cn 
the way she was accompanied by all the chief men of the cities 
and towns by which they passed, with many signs of rejoicing, 
dances, and music, and also with many costly giits and presents, 
until she arrived at the city of Pegu , where she disembarked 
with the greatest majesty, pomp, and splendour that can be 
imagined. The son and heir of the king went to receive her 
at her disembarkation, and in all the streets through which she 
passed she found novel forms of arches, theatricals, costly 
objects, and various figures which the natives of the kingdoms 
subject to the Brama had made in her honour. The king 
came out to receive her at the gate of the palace in which she 
was to reside, which was furnished in the most suitable style 
with every article for the bedchamber, drawing-room, and 
wardrobe, and everything else necessary to the wife of such 
a wealthy and powerful monarch, and afterwards he set apart 

1 In XII. v. iii. Couto says that this word means " governor.' 3 

No. 60. — 1908.] couTO : history of ceylon. 


large revenues for the expenses of her household. These first 
days he spent with her, commanding to bring her to his house, 
and had her sworn as queen with great ceremonial ; but as he 
had in his household many princesses, daughters of kings his 
vassals, as concubines, and other very beautiful ladies all 
within doors, interred more than in a convent, and she came 
to know that he consorted with them, she began to be filled 
with jealousy and to display anger and bitterness towards 
him, a thing that no one had ever shown towards him, nor did 
he understand what it was, and he greatly enjoyed it, and 
had hearty laughs and jests. Of all these things the eunuchs 
that waited on the queen informed Antonio Toscano, with 
whom they were on terms of friendship, who told me all this 
and other things, which I omit so as not to appear prolix. 

But as in those parts there is nothing that is not known, the 
Brama king came to learn that that maiden was not the 
daughter of the king of Ceilao, but of his chamberlain, because 
it seems that Andre Bayao, who had gone thither with her 
as ambassador, came to let his tongue run too fast (as they say) 
when conversing with some ximes 1 of Pegu, who told it to the 
king, who made little of this matter, because of his now being 
fond of her, and also because the talupoes and ambassadors who 
went to ask for the queen had given him an account of the 
ape's tooth and of the veneration in which that king held it, 
and of how it had been agreed with him that he should give it 
up : which the Brama highly esteemed, because that tooth, 
which they considered as that of their idol Quiay, he esteems 
above everything in life : and it has pleased God that thus we 
have set in esteem a tooth of Saint Apollonia's ; but I shall not 
say much as to its being this saint's, but a nail with which 
Christ was nailed, or a thorn that pierced his sacred head, or 
the iron of the lance that rent his sacred breast, all of which 
were captive in the power of the Turks for many years, without 
the Christian kings' sending to redeem them, as this Brama 
king did to the feigned tooth of the devil . or of the stag : 
because he forthwith dispatched the same ambassadors and 
talupoes back again to ask for that tooth, and for it sent that 
king the greatest riches, with promises of others still greater. 
These ambassadors arrived at Columbo 2 , and treated of the 
business in secret with that king, who delivered to them 
the tooth in its charola with great ceremonies and precautions, 
and with it they embarked in great haste in the same ship that 
they had brought for that purpose. 

The printed edition has " Chinas " (Chinese). 
In the early part of 1566. probably. 



Deo. VIII., Chap. xiii. 
Of the grandeur with which this tooth was received in Pegu. 

The ambassadors took only a few days to reach Cosmy, 
the port of Pegu , where at once the news spread of the arrival 
of the tooth of their idol Quiay, and all the talupoes and people 
that dwelt there came flocking to worship it with great venera- 
tion ; and for its disembarkation they made innumerable 
jangddas on boats with coverings erected above, much carved 
and adorned ; and the boat in which the accursed tooth was to 
disembark was all plated with gold and silver and other very 
costly curiosities : word was immediately sent to Pegu to the 
Brama, who forthwith in great haste sent all the grandees of his 
court to receive it, and began preparing the place where it was 
to be deposited, in which the Brama displayed all his power 
and wealth. The tooth was brought up the river, which was 
crowded with costly boats, and that part of the boat in which 
was the charola incircled with so many lights, that they hid the 
light of day. 

The Brama, when he had everything ready, embarked in his 
boats overlaid with gold and adorned with brocades, and went 
to meet it two days' journey ; and when he came in sight of the 
boats in which the tooth was coming, he went into the room 
of his galley, and washed and purified himself with many 
scented waters, and attired himself in the richest clothes that 
he had ; and as soon as he reached the jangada in which the 
tooth was being brought, from the prow where he entered as 
far as the poop where the tooth was he went all the way 
on his knees with great manifestations of devotion ; and on 
reaching the altar upon which stood the charola, he took the 
casket in which the tooth was in his hands, and placed it many 
times on his head, and offered the most solemn prayers, with 
wonderful formalities, and then returned it to its place and 
accompanied it as far as the city, the whole of that river 
exhaling the sweetest scents, which all those boats carried; 
and at the disembarkation of the tooth the most honoured 
talupoes and xirnis of all the kingdoms rushed into the sea, and 
the principal ones took the charola upon their shoulders, 
and went marching towards the palace with such a concourse 
of people, that it would have been impossible to penetrate 
it ; and the principal lords stripped off their rich and costly 
garments, and went spreading them out on the ground, so 
that those who bore that abominable relic might pass over it. 

The Portuguese that were present were dumbfoundered at 
seeing that brutish folly and display ; and Antonio Toscano, 
who as I have said above was one of them, told me things of 
the display and grandeur with which it was received, which I 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of cbylon. 


know not how to describe, and confess that words and style 
fail me therefor : in fine, all that the emperors and kings in the 
world all combined could do in a most solemn festival, in 
which all wished to ostentate the greatest majesty and power, 
this barbarian by himself did. The tooth having been dis- 
embarked was placed in the middle of the parade ground of 
the palace, where had been erected for it a very gorgeous 
tabernacle, to which both the king and all the grandees went 
to offer their richest gifts, which were immediately written 
down by officials who were deputed for that purpose. 

There it remained for two months, until it was transferred 
to a varella 1 that had just been finished making in the place 
where he conquered and routed the Ximido Satao 2 , who 
rose against him and usurped the kingdom, in gratitude for 
that great victory 3 . And to make an end with these things, as 
they are all closely connected, I shall deal with those that 
took place between the king of Candea and this Brama with 
respect to the king Dom Joao of Ceilao, although they took 
place in the coming year ; but as they fall in here, I do not 
care to leave them until later. 

These matters, which the king Dom Joao carried out in 
such secrecy with the Brama, both that of the marriage of that 
maiden under the name of his daughter and that of the ape's 
tooth, soon came to the ears of the king of Candea 4 , who 
learning how matters stood, and of the great riches that the 
Brama king had sent him for the tooth that he pretended to be 
the ape's, being filled with envy of all this, as he was a near 
relative of the king Dom Joao's and married to his sister 5 
(though there were not wanting some who said that she was 
his daughter 6 ), dispatched ambassadors to the Brama, who 

1 Pagoda (see Hob.- Job. s.v.). 

2 The printed edition of 1673 has temido Satao (" dreaded Satan " !), 
while the manuscript has the still funnier error timido santao (" timid 
hypocrite," or " timid santon " !). The conquest of this Ximi de 
Satao (thamin of Sittang) is recorded by Couto in VII. n. v. ; but it was 
Xemindo (Thaminhtoa) who was defeated by Thaminsoadwut, the 
latter in his turn being defeated by Bureng-Naung, the king of whom 
we are now reading (see Phayre's Hist, of Burma 102 et seq.). 

3 Tennent's version of the foregoing is as follows (Ceylon ii. 220) :— 
" Here it remained two months, till the vihare (varela) which they set 
about erecting could be constructed, and on which such expenditure 
was lavished as to cause an insurrection in the kingdom " ! 

4 See supra, p. 234, notes 1 and 3 , and p. 242, note 4 . 

5 1 cannot verify this statement (c/. infra, p- 261, note 1 ). 
6 The manuscript has " que nao hera filha ," which, with 

the unfilled blank, does not make sense, 



received them with honour ; and when he gave them audience 
they informed him on the part of their king that that maiden 
whom the king Dom Joao had sent to him under the name of 
his daughter was not so, because she was the daughter of his 
grand chamberlain ; and that the tooth which he had sent him 
with so much ceremony was made from the tine of a stag ; 
that he much desired to be connected with him by marriage, 
and that therefore he offered him to wife a daughter of his, 
not a pretended but a real one ; and that he would likewise 
have him know that he had the real tooth of Quiay, because 
neither was that which Dom Constantino carried off from 
Jafanapatao the real one, but that which he had, as he would 
prove by documents and olas 1 , The Brama being informed 
of the case, having turned it over in his mind, and seeing that 
he had already sworn that maiden as queen, and had received 
the tooth with that display, and collocated it in a varetta to 
itself, dissembled over the business, so as not to confess that he 
had been deceived, because it is as bad for kings to be deceived 
as for us to deceive them : and so he replied to the ambassa- 
dors that he highly esteemed the relationship that the king 
of Candea wished to enter into with him, and likewise the 
ape's tooth ; that he would do him a favour if he would send him 
everything, and that to bring it he would give them a very 
beautiful ship with very costly things for the king : and he 
commanded to prepare two ships, which he ordered to be 
laden with rice and costly stuffs, both for the king of Ceilao 
and for the king of Candea, for each one his own ; and in that 
of the king Dom Joao he commanded to embark all the 
Portuguese that he had as captives there, among whom 
was Antonio Toscano, who related these things to me many 

These ships having reached Ceilao 2 , that which came to 
anchor in the port of Candea 3 before she was discharged had 
her cables cut and was run ashore, where all was lost, and the 
ambassadors were drowned ; and it was surmised that it was 
by order of the king Dom Joao of Ceilao, they being deadly 
enemies 4 : and if such were the case, it must have been a plan 

1 The Kandyan monarch may have been right regarding the dalada 
(see, however, Mahdv. 321 and 327) ; but he seems to have been a 
curious Christian. 

2 In the early part of 1567, probably. 

3 By the " port of Candea " is, I think, to be understood some roadstead 
near Batecalou, which was the part whence intercourse with Kandy 
took place from outside (cf. supra, p. 127). 

4 Who are meant by " they " is not quite clear. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


of the grand chamberlain's, since the king had not cunning 
for anything : whereby these matters remained without having 
any further result 1 . 

Dec. VIII., Chap. xvii. 

* * * * * * * 

In September of this year 1567 the viceroy sent Lisuarte 
de Aragao de Sousa, who had been granted the Ceilao voyages 2 , 
as captain of a galleon with many supplies of money, who left 
on the 26th of September, and returned on the 16th of March 

* * * * * * * 

Dec. VIII., Chap, xxiii. 

* * * * * * * 

And he [the viceroy] nominated Dom Fernando de 

Monrroy, a Castilian fidalgo, who was about to go as captain of 
Ceilao 3 , to go with this succour 4 , ...... 

Dec. VIII., Chap. xxx. 


and he [the viceroy 5 ] gave orders to Andre da 

Fonseca 6 that from the revenue of the customs he should buy 
in Malaca a thousand candis of rice, as it was very cheap there, 

1 Cesare Federici, who seems to have been in Pegu from 1567 to 1569, 
says nothing of the events recorded in the above two chapters : cer- 
tainly a strange omission, if they actually took place. Linschoten, 
who, as I have said, is the earliest writer that records the capture of the 
tooth-relic by the Portuguese, adds to his inaccuracies by stating that it 
was a banian who produced the counterfeit tooth, and that the latter 
was bought for a large sum by the king of Vijayahagar ! (Linsch. i. 

2 Cf. supra, p. 243, note 1 . 

3 Cf. supra, p. 240, note 3 , and infra, VIII. xxxii. (p. 254), I cannot 
find that Dom Fernando ever became captain of Columbo. 

4 Of provisions for Malacca, in April 1568. 

5 D. Luiz de Ataide, who arrived in India 10 September 1568 

6 Who was going to Malacca as vedor da fazenda. 




[Vol. XX. 

and send it to Ceilao, divided amongst the ships that had 
to leave in January, or that he should buy a junk for that 

* * * * * * * 

Dec. VIII., Chap, xxxii. 

jfc % i{C % % , sjc % . "T ,; 

At the same time 1 Diogo de Mello Coutinho went to 

take over the captaincy of Columbo and Ceilao 2 

1 The end of August 1570. 

2 Cf. supra, p. 240, note 2 , and p. 253. note 3 . From a royal letter of 
10 March 1598, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii., it would seem that during 
the captaincy of Diogo de Mello (1570-2) Dharmapala had poison given 
to him (by whom is not said) ; and fear of a repetition of this led him 
thereafter to bear in silence the insults and outrages of successive 
captains of Columbo 

Xo. 60. — 1908.] cotjto : history of oeylon. 


C U T 0. 

DECADE IX. (Unfinished summary.) 

1571-1575 a.d. 

Portuguese Governors of India. — D. Antonio de Noronha, 
viceroy, September 1571 to December 1573 ; Antonio 
Moniz Barreto, governor, December 1573 to September 
1576 ; D. Diogo de Menezes, governor, September 1576 to 
August 1578 ; D. Luis de Ataide, viceroy, August 1578 to 
March 1581. 

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon. — Dharmapala alias Dom Joao 
Perea Pandar, 1551-97 (Columbo) ; Mayadunne, 1534-81(?) 
(Sitavaka) ; ? (Kandy). 

Tamil King in Jaffna. — Sangili. 

Portuguese Captains- Major of Ceylon. — D. Antonio de 
Noronha, 1572-5(?); Fernao de Albuquerque, 1575-8(?); 
Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, 1578(?)-83. 

Dec. IX., Chap. xi. 

This armada having left, the viceroy 1 immediately dispatched 
another to Ceilao, of which he elected as captain of that 
fortress Dom Antonio de Noronha, who left on the 1st of May 2 
with a galley, in which he went, and four foists, captain 
Fernao Dias de Oliveyra, Jeronimo Monteiro, and Antonio 
Machado, all of whom arrived in safety, and Dom Antonio 
took possession of that captaincy 3 . Of these armadas above- 
mentioned I do not describe the successes, because there was 
nothing noteworthy that we can mention. 

1 Also named D. Antonio de Noronha. 

2 1572. 

3 In supersession of Diogo de Mello Coutinho (see supra, VIII. 
xxxii., p. 254). 



[Vol. XX. 

Dec. IX., Chap. xiii. 

# * * * * * 5p 

r Having left Goa 1 , the galliots could not double the 

point of Gale, and put in to Ceilao, where they wintered 2 , 

* ' * * * * * * 

And in like manner he [the viceroy] provided the fortresses 
of Canara with some captains and soldiers, and that of Col umbo 
in Ceilao with two ships, in which went Francisco Gomez 
Leytao 3 , field-captain 4 , and Jeronimo Monteiro 5 ; and with 
this the winter set in. 

He ***** * 

Supplement to Dec. IX. 

The foregoing are the only references to Ceylon in Couto's 
unfinished summary of his Ninth Decade, and, unfortunately, 
it is impossible to obtain from other sources details of the 
events that occurred in the island during the years 1573-81 6 . 

In X. ix. v. infra (p. 303) Couto speaks of a Portuguese who 
had been taken prisoner by the Sinhalese " eleven years before " 
1587, i.e., in 1576 ; but whether in an engagement with Raja 
Sinha's troops, I cannot say. 

1 In May 1573. 

2 Cesare Federici had a similar experience about this time in a ship 
bound from Cochin to Sao Thome, which, being unable to round the 
south of Ceylon, had to " winter " at Mannar. 

3 See supra, p. 225. 

4 In X. vii. xiv. (p. 276) we shall find him still occupying this position 
in 1586. 

5 Cf. supra, IX. xi. (p. 255). 

6 From a document printed in Col. de Trat. i. 225 ff . it seems that 
in 1573 Dharmapala was married in Columbo to Dona Margarida, 
daughter of the king of Kandy, receiving as dowry with her a renewed 
subjection of the Kandyan kingdom (see infra, pp. 258 and 261). 
Faria y Sousa {Asia Port. II. in. xviii.) complains of being unable 
to describe as fully as he wished the events of this period,' owing to the 
unwillingness of those who had manuscripts to allow him the use of 
them. The only item of information he gives regarding Ceylon is an 
account (in II. in. xix.) of the attempted conversion of the " em- 
peror of Ceylon " by the father " Fray Juan de Villa de Conde " in 1579, 
and the subsequent baptism of " Don Juan Parea Pandar, king of 
Cota," — events which, as we have seen {supra, p. 172, note *), really 
took place some twenty years before. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 257 

Again in X. x. xvi. (p. 376) we read of a Portuguese force from 
Columbo in February 1588 landing north of Chilao and 
marching on Maripo, which was put to fire and sword as a 
punishment for the bad treatment shown by its inhabitants to 
the people of an armada under the command of Diogo Lopes 
Coutinho, that was wrecked there while going in succour 
to Cevlon in the time of Count D. Luiz de Ataide, i.e., 
between 31 August 1578 and 10 March 1581. Of this 
event I have no details : but it is probable that the armada 
was going to the relief of Columbo, which was besieged 
by Raja Sinha for a year and a half (1579-80) with thirty 
thousand soldiers, half of whom were harquebusiers, and 
thirteen or fourteen thousand pioneers 1 . In his Tenth Decade 
Couto makes several references 2 to this siege, which supply 
us with a few items of information regarding it ; and he also 
tells us that the captain of Columbo at that time was Manoel 
de Sousa Coutinho, whose appointment to that post 3 he 
doubtless recorded in his lost Ninth Decade. The fortress was 
relieved by Mathias de Albuquerque, who, after going to the 
help of Malacca with a force of four hundred men, returned to 
Ceylon in the later part of 1580, and together with the captain 
of Columbo made an onslaught on Raja Sinha's troops and 
utterly defeated them 4 . 

1 These details I take from a manuscript in the public library at 
Evora, Vida de Mathias de Albuquerque (pte. i., cap. ix.), to which, 
apparently, Faria y Sousa had access (see Asia Port. I., Advertencias , 
§ 8) ; but, strangely enough, while quoting from a later portion (see 
p. 393, note 2 , p. 394, note 2 ), he passes over this part. 

2 See infra, pp. 293, 297, 299, 335, 354. In VII. n. iv., as we have 
seen, Couto makes an anticipatory reference to this siege. 

3 I cannot find when Manoel de Sousa took over the post, nor whom 
he succeeded. We have seen above that in May 1572 D. Antonio de 
Noronha became captain of Columbo ; but how long he occupied that 
position there is nothing to show. However, as the epitaph of Fernao 
de Albuquerque (printed in A. C. Teixeira de Aragao's Descripcdo 
Oeral e Historia das Moed%s, &c. iii. 203-4) says that he was 
" captain of Seilao in the era of 1578," I think we may conclude that 
he held the post for the three years 1575-8. Unhappily, the royal 
letters to the viceroys and governors of India, from which we migh 
have obtained so much valuable information, have, so far as concerns 
those written before Philip of Spain seized the throne of Portugal in 
1580, almost entirely disappeared. 

4 These facts I gain from the Vida de Mat. de Alb. , u.s. Baldseus 
{Ceylon ii.) refers to a siege of Columbo, which may be this one ; but 
he speaks of a proposed mutiny by the Portuguese soldiers, to which 
I find no other reference. Perhaps this refers to a later occasion (see 
infra, p. 394). 

5 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

On the 12th of August 1580 Dharmapala, alias Dom Joao 
Pereapandar, by a formal deed of gift donated the whole of his 
realms to the cardinal king Dom Henrique 1 and his successors 2 
— a veritable damnosa haereditas, as events showed. 

The condition of affairs in the Kandyan kingdom at this 
time also calls for notice. We have seen above that in 1573 
the king of Kandy had dotated his son-in-law Dharmapala 
with the suzerainty of his realm, thus virtually ceding that 
dominion to the king of Portugal. That Raja Sinha should 
acquiesce in such a transaction could not be expected : and 
therefore, smarting under the renewed failure to capture 
Columbo and his arch-enemy Dharmapala after an eighteen 
months' siege, he turned his attention to the ruler of the hill- 
country 3 , and marched against Kandy with a large force 4 . 
This was apparently in 1580 5 . The two armies met at Balane ; 
and the Kandyan monarch, being defeated, retired on his 
capital 6 . Being pursued thither by Raja Sinha, he fled, 
accompanied by his family and personal attendants, and 
passing through Dumbara took his way in the direction of 
Jaffna, and settled down at Katupana in the midst of the 
northern j ungles 7 . From here his son and son-in-law proceeded 
to the Vanni, apparently with the object of enlisting the 
help of the Vaimiyans in an attempt to regain the Kandyan 
kingdom. Both, however, died there. Finding himself 

1 This old dotard was already dead (31 January 1580) when the 
deed was executed. 

2 See Orient, iii. 28-31, 111-3, 131-3, 193-4. In a letter to the 
viceroy, dated 10 March 1584, King Philip mentions having received 
this document with a letter from Dharmapala written in 1581 and one 
from Manoel de Sousa. He also asks for a deed from Dharmapala 
formally disinheriting his relatives, and that the people of Ceylon elect 
him (Philip) as their king. 

3 I am uncertain as to who the king was that was reigning in Kandy 
at this time. It may have been the Christian king Dom Joao referred 
to by Couto in VIII. iii. and xiii. above ; but I cannot find any definite 
statement in the various authorities. (See footnote, 1 on p. 259.) 

4 A document printed in Col. de Trat. i. (226) says that Dharmapala's 
wife Dona Margarida wished that Raja Sinha should have to wife Dona 
Catharina, granddaughter of the Kandyan king ; and that the failure 
of this proposal originated the war. 

6 The same document cited in the previous note says that Raja 
Sinha had possession of the Kandyan kingdom for twelve years : there- 
fore, since he died in 1592, the conquest must have taken place in 1580. 

6 So says the Rdjdvaliya (89), which, after a hiatus of fifteen years 
(see supra, p. 241, note 5 ), here once more takes up the thread of events. 

7 Rdjdvaliya 89. I cannot locate Katupana. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


threatened by the king of Jaffna, the Kandyan monarch wrote 
for help to Dharmapala 1 , who with a force of Sinhalese and 
Portuguese sailed for Mannar, marched on Jaffna, defeated 2 the 
Tamil king, and returned with the exiled king and his family 
and retinue to Mannar, where they were accorded suitable 
lodging 3 . Here we must leave them for the present. 

1 The Rdjdviliya (89) has " his brother-in-law Dharmapala," 
which, if correct, would prov^ that the Kandyan king was D. Joao 
(sse supra, p. 251). 

2 The Rdjdvaliya (89) says " killed " : but I doubt the correctness of 

a When these later events took place, I have no means of ascertaining, 
the Rdjdvaliya being the sole authority for them. All that the 
document cited above (Gol. de Trat. i. 226) says is, that "the said king 
of Candea embarked [sic !] for the fortress of Manar with all his royal 

s 2 



[Vol. XX. 

C U TO. 

1581-1588 a.d. 

Portuguese Governors of India. — Fernao Telles de Menezes, 
governor, March to September 1581 ; D. Francisco Mas- 
carenhas, Count of Villa da Orta, viceroy, September 1581 
to November 1584; D. Duarte de Menezes, Count of Tarouca, 
viceroy, November 1584 to May 1588. 

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon. — Dharmapala alias Dom Joao 
Perea Pandar, 1551-97 (Columbo) ; Raja Sinha I., 1581 (?)- 
92 (Sitavaka). 

Tamil King in Jaffna. — Sangili. 

Portuguese Captains- Major of Ceylon. — Manoel de Sousa 
Coutinho, I578(?)-83 ; Joao Correa de Brito, 1583-90. 

In this Decade Couto relates with much detail the orgy of 
cruelties indulged in by Raja Sinha after the death of his father 
Mayadunne and his consequent accession to the throne (in 
1581 ?) ; and then gives a very minute account of Raja Sinha's 
expedition against Columbo and the great siege of 1587-8, 
the city being ultimately relieved and Raja Sinha totally 

Dec. X., Bk. i., Chap. vii. 

Of the great patrimony that King Philippe inherited in the whole 
of this East with all the realms of Portugal : and of the state 
in which the affairs of India were at this time. 

The celebrated island of Seilao, where is the 

fortress of Columbo, with the. kingdoms of Jafanapatao 1 
(which is vassal 2 ) and Cota and Candea, of which the kings 

1 The manuscript, like the printed edition, has " JanapataS." 

2 See supra, VII. ix. iii. (p. 195). Since the hurried and ignominious 
departure from Jaffna of the Portuguese under the viceroy D. 
Constantino de Braganca in 1560 Couto has told us nothing regarding 
that kingdom. That the " vassalage " of the king was more than 
nominal may well be doubted. (But see infra, p. 61, note 2 .) 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. ' 261 

of Portugal are rightful lords by the affiliations and donations 
that the king Dom Joao ot Cota and Dom Philippe of Candea 
made of them to them 1 ; with the island and fortress of 
Manar, with all the fishery of seed-pearl, which yields a 

good sum 2 : 

* * * * * * * 

when the king Dom Philippe was sworn as king 

in these states 3 , there was as captain of 

Columbo in Ceilao Manoel de Sousa Coutinho 4 ; 

Dec. X., Bk. i., Chap. ix. 

$ * * * * * * 

in this armada 5 there embarked many fidalgos and 

captains, and of those that we remember are the following : 

. . Joao Correa de Brito 6 with that [the reversion of the 

captaincy of the fortress] of Columbo in Ceilao 7 ; Joao 

Correa de Brito with that of Columbo 8 . 

Dec. X., Bk. ii., Chap. i. 

And leaving these matters, let us turn to the viceroy Dom 
Francisco Mascarenhas, who as soon as he took charge of the 
state began to fulfil his duties ; and one of the first that he 
carried out was to dispatch a ship to Ceilam, on account 

1 See supra, p. 256, note 6 , and p. 258, and infra, p. ' 90. 

2 Mannar had superseded Kilakarai as the residence of the captain 
of the pearl fishery, the captain of Mannar fort holding the two offices 
(see infra, p. 269, and cf. Teix. 178). According to the " tractate of 
the Portugall Indies" by "Don Duart de Meneses the Vice-roy " 
(1854), printed in Purchas (ix. 164), '"The rent of the Fortresse Manar, 
is worth 133460. Fanoes, which are 4003800. Keys, the which his 
Majestie hath in the said Hand, and in other Ports neighbouring 
there-about, and of tribute which the King of Jasanapatan, and other 
Lords do pay, which is 2502Z. 7s. Qd. sterling." 

3 On 3 September 1581, as described by Couto in X. I. iv. 

4 See supra, p. 257. 

5 Which left Lisbon 11 April 1581 for India, carrying the first 
viceroy appointed by Philip II. , viz. , D. Francisco Mascarenhas. 

6 See supra, p. 225. 

7 We shall find that he did not take up this post until two years after 
his arrival in India (see infra, p. 263). Meanwhile he held the office of 
vedor da fazenda at Ormuz. 

8 Both the printed edition and the manuscript have this repetition . 
only the latter has in the second place " Colimbo." 

262 journal, r.a.s. (cbylon). [Vol. XX. 

of that fortress's being very disorganized and lacking in every- 
thing through the late siege 1 , in which he sent money and 
provisions 2 . 

Dec. X., Bk. h., Chap. ix. 

The viceroy having got rid of the affairs of Damao, on 
account of which all others were delayed 3 , at once set about 
to dispatch those that had to go out and succour Ceilao, 
news having reached him afresh that Rajii was in a state of 
unrest, and it was suspected that he wished to try his hand 
again on the fortress of Columbo 4 ; and because Antonio de 
Sousa Godinho 5 was ready to go to Pegu on matters of 
importance, he forthwith dispatched him with an order that 
he should ask Mathias de Albuquerque, captain-major of 
Malabar 6 , for two more captains, Dom Jeronimo 
Dazevedo 7 and Afonso Ferreira da Silva 8 , to go with him 
where there was that need ; and that on arriving at Columbo, 
if it should be necessary to stay there, he was to do so ; and 
that if affairs were quiet he should proceed to Pegu, to fulfil his 

Antonio de Sousa having left Goa with three ships, the 
captains of which, besides himself, were Antonio de Faria and 
Joao de Faria, on arriving at Malabar delivered the letters that 
he carried to Mathias de Albuquerque, who gave him the two 
captains that he asked for, and went pursuing his course ; and 
before reaching Cochim he encountered a pardo of Malavares, 

1 See supra, p. 257. 

2 The ship left Goa at the end of September or beginning of October 
1581, probably. 

3 Daman was besieged by the Mogul's forces. 

4 If, as is probable, Raja Si^ha had learnt of Dharmapala's dotation 
of the kings of Portugal with territories of which he (Raja Siijha) was 
in actual possession, it is no wonder that he should seek to get hold of 
and punish his complaisant relative. 

5 The manuscript omits " Godinho." 

6 Afterwards (1591-7) viceroy of India. 

7 Here appears on the scene the man who afterwards, as general of 
Ceylon, earned for himself eternal infamy by his cruelties to the Si^ha- » 
lese. The first mention of him by Couto is in the eighth chapter of the 
first book of this Decade ; but it is probable that in the lost Ninth 
Decade there were earlier references. His brother, D. Manoel de 
Azevedo, is named in X n. i. 

8 We shall meet with this man again in X. x. vi. (see p. 334). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


which had captured a pangale 1 of Christians, to ; which 
they had been giving chase at night ; and they pressed them 
so closely, that in order to escape they were obliged to release 
the pangale, which Antonio de Sousa 2 came up to and took in 
tow, and brought it to Cochim. The ships in his company, 
which did not see him turn about, went following the stern-light 
all night until the morning without having sight of him 3 , 
when they turned about for Cochim, where they found Antonio 
de Sousa ; and after taking in water and other things they 
resumed their voyage ; and passing Cape Comorim, they 
experienced already threatenings of the winter, and some of the 
pilots were of opinion that it was already late to attempt that 
gulf ; but Afonso Ferreira da Silva, as one experienced in 
those parts and an old soldier, said, that at least they could 
cross over to Ceilao, and go to succour the fortress of 
the king, though it might be with difficulty : and with this 
resolve they all set sail against the opinion of the pilots, and 
so went crossing over with very big seas, and the same day 
the mast broke in the ship of Joao de Faria, whom Antonio 
de Sousa ordered to go along the coast to the fortress of 
Manar, and there provide himself with another mast, and to 
go and wait for him at San Thome, which he did ; the rest of 
the ships went crossing over in very stormy weather, and 
arrived at Columbo, where they were heartily welcomed, and 
Rajuas soon as he had news of this succour did not budge, 
and dispersed the troops that he had mustered, of which Joao 
Correa de Brito was soon advised, and he dispensed with the 
services of Antonio de Sousa ; and the latter, leaving there the 
ships of Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo and Antonio de Faria, 
set out along the coast as far as Manar, and from there crossed 
the shoals, and went on his voyage. 

* * * * * * * 

Dec. X., Bk. iv., Chap. v. 

* * * * • * * # 

The ships 4 having arrived and been welcomed for 

the news of the king's health, the count 5 immediately dis- 
patched Joao Correa de Brito to go and take over the captaincy 

1 A small boat (see Hob.-Job. s.vv. " Pangara, Pangaia "). 

2 The printed edition has " da Costa." 

3 By the omission of a letter (se being put instead of sem) the printed 
edition has reversed the sense of this clause. 

4 Of the fleet of 1583. 

6 The viceroy, D. Francisco Mascarenhas, Conde de Villa da Orta. 



of Columbo, and Ceilao 1 , of which he had the reversion 2 , and 
he went embarked on the supply galleon 3 , the captain of 

which was Antonio de Brito of the severed arm 4 

* * * * * * * 

Dec. X., Bk. iv., Chap. xii. 

Of what happened to D. Jeronimo Mascarenhas on the whole 
voyage until he returned to India : and of what befell him 
in Ceilao : and of the assaults that Joao Correa de Brito 
ordered to be made upon the territories of Raju 5 . 

We have related above 6 how Joao Correa de Brito went to 
enter into the captaincy of Columbo, with the reversion of 
which he came provided from the kingdom in company with 
the count Dom Francisco. Having arrived at that fortress 7 , 

1 The captaincy was extended to the whole of Ceylon, to which 
King Philip laid claim. 

2 See supra, X. i. ix. (p. 261). 

3 Couto does not say when this sailed ; but it must have been at the 
end of September or beginning of October 1583. 

1 We shall come across this man again in X. x. viii. and ix. infra 
(pp. 343, 349). 

5 The manuscript has " Raya." 

6 See supra, X. iv. v. 

7 Probably in October 1583. He succeeded Manoel de Sousa 
Coutinho (see supra, X. r. vii., p. 261) ; and on 4 November both these 
captains were present at a ratification by Dharmapala of his donation 
of the kingdom of Ceylon to the kings of Portugal (see Orient, iii. 131-3, 
193-4). Manoel de Sousa left Ceylon in November or December 
probably ; and in X. iv. xiii. Couto mentions him as being at Cochim 
with his wife and household. So highly did the viceroy appreciate 
Manoel de Sousa's services as captain of Columbo, that by the ships of 
1584 he wrote to the king that on account of Raja Sinha's activity he 
thought it would be better that Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, with the 
experience he had of Columbo, should continue there as captain ; but 
as Joao Correa de Brito had insisted on his right to the post he had given 
it to him. On 25 February 1585 King Philip wrote to the new 
viceroy on this subject, telling him in all such cases to do what was best 
for the royal service. Meanwhile, Manoel de Sousa had left India (in 
January 1585), by the fleet that carried the retired viceroy, in order to 
represent his services to the king (see Couto X. vi. iii.) ; and in Febru- 
ary 1586, Couto tells us (X. vni. vi.), by the Bom Jesus or Garanja, 
there embarked for India " Manoel de Sousa Coutinho full of honours 
and rewards, because he carried the captaincy of Malaca, and a voyage 
to Japao, and the captaincy of Bacaim, the reversion of which had 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


he proceeded to carry on the war against Rajii with much 
vigour ; and having received information that there had put 
in to the port of Belegao 1 three pardos of Malavares filled with 
many prizes that they had made that summer on the coast 
of Negapatam, he dispatched Ambrosio Leitao 2 as captain- 
major of four ships with orders to go and capture them in the 
same river 3 . These ships having set out 4 , a few days after- 
wards there arrived D. Jeronimo Mascarenhas 5 with his armada 
at the port of Columbo, and Joao Correa de Brito begged him 
for some more ships to go and join Ambrosio Leitao, so that the 
pardos might not escape him. D. Jeronimo left him Pedro 
Homem Pereira 6 in his galley, and the galliot of Joao Rodri- 
gues de Carvalho, and he himself departed for Goa. Joao 
Correa, in addition to these vessels, ordered others to be hired 
on land, although small ones, and ordered to embark in them 
the ar aches Manoel Pereira and Domingos Fernandes with two 
hundred lascarins, and gave instructions to Pedro Homem 
Pereira to enter the river of Balagao 7 and capture the par das 
and burn the town. 

These ships having arrived at the point of Balangale 8 , they 
encountered Ambrosio Leitao ; and all uniting , they went and 
anchored at the mouth of the river where the pardos were, and 
there they arranged that all the Portuguese should disembark 
at one place and the ar aches at another, in order to divert the 
enemy and to render their disembarkation easier : and so they 

been given to him some years before on the marriage of a daughter, 
and the habit of Christ with a good salary ; and as was known after- 
wards he came in the second succession to the government of India, 
to which he soon succeeded by the death of the viceroy Dom Duarte, 
as we shall tell in. its place, a thing that has happened but a few times 
in India." Manoel de Sousa arrived in India in September 1586 ; 
but whether he took up the captaincy of Bacaim does not appear 
(cf. infra, pp. 353, 354). His succession to the government of India 
Couto recorded in his Eleventh Decade, which is lost. 

1 The printed edition has " Baligao." The usual form is " Beligao." 

2 We shall meet with this man again later on (see pp. 269, 367, 384). 

3 The Polwatte-oya, which disembogues into Weligama bay, or the 
bay itself, which the Portuguese considered the mouth of the river. 

4 Apparently in January 1584 (see next note). 

5 From Malacca, whence he had sailed probably at the beginning of 
January 1584. 

6 This man was afterwards (1591-4) captain of Columbo (see infra, 
p. 394, note 3 ). 

7 Sic in manuscript and printed edition. 

8 The manuscript has " Balagate " ! (see Hob.-Job. s.v. " Bala- 
ghaut "). Evidently Paragala point near Mirissa is meant. 



[Vol. XX. 

went to get ashore, and at the place where the Portuguese set 
foot on land they found a large body of men, who had hastened 
to prevent their disembarkation, with whom they engaged 
in a very fine and hazardous battle, because the enemy were 
many more and fought for the defence of their houses and 
goods. The ar aches with their lascarins disembarked at 
another part ; and finding no defence, they went and reached 
a bridge that the enemy would have to pass if they went 
fleeing from our people, the which was on the side towards 
the pagode of Tanavare ; and in order that none might escape 
they destroyed it ; and turning aside into some palm-groves, 
they burst forth upon the rear of the enemy, who were closely 
engaged in battle with our people, and rushing upon them 
with great fury and outcry they killed and laid low many, 
and all the rest, as they were taken by surprise, they discom- 
fited and put to flight. Our people went following them on one 
side and the araches on the other until they drove them into 
the town 1 , both forces causing great havoc amongst them ; 
and in order not to have disorder, which always happens in 
these cases, the captains commanded to set fire to the houses, 
which were covered with straw and palm-leaves, which caught 
alight so furiously, that in a short time all was reduced to dust 
and ashes 2 , because there were burnt many shops filled with 
cloth, opium, oils, butters, cinnamon, and other things that 
greatly augmented the fierceness of the fire, all of which was 
for loading for Meca, Achem, Masulipatao 3 , Pegu, and other 
places, this river being a great staple for all 4 . Having done 
this, they set fire to the ships that they found both on land 
and on sea, which were twenty-five small ones and a galleon 
that had belonged to Portuguese 5 , which had gone ashore on 
that coast, and which was already fitted to go to Meca ; only 
the pardos of the Malavares escaped, through being three leagues 
up the river at a part to which our people could not get 6 . 

1 Apparently Weligama. 

2 The town must have been rebuilt soon, for in X. x. xv. (p. 37 1) we read 
of its again being burnt four years later by Thome de Sousa de Arronches. 

3 The manuscript has " Mazaruputao." 

4 Weligama was a considerable trading port long before the Portu- 
guese came to the East, its bay affording safe and quiet anchorage to 
vessels except during the south-west monsoon (see Malidv. lxxv. 46). 

5 The manuscript has " had gone from Portugal." I cannot say 
which is the correct reading, as I have found no information regarding 
the wreck of this galleon. 

6 Perhaps at Denepitiya (see infra, p. 371). According to the 
Rdjdvaliya (86), a combat took place there in circa 1558 between the 
Portuguese-Kotte forces and those of Mayadunne (see supra, p. 205, 
note 1 ). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto: history of ceylon. 


There died of the enemy more than two hundred, and about 
a hundred Malavares. With this victory our people returned 
to Columbo, and Raju was so annoyed at it that he was like to 
die of vexation 1 . Pedro Homem Pereira and Joao Rodrigues 
de Carvalho immediately set sail for Goa, where they arrived 
almost at the same time as Dom Jeronimo Mascarenhas. 

Dec. X., Bk. v., Chap. ix. 

By the ships 2 that arrived at the bar of Goa the count Dom 
Francisco learnt that there had left the kingdom as viceroy 
Dom Duarte de Meneses, of whom they gave no news. And 
as he might be delayed, or might make landfall at Cochim, he 
did not like to neglect fulfilling his obligation and supplying 
the fortress of Ceilao, on which Raju made continual war 3 , 
and likewise the coasts of the north and south 4 with the usual 
fleets : wherefore he ordered to make haste with the galleon 

1 The Rdjdvaliya (90) tells us that after Raja Sinha had become the 
sole ruler over the whole of Ceylon (except the kingdom of Jaffna) 
" the Portuguese lived in Colombo [Kolontota] with king Dharmapala. 
Raja Sinha cut off all communication with Colombo, so that no man 
could take there any article of merchandise. The Portuguese, how- 
ever, were in the habit of going from Colombo [Kolontota] in boats 
[padaw~\, and making inroads into the villages on the coast : thus 
attacking from day to day different places, they making captives. 
Be it known that the number of men who fell on both sides on such 
occasions was so great that 5,000 leaves would not suffice to make a 
full record thereof." In the aoove statement are included the raids 
described infra, X. x. xiv.-xvi. 

2 The Bom Jesus alias Caranja, and the Boa Viagem, which reached 
Goa towards the end of September 1584. 

3 After the raising of the siege of Columbo in 1580, Raja Sinha, as we 
have seen (supra, p. 258), turned his attention to the conquest of 
the Kandyan kingdom ; and having accomplished that, he was free to 
prepare for another attempt on Columbo. It was not until April 
1586, as we shall see, that his preparations for this expedition were 
completed, and he set his army in motion. But, doubtless, he had 
meanwhile kept the Portuguese in a state of continual disquiet with 
raids and forays. In a letter of 25 February 1585 to the new vice- 
roy, King Philip expresses his uneasiness at Raja Sinha's growing power 
and the cost in blood and treasure that his repeated attacks on Columbo 
were causing the state, urging Dom Duarte to adopt all possible 
measures for the destruction of this formidable enemy. 

4 Of Western India. 



[Vol. XX. 

that was to carry the supplies to that fortress, the captain of 
which was Gaspar Barbosa, and dispatched it at the beginning 
of October with many munitions, and gave eight thousand 
parddos in money for the pay of the soldiers and the salaries 
of that fortress 1 : 

He * * * * * * 

Dec. X., Bk. v., Chap. x. 

Of how the galleon that was going to Ceilao was lost, and the 
people and money were saved, and other matters. 

The galleon that was going to Ceilao having left Goa 2 went 
making her voyage until she had doubled Cape Comorim, and 
from Tutocori went crossing over to Ceilao with fair weather ; 
and being already in sight of that coast, there came down 
upon her a tempestuous wind, which the natives there call 
cacham, which is a north wind 3 , and which is there always a 
cross wind ; and it is so dangerous, that rarely does the ship 
escape that it catches at sea, the which tempest was very 
severe, and caught the galleon when already so near the land, 
that she was forced to anchor, as she had no whither to run; 
and they rode upon the cable for several days, in great strait 4 
and with much risk and trouble, because the storm went on 
increasing more every time, and the galleon with the force of 

1 From the same royal letter cited in note 3 , p. 267, it appears that 
the inhabitants of Columbo had written to the viceroy complaining of the 
conduct of the captains (no particular one named) of that fortress in 
(1) coining money, and (2) meddling in the affairs of the chamber (as to 
which body see infra, p. 414, note *). As regards (1), King Philip 
expressed his opinion that in a place like Columbo, with such a small 
number of persons capable of governing to choose from, it would be 
inconvenient to exempt the chamber from the jurisdiction of the 
captain ; and in respect to (2), the king stated, on the authority of 
the late viceroy, that the coins used in Columbo were larins and fanams, 
on which the captains made a large profit, and he instructed Dom 
Duarte to inquire into the matter and do what was right. 

2 At the beginning of October 1584 (see supra, X. v. ix.). 

3 Couto seems to have here made a curious error, which he repeats in 
X. x. viii. (p. 346). As a fact, cacham = Tarn, kaccdn, " south-west 
wind" ; though Couto's account that follows shows that this could not 
have been the direction of the wind that caught the galleon. (On vara 
and cachao see Reb. de Cey. i. ; Rib. Fat. Hist. in. viii.) 

4 The printed edition has " very close in." 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


the gusts of wind kept breaking her cables in various places, 
which the mechanics as often repaired as best they could, 
without resting day or night, and thereupon the galleon began 
to drift, dragging her cables, in such fashion that they found 
themselves one day fifteen leagues further up, where they 
anchored towards Manar, and so close to the land, that they 
were waiting for the moment when they would have to run 
her aground there. The captain Gaspar Barbosa seeing himself 
in this peril commanded to take great care of the boat in order 
to save themselves in it, because all along the coast he saw the 
enemies anchoring , hoping every moment to get that prize into 
their hands. The captain of Ceilao was soon notified of the 
trouble in which the galleon was, and dispatched in great haste 
a light tone with letters to Ambrosio Leitao 1 , who was in 
Manar in command of an armada of three ships, both to assist the 
pearl fishery and to receive and guard the ships that were to 
come from the opposite coast with provisions for the fortress 
of Columbo , ordering him to leave everything and at once go 
to the help of that galleon. This tone reached Manar very 
quickly, and at that message Ambrosio Leitao weighed anchor 
and went to succour the galleon, which with the storm had got 
so close inshore, that it was necessary to cut her masts to see 
if thereby she could any longer ride on her cable, because the 
yards and the shrouds caught the wind much : but neither did 
this avail, because the galleon still kept drifting towards land, 
all the cables being now chafed and frayed. The captain 
Gaspar Barbosa seeing that he was lost and without retrieve, 
and that he could not avoid running aground, put into the boat 
the money that he was carrying, and fitted it with many oars 
and necessary things, and by the advice of all ordered many 
holes to be bored in the galleon so that she might fill with 
water and founder, in order that she might not go ashore and 
the enemy get that artillery into their hands and have the 
benefit of the timber and nails : the which was done in great 
haste when they were already close in shore, and he with the 
Portuguese got into the boat, and waited until the ship settled 
down. At this time there reached them one of the ships of 
Ambrosio Leitao's company, the captain of which was one 
Diogo Gonsalves 2 , which being very light had got in advance, 
and coming to the boat took in the captain with several 

1 See supra, p. 265. 

2 Perhaps the same mentioned in X. ix. iv. and X. x. vii. infra. The 
manuscript here, instead of "Gonsalves," has ''Frz" == Fernandez. 
Below, the printed edition calls him twice " Domingos Gonsalves " ; 
while the manuscript in the first case has " Diogo Lopes," and in the 
second " Diogo Gonsalves." 



[Vol. XX. 

Portuguese, and all the money, which was eighteen thousand 
parddos of the king's ; and without waiting for Ambrosio Leitao 
he set sail for Columbo, and the boat with the rest of the people 
for Manar, the ship being now wholly under water ; and when 
this foist was making for the port of Columbo she caught sight of 
three ships that she thought came out from the fortress, which 
were those of the Malavares, which up till then had remained 
in safety at Brijao 1 , and the same against which Pedro Homem 
Pereira 2 had gone , as we have related above 3 . Diogo Gonsalves , 
although not knowing who they were, turned out of their way, 
and sailed away again from land, and as night soon came on 
he passed by them, and got in to Columbo, where he learnt that 
the ships were those of robbers, and they all gave thanks 
to God for permitting them to turn aside from them so that 
there escaped from them that provision so necessary for that 
fortress, which was already in such a state for want of them 
that the soldiers had deserted the bastions on account of 
having nothing to eat, nor anything with which to cover 
themselves, and with this money all was remedied, and quiet 
was restored ; and Joao Correa de Brito, captain of that 
fortress, at once sent money to the opposite coast to procure 
food, which afterwards came there. Ambrosio Leitao soon 
arrived on the following day after Diogo Gonsalves, and 
brought a large cafila 4 " of provisions, having passed the pardos 
without sighting them, because that same night they returned 
to the opposite coast : thus the country was provided and the 
fortress relieved from the fear in which it was. 

Dec. X., Bk. vn., Chap. xiii. 

Of how Raju murdered his father Madune 5 : and of the new 
city that he built on the river Calane 6 : and of the siege that 
he began to lay to the fortress of Columbo. 

Raju having retired from the siege that he laid to Columbo, 
Manoel de Sousa Coutinho being captain, as was related in 

1 This should evidently be " Beligao " (see p. 266). 

2 So in the manuscript. The printed edition has, through some 
unaccountable blunder, " Pedro Clemente de Aguiar." 

3 See supra, X. iv. xii. (p. 265). 

4 Convoy (see Hob. -Job. s.v.). 

5 The printed edition has " Madunch " ; while the manuscript has 
the extraordinary form " Muduchan." 

6 In printed edition " Canale." 

No. 60. — 1908.] cotjto : history of ceylon. 


the Ninth Decade 1 , considering himself greatly affronted by not 
capturing that fortress, as he was of an arrogant and ambi- 
tious disposition, determined to murder his father 2 and take 
possession of that kingdom, in order as king, and with the 
force that he could command, to return against that fortress 
and rid himself of the affront : and not wishing to go to 
a distance 3 on crossing the river Calane he began to found a 
new city, two leagues and a half from our fortress, which he 
finished in a short time, and gave it the name of Biagao 4 ; 
and although, as captain-general of his father, he had full 
command, without three legitimate brothers that he had, 
and one of them the heir apparent 5 , interfering with him 
in anything, nevertheless it was a great hindrance to his 
tyranny to have his father living : wherefore he deter- 
mined to murder him in order to usurp the kingdom and 
get his brothers into his hands so as to make an end of 
them all ; and concerting with some persons whom he 
could trust in that place, and through whom that busi- 
ness could be carried out, as they were in his father's house, 
he got them to give him poison, of which in a few days he 

1 Couto here, it will be seen, reverts to the siege of 1579-80, to take 
up the thread of his narrative from that point, ignoring the incidents 
connected with Ceylon related by him in the first half of this Decade, 
though they occurred subsequent to that date. It is strange that he 
says nothing of Raja Siijha's conquest of Kandy in 1580 (see supra, 
p. 258). 

2 The reasons here given for this determination seem very improb- 
able, considering that for twenty years or more Raja Siijha had been 
king de facto, if not de jure (see supra, p. 208, note 3 ). Cesare Federici 
(see supra, p. 242, note 4 ) has it, that Raja Sinha had ousted his father 
against his will. 

3 What is meant is that Raja Sinha wished to have a place nearer 
to Columbo than Sitavaka for his base of operations. 

4 This is certainly Biyagama in Adikari pattu, Siyane kora]6 west, 
north of the Kelani river and immediately opposite to Kaduvela. 
It is now a village of some 1,400 inhabitants. The Rdjdvaliya is 
strangely silent regarding the building of this " new city " by Raja 
Sigiha. The distance from Columbo fort given by Couto (say ten miles) 
is correct. 

5 This appears to be inaccurate. According to the Rdjdvaliya 
(82), of Mayadunne's four children, the eldest, Rajjuru Bandara, 
died at the age of twenty, the third was a daughter who married 
Vidiye Raja, and the fourth was Raja Siuha himself : so that there 
remained only the second, Timbiripola Adahasin, to dispute the 



[Vol. XX. 

died 1 at the age of eighty years 2 , the divine justice permitting 
that he who was the murderer of his father 3 should die by 
the hand of his own son ; and that just as he murdered his 
brothers, in order to take the kingdom from them 4 , another 
should murder his sons in order to take from him his. 

That insolent and arrogant Madune, who had given so much 
trouble to the Portuguese 5 , being dead, tiaju forthwith raised 
his camp and went to Ceitavaca and took possession of the 
palace and treasure of his father ; and getting his brothers into 
his hands he murdered them, among whom was the heir to 
the kingdom named Pale Pandar 6 , who was commonly called 

1 See supra, p. 177. The Mahavansa (xcii. 4) says that Raja Sinha 
''slew his father with his own hand." Linsch. (i. 78) records the 
event in the curious statement that " not long since a simple barber 
murthered their [the Sinhalese] chief king," adding that the name of 
this " barber " was "Raju." The diarist of Spilbergen's voyage, while 
repudiating the idea that Raja Sinha was " a barber's son, as some 
write," asserts (see Gey. Lit. Reg. vi. 332) that he was a bastard by a 
danceress, and also lays to his charge the murder of his father and 
" three brothers the lawful heirs." It must be remembered that Couto 
was in India at the time referred to, and Linschoten a few years later ; 
and all three writers reflect what was evidently the common opinion, 
which the Mahavansa substantiates. Therefore I cannot accept the 
arguments to the contrary brought forward by W. F. Gunawardhana 
Mudaliyar, in his paper on " Raja Sinha I." in the C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 
382 ff., based as they are on the silence of such late writers as Ribeiro 
and Baldseus and the anticipatory statement of the Rdjdvaliya quoted 
by me supra, p. 208, note 3 . 

2 Couto is the only writer that records Mayadunne's age at the time 
of his death ; and if this " round number " be accepted as approxi- 
mately correct, it would place Mayadunne's birth in circa 1501. This, 
I think, is a little too early ; and perhaps the " seventy years " of the 
Rdjdvaliya (86) were in reality the extent of his life, and not of his 
reign, as erroneously stated. (Mudaliyar W. F. Gunawardhana 
accepts the Rdjdvaliya statement, which would make Mayadunne's 
reign begin in 1511! He also, by an ingenious calculation, evolves 
ninety-one as the age at which the old king died, " an honoured parent 
and a powerful prince. ' ' ) That Mayadunne died in 158 1 is now generally 

3 See supra, V. i. v. (p. 72) ; Rdjdvaliya 76. 

4 There appears to be no ground for this charge. (Cf. supra, 
V. i. vi., pp. 72-3.) 

& See supra, V. i. vi. et cet. seq., and cf. p. 177. 

6 " Pale " apparently represents the second component of the name 
" Timbiripola." The latest mention of this prince by the Rdjdvaliya 
is in connection with an engagement between Mayadunne's troops and 
the Portuguese and Dharmapala's forces, in 1556 apparently (p. 85). 

No. 60. — 1908.1 oouto : history of ceylo^. 


Beardlet 1 , who was a great friend of the Portuguese 2 ; and 
when they were dead he proclaimed himself king, and began 
to act the part of all tyrants, that is, to kill all whom he might 
fear 3 , and among them a son of Tribuli Pandar's who was 
half brother to the king of Cot a 4 , to whom moreover the 
kingdom belonged. And after having ridded himself of all the 
pretenders he wished also to secure himself from the grandees : 
and all that might cause him the least anxiety he commanded 
to be put to death before him by his swordsmen, among whom 
was also Bicramasinga 5 , upper modeliar and his field- 
marshal, who had instructed him in the military art, and from 
whom he had received very great services for the space of thirty 
years, by whose industry he had attained to the supremacy 
that he now held 6 , satiating his cruelty with that bloody 

And because there now remained none to fear except 
Necherami 7 , the former wife of his father, and mother of the 
sons whom he had killed 8 , a very dignified and highly honoured 
lady, it being amongst them held as a baseness to kill a woman, 
he commanded her to be brought before him, and had her 
stripped until she was left in only a poor cloth, and then banished 
her to a mountain very far from there. This afflicted woman, 
going from the palace in that miserable state, having been 
so lately queen and lady, seeing herself now as if she were a 
malefactor, in garments so base and vile, complaining of her 
fortune, and of the cruelty that a son of her husband's, whom 
she had brought up as her own, had exercised towards her, 
and placing her hands on her face to wipe away the tears that 
ran down it, happened to touch her ears with them, and 
finding still some earrings of gold and precious stones that the 

1 In original Barbirihas = "little beards." Cesare Federici mentions 
this man by this nickname, and speaks of him as Raja Sinha's only 
brother (see supra, p. 242, note 4 , and c/. p. 145, note 2 ). 

2 This fact alone would account for his murder by Raja Sinha. 

3 Cf. infra, X. vm. xii. (pp. 281, 283-5). 

4 This was probably Vijayapala Adahasin, Vidiye Raja's son by 
his second wife, a daughter of Mayadunne's (see supra, p. 1G4, note 2 ). 

5 The printed edition has " Biera Matiga"; the manuscript has 
" Bicra Masiga." 

6 See supra, p. 225, note 8 . Couto is here anticipating : for it 
was not until some ten years later that Vikramasinha Mudali was 
poisoned by Raja Sinha's orders (see infra, p. 394, note 4 ). 

7 Nachchire Hami ? Her name is not given by any other writer. 

8 This and the passages below imply that she was not his own 
mother : there is nothing in the Rdjdvaliya to confirm this 

t 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

tyrant appears not to have seen, in great haste pulled them off, 
and sent them to him by one of the ministers that was escorting 
her, telling him that there she sent him these paltry objects, 
which apparently he had left her through not seeing them ; 
that he might satiate his ambition as much as he could ; that 
moreover instead of that she would have sent him her life, 
if it were not tainted in her with little courage, where women 
like her ought to show it better ; but that all the time of the 
life that remained to her she would spend in weeping for the 
death of the old king 1 her husband and lord, and in begging- 
justice of God on such a cruel and abominable tyrant, who 
treated in such a manner a weak woman who had brought him 
up as a son, and to whom he was such through his father ; 
and casting her eyes on the ground she went traversing that city, 
in which for so many years she had been so venerated a lady, 
in order to see nothing therein. Having been put in the place 
of banishment, she survived only a short time, because in the 
end she died of sheer grief. 

Raju seeing himself safe began to make preparations for the 
siege that he had determined on against the fortress of Columbo, 
with the determination of either dying in the attack or expel- 
ling the Portuguese from it. Of all this Joao Correa de Brito, 
captain of that fortress, was soon advised, and of how Raju 
had determined on the close of the summer to let loose all his 
fury with the strength of Ceilao upon those weak walls : and 
as that fortress was lacking in everything he advised the 
viceroy in great haste, and dispatched one Tristao Dabreu 
da Silva with letters to him, in which he begged him to succour 
him speedily. This man embarked in a tone, and crossed over 
to the opposite coast of the Fishery, and along it proceeded 
to Cochim, where he found a vessel for Goa, into which he got, 
and reached that city at the beginning of April 2 ; and the 
viceroy, seeing the letters, and the straits in which the fortress 
was, and how urgent it was for him to send it help, as he was 
of great courage and spirit, unmindful of how many troubles 
there were in other parts, and of the needs of the state, at once 
ordered a ship to be loaded with food and munitions, which he 
hired from one Domingos Daguiar, because she was at the bar 
ready to sail, in which he embarked Simao Botelho with forty 
soldiers ; and as it might be that she could not get over to 
Ceilao 3 , he ordered to be got ready two rowing vessels with 

1 The printed edition inserts " Madunch." 

2 1586. The murders recorded by Couto appear to have occupied 
Raja Sinha several years. 

3 In case the south-west monsoon set in. 

No. 60. — 1908.] oouto : history of ceylon. 


munitions and much money for the soldiers' pay and provisions 
for that fortress, and dispatched them in the company of that 
ship, and in one there went as captain the same Tristad 
Dabreu, and in the other Pedro da Costa, and so they went 
pursuing their voyage, to whom we shall presently return. 

Dec. X. , Bk. vii. , Chap. xiv. 

Of the events that took place in Ceilao until the arrival of this 
provision : and of the great victory that our people won over 
the forces of Eaju on the day of the Invention 1 of the Cross : 
and of a dreadful fate that befell a nephew of Raju's. 

After JoaoCorreadeBrito, captain of Ceilao, had dispatched 
TristaS Dabreu with the message to the viceroy, to ask for 
succour, fearing that it might be delayed, and being positively 
assured that Rajii would lay siege to him that winter, in order 
not to risk a disaster through want of food, he sent 2 to Cochim 
some persons on an errand with his credit, that they might 
obtain money on terms, some of his own that was there not 
being enough, and that they might go to the Fishery Coast 
and buy all the food they could, and return with it as quickly 
as possible. These men made such haste, that in a few days 
they came to Cochim, and collected a sum of money ; and 
going back to the Fishery Coast, they left provisions that they 
had brought and vessels freighted to convey them, and 
they themselves made haste and came to Manar, whence in 
two tones they set out on the way to Ceilao ; and having 
already come in sight of the fortress 3 , they found themselves 
in the midst of many ships of Raju's which he had sent out to 
intercept the provisions that he knew were expected. One of 
the tones, which was in advance, was so hard pressed by the 
ships, and so close under their beaks, that it thought itself 
lost ; but a man whose name we do not know, who was of 
courage and resource, ordered the sailors to slacken the 

1 The printed edition here and further on (p. 277) has "Exaltacao " — 
an extraordinary error, since the day of the Exaltation of the Cross is 14 
September, whereas, as appears, the actual day on which the victory 
took place was Holy Rood Day, or the day of the Invention of the Cross, 
that is, 3 May. In both places the manuscript has " enuencao." 
Faria y Sousa (Asia Port. III. i. iii.) has simply " el dia de la Cruz de 
Mayo " ; but Stevens (who was a Catholic) expands this to " the day 
of the Invention of the Holy Cross in May." 

5 In March 1586, apparently. 

3 Perhaps in April 1586. 

T 2 



rowing until the moment when he should give them the 
signal to ply their oars ; and to go, as if exhausted, to meet 
the enemy, which they did. The enemy seeing that tone 
coming thus thought that it was going to surrender to 
them, and ceased rowing for it to come up ; but when it was 
alongside of them, they having stopped, as soon as it reached 
their beaks its oars were plied ; and as it was light and swift 
it passed them all so quickly, that before they could turn it was 
already a good distance away from them, and so escaped mira- 
culously, and proceeded to gain the fortress, and the captain, 
learning of the danger in which the other tone was, sent to its 
succour several foists that were in the bay filled with many men. 
Fernao Soares, who was in the other tone, and who was of great 
experience on that coast, as soon as he saw the ships of Raju, 
and that they went spreading out over the sea in order to 
inclose him, firing many bombard shots at him to stop him, put 
all his strength and hope in the rowing, and tried all he could 
to get to windward of them, and by dint of great trouble did so, 
and went fleeing from them as fast as he could. Our armada, 
which had gone out to succour him, soon caught sight of the 
enemy ; and seeing that on seeing them they also tried to get 
to windward of them, fearing that they would cut them off 
from the harbour bar, they turned about for it, the tone mean- 
while getting the opportunity of retiring at its pleasure, and 
so was welcomed in the fortress as that which carried the 
greater part of the money with which provision had to be 
made that winter, from which the captain began to make 
some payments to the soldiers, and to prepare for the siege 
that he expected. 

And as Raju's troops had already begun to arrive, he sent 
out against them several modeliares, who always brought him 
some heads of the enemies ; and being informed that Paliconda 1 , 
chief arache of Raju, was advancing with many men making 
attacks, he sent the modeliares Diogo da Silva 2 , Manoel Pereira 3 , 
Pedro Afonso, and others in company with Francisco Gomes 
Leitao 4 , field captain, with some Portuguese to see if they 

1 In manuscript " Paly Conde." No person with a name like this is 
mentioned in the Rdjdvaliya. Some form like " Pallekanda " seems 

2 It appears from X. x. i. (p. 306) that this man was a Moor. He may 
possibly be the "Pida Silla" of the Rdjdvaliya 95, the corresponding 
passage in Upham's translation (315) having " Juda Silva." We shall 
hear a good deal of him during the siege. 

3 We have met with this man before (see supra, p. 265). He is there 
described as an arachchi (as also infra, p. 296). 

4 See supra, pp. 225, 256. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto: history of oeylok. 


could engage with him ; and in the direction of Viras 1 he sent 
other lascorins with their araches to lie in ambush, and from 
there to make any onset on the enemy. This was at the end 
of April ; and when the 3rd of May came, the day of the 
Invention 2 of the Cross of Christ, after the sermon, in which 
the father related great marvels regarding it, our people met 
Paliconda, who had two thousand six hundred picked men ; 
and attacking one another, they waged a very severe battle, 
in which those on our side did great wonders, and soon killed 
Paliconda and other araches and many of his men. The rest 
seeing that havoc and their captain dead began to retreat, 
leaving six hundred stretched on the field around and some 
prisoners, with whom our people retired ; and as the day 
was one full of God's mercies, another body of the enemy 
came to fall into the hands of those that were in Veras lying 
in ambush ; who rushing upon them made a great slaughter, 
and having totally defeated the enemy, they returned with 
some heads in token of victory, and entered the fortress 
simultaneously with Francisco Gomes Leitao and the others 
who also came laden with prizes. This victory was so welcome 
to all, that for many days the children went about the streets 
singing praises to the cross of Christ ; and because this victory 
took place on a day so notable, it was ordered to have thereon 
every year a solemn procession. A few days later arrived the 
provision that the viceroy D. Duarte had sent, whereby all 
were relieved of the anxiety in which they were from lack of food. 

Raju felt the loss of his men greatly, and it made him 
hasten all the more the preparations for the siege that he 
intended to lay, because he hoped to take a great revenge. 
And as at this same time there befell a nephew of his a dreadful 
fate, which must not be be left unrecorded 3 , it seemed to us 
well to give an account of it, the which was after this manner. 
To one of the brothers that this tyrant murdered 4 there was 
left a son called Reigao Pandar 5 , who betook himself to a village 

1 Lower down this is spelt " Veras." I do not know what place is 
meant, unless it be Verahera in Salpiti Ivor ale. 

2 In printed edition " Exaltation." (See p. 275, note 

3 Literally, " left in the ink-horn." 

4 See supra, p. 272. 

5 As has been stated above (p. 271, note 5 ), the only brother that 
Raja Siijha had surviving in 1581, so far as is known, was TiiTibiripola 
Adahasin; and this Rayigam Bandara must, therefore, have been his 
son: but the Rdjdvaliya is absolutely silent regarding any such person, 
nor is he mentioned elsewhere. Further on (p. 284) Couto records 
the murder by Raja Sinha of another of his relatives having the same 



[Vol. XX. 

greatly offended at the death of his father and not a little 
afraid of the cruelty of his uncle. With this prince Joao 
Correa de Brito corresponded secretly, and urged him strongly 
to take revenge for the death of his father, offering him to this 
end all aid and favour , and on this he laid great stress ; and said 
that although whilst he was there he could not bring about the 
death of Raju, at least he might raise such hatreds amongst 
them as should disquiet them. Either Raju came to obtain 
some information of this affair, or because his cruelty would 
not suffer him to leave alive that poor prince, desiring to 
extinguish everything that proceeded from the blood of the 
ancient kings, he sent with dissimulation to summon him, 
as if it were on business : but as he feared his uncle that 
summons did not seem to him genuine, and dissembling over 
his going he feigned himself ill, and so showed himself in bed 
to him who came to summon him. This the tyrant took as 
an excuse for disobedience, wherefore he dispatched some 
modeliares with many soldiers to bring him to him, because his 
brutality would not suffer that they should kill him there, 
as he wished with his own eyes to see that innocent blood 
poured out to slake his thirst. These men having reached 
that village surrounded his house, and sent word to him to get 
ready to go to Ceitavaca to have an interview with his uncle ; 
and there were not wanting in the company some who told 
him why. The message having been delivered, he put off the 
modeliares by telling them that he was going to get ready ; 
and retiring to a chamber, he summoned his wives and children 
and the rest of his household, and said to them 1 : " You see 
well the condition to which this cruel man has reduced all the 
princes of Ceilao, and that of all none remains but myself, 
wherefore he cannot desist until he has imbrued his hands in 
this innocent blood, because he didnot even spare his own son 2 : 
what can be expected from him ? I am of opinion that we 
do not give him the pleasure of seeing with his eyes that 
which he so desires ; and that since we are all such near 
relatives, children and wives of this luckless Reigao Pandar, 
you agree to follow me in this, and do as I do ; " and taking 
a cup of deadliest poison, he placed it to his mouth 
and drank a big draught, and so went giving it to 
all that were there, who one by one fell down, and in a 
brief space of time all had yielded their lives into the hands 

1 This imaginary speech, which Couto puts into the mouth of the 
hapless prince, Faria y Sousa (Asia. Port. III. I. iii.) expands to nearly 
ten times the length ! 

2 I cannot explain this statement, since there is no record that Raja 
Sinha had a son. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto: history of ceylon. 


of the deadly poison. The servants seeing that pitiful spec- 
tacle made a lamentation over those bodies enough to awake 
the compassion even of insensate things. The modeliares who 
had come to fetch him, hearing the weeping, entered in, and 
found that sacrifice, which astonished them in such manner 
that they remained as if stupefied, and then went with those 
tidings to Raju, at which he was not grieved. 

This prince had many times been in readiness to come to 
our fortress, and regarding this Joao Correa had several olas 
of his, and this case gave him an opportunity to sound Raju 
as to conditions of peace, because the viceroy had strongly 
recommended this to him, and in treating of this business he 
sent for the purpose one Antonio Guerreiro 1 , a casado in 
Columbo, and one Duarte Ribeiro with leave from Raju to 
treat with him, and by them he sent him a present of things 
that he thought he would value. These men had an interview 
with him, and concluded a truce 2 , and not for a limited time, 
but with the condition that before Raju broke it he should 
inform the captain thereof, who however well understood that 
he did it with ill-will, and it was all dissimulation in order 
during that time of truce to provide himself with many things, 
which were also necessary for our people, because during those 
days Joao Correa ordered to be brought into the fortress wood, 
straw, rushes, and other things for covering and repairing the 
houses for the winter season, and to strengthen the fortress as 
best he could for the siege that he expected, of which he 
advised the viceroy anew 3 : and the truce continued until it was 
broken, as will be told further on. 

Dec. X., Bk. viii., Chap. ix. 

sjs s|e - ■ . ^ # -I? . * , sj: 

Having sent forth the fleets that we mentioned above, the 
viceroy immediately dispatched 4 a galliass for Ceilao, in 
which he ordered to be embarked eight thousand parddos in 
money, five hundred candts of rice, one hundred of wheat 5 , 

1 We shall hear more of this man in connection with the defence of 
Columbo. He was one of those present at the execution, in August 
1580, of Dharmapala's deed of gift (see the documents cited supra, 
p. 258, note 2 ). 

2 This truce was concluded in 1585 (see infra, p. 280, note 7 ). 

3 In July or August (?) 1586 (see infra, p. 280). 

4 In September 1586, probably. 

5 So in the manuscript. The printed edition, in place of " one 
hundred of " (cento de), has " rye " (centeio), an obvious error. 



[Vol. XX. 

powder, lead, matches 1 , and other necessary things, and 
ordered Thome de Sousa de Arronches 2 , who had come from 
Ceilao in the past April 3 , to embark in order to return and 
serve in the post of captain-major of that coast 4 : and all 
these provisions the viceroy sent, because by 5 the letters that 
he received from Ceilao in August 6 , in which they informed 
him of all that had passed with Rajii, and of the truce that 
had been made, which it was understood he had conceded in 
dissimulation in order the more at his ease to provide himself 
with the things that he required for the siege that he hoped 
to lay to that fortress, and that the truce would last only as 
long as he wished, although at present he was ill, and it was 
surmised this was from poison that his people had given him 7 . 
This galleon got to Columbo in a few days 8 , whereby that 
fortress was relieved and provided 

* H* * * * * 

1 1 here follow the printed edition, which has murroes, where the 
manuscript reads munigoes (munitions), a tautology. 

2 It is evident, from the abrupt way in which this man is here men- 
tioned, that Couto must have spoken of him in his lost Ninth (and 
perhaps Eighth) Decade. When he first came to Ceylon, and in what 
capacity, I do not know ; but we shall find that from this date for 
many years afterwards he remained in the island to afflict the natives 
with his brutalities. His name will ever be associated with the infamy 
of the destruction of the famous temple at Dondra, as related further 
on (p. 375). From a royal alvard of 7 March 1595, summarized in 
Arch. Port.-Or. v. 1411 (No. 1015), it would seem that he came to India 
as a soldier in about 1575 (see infra, p. 428, note 3 ). 

3 Couto does not record his departure from Ceylon, which must have 
taken place at or about the same time as that of Tristao de Abreu (see 
supra, p. 274). 

4 He held this post until 1595, when he was appointed captain of 
Columbo (see infra, p. 408). 

6 Apparently an error for " because of." As it stands, the sentence 
is incomplete. / 

6 See supra, p. 279. How these letters were sent, is not said. 

7 This truce and the (alleged) poisoning of Raja Sinha must have 
occurred in 1585 (and not in 1586, as Couto leads us to suppose), since 
they are mentioned in a royal letter of 10 January 1587 (in Arch. 
Port.-Or. iii. 72) as having been reported in a letter of the viceroy's 
received by ships that left India in January 1586. From that letter 
it appears that Raja Sinha wished to send ambassadors to the viceroy, 
but the captain of Columbo would not consent, the reason for which 
refusal the king desired to know. 

8 In September or October 1586, apparently. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couTO : history of ceylon. 


Dec. X., Bk. viii. , Chap. xii. 

Of the pretexts that Raju used to break the peace : and of 
some Chingalas that fled to our fortress : and of the great 
cruelties that Raju committed upon his people : and of the 
mode in which J oao Correa de Brito fortified himself. 

With the truce that Raju made deceitfully with the captain 
of Columbo, he went on providing himself with many things 
for the great siege that he had determined to lay to that 
fortress ; and as he was a tyrant, and had committed so great 
a cruelty as that which he used towards his old father, he did 
not fail to secure himself from the great men of the kingdom ; 
it being the natural condition of tyrants ever to sleep un- 
easily : and so not only in consequence of secret reports, 
but even on the strength of dreams and imaginings, this 
tyrant ordered the murder of all those that came into his mind 
in whom he might find some obstacle, wherefore many were 
dispersed over the island, fleeing from his fury 1 . Among these 
were certain leading fidalgos, who betook themselves to our 
fortress, whom Joao Correa received and heartily welcomed 2 : 
this became known to Raju ; and displeased at this, he sent 
to ask them of the captain, now with politeness, then with 
threats and blusterings, without Joao Correa de Brito 1 s yielding 
to him in anything, by which he considered himself affronted, 
and went on making more haste with the materials for the 
siege, of which he had collected a great quantity, and was daily 
expecting a ship that he had sent to the Achem to get powder, 
engineers, and bombardiers, for which he had sent much 
money 3 . 

Of everything that he did Joao Correa was soon informed i 
and considering the siege as determined upon, he went on 
repairing and fortifying as best he could, so that he should 
not take him unawares when he appeared with all his power 

1 This appears to be merely a restatement of the facts recorded in 
X. vn. xiii. supra. 

2 Among these was " the son of Kidanpalageyi Hidda Nayide of 
Hewagama," who obtained from Dharmapala " the title of Vijaya- 
sekara Mudali," and took an active part in the fighting (see Rajav. 93). 
Others will be mentioned further on. 

3 " The Achem " is the king of Achin, who, with the king of Johor, 
was at this time besieging Malacca (see Linsch. ii. 193-4). This is the 
first occasion on which we hear of communications between the rulers 
of Ceylon and Achin. In 1603 the king of Achin sent an ambassador 
to the king of Kandy (see Cey. Lit. Reg. vi. 342, note ; Orient, iii. 74, 
89 et seq.), and we read of similar embassies in later years. 



around the walls of that fortress 1 . And because the bastion 
of Sao Joao was not more than a fathom above the ground 
from the foundations, and from it to the sea-shore a distance 
of one hundred and twenty paces was all level 2 , he ordered at 
once to wall in this part, which was the most dangerous of 
all : and such speed was made, that in a fortnight they brought 
the bastion to a defensible height, for it reached to five fathoms, 
and they carried on the wall as far as the sea-shore, all in the 
fortress working at this, the monks taking no repose by day 
or night. All this fortification from the embrasures upwards 
was made of very thick mud- walls, with their battlements, 
and many spikes 3 , and he provided the whole of it with good 
artillery, because that bastion on one side guards the bay, and 
on the other very largely commands the campaign 4 . This 
having been done, the captain ordered the bastion to be 
enclosed by a ditch, which formed a continuation of the old 
one, and ended in the sea, and outside the walls he ordered to 
be placed many beams with planks nailed on them, and all 
along certain small boats that are called padas 5 lying across, 
which were to serve as parapets for our people, so that from 
there they might prevent the elephants' coming and seizing 
the beams with their trunks. And the bastion of Sao 

1 Cf. supra, p. 154, note 3 . As we have seen, the walls erected in 
1551 had withstood the assaults of Mayadunne and Raja Sinha in 
1563 and 1580-1 ; but built, as they were, of mud (taipa), or more 
probably of cabook, they must have suffered from the effects of the 
heavy monsoon rains, and consequently needed repairing. In several 
of his letters at this period King Philip impressed upon the viceroy the 
importance of fortifying Ceylon adequately, though, at the same time, 
he grudged the expense involved in the war with Raja Sinha (see 
Arch. Port.-Or. iii. passim). 

2 This is the first mention by Couto of any of the bastions of the 
fortress of Columbo (for the full list see infra, pp. 293-7) ; and, owing 
to the unfortunate defectiveness of his Eighth and Ninth Decades, we 
are ignorant of the date of their erection. (Bastions were invented by 
Italian engineers about the middle of the sixteenth century.) As 
regards the bastion of S. Joao (the name of which still survives in St. 
John's street), see C. A. S. Jl. xii. 77, 78, 81, &c. 

3 I am doubtful if this is the correct technical rendering of the 
original conteiras, which appears to mean here iron spikes fixed into 
the walls for the purpose of additional defence. 

4 Compare what Saar says in the passage referred to in note 2 supra. 
Couto, it will be noticed, uses the present tense : and in fact things 
remained pretty much the same until after the Dutch obtained posses- 
sion of Columbo in 1656. 

5 See supra, p. 207, note 3 . 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


Thome 1 , which was much damnified , they restored inside with a 
very thick wall, and at high- water mark was erected a wooden 
sentry-box 2 , in order that under cover of the bastion of Sao 
Joao it might defend the sea-shore. The bastion of Santo 
Estevao Joao Correa had already strongly fortified, because 
it was the most important of all, and by it are commanded the 
field of Sao Thome 3 , the Quarry 4 , the Plain 5 , the island of 
Antonio de Mendoca 6 , and the Calapate 7 , and in one direction 
it flankers two bastions, and in the other four 8 . Before this 
the captain had made a ditch with its entrenchments and 
fences of thick stakes from the bend of the lake by the foot of 
the Quarry hill to the sea, with two gates, one towards the 
Quarry and the Cota side, the guarding of which he incharged 
to Dom Antonio modeliar, and the other towards the side of 
Matual, in which he placed Diogo da Silva modelliar 9 , and 
divided between these two all the araches to keep watch over 
the tranqueiras outside, and those inside he intrusted to 
Portuguese, as we shall relate in due course 10 . 

Raju continued to carry on both his preparations and his 
cruelties, since there did not pass a day that he did not order 
someone of the grandees to be put to death : and he had already 

1 By an oversight the copyist of the manuscript has omitted all after 
" bastion " down to the word " bastion " before " Santo Estevao." 
This bastion of S. Thome, which is again mentioned on p. 294 infra, 
disappeared at a later date (see the lists in C. A. S. Jl. xii. 80). 

2 In original guarita. The word occurs frequently further on. It 
seems to indicate a kind of watch-tower. 

3 So called from the church standing there, the precursor of the 
present St. Thomas's Church. 

4 Seeswpra, p. 114, note 5 . It is evident that the places named by 
Couto occur in order from left to right, looking eastward. I cannot 
help thinking that the Quarry (Pedreira) was identical with Boralugoda, 
now called Wolvendaal Hill (see Rajav. 91). 

5 Called " the plain of Boralugoda " in the Rdjdvaliya (91). 

6 Possibly represented by the present " Dhobies' Island " ; but this 
part of Columbo has been so altered by the filling in of a branch of the 
lake that it is difficult to identify the positions named. 

7 This name is suspiciously like *' Kollupitiya," but the identity is 
doubtful, as some spot much nearer to the Fort seems to be indicated. 
(But see infra, p. 381, note 2 .) 

8 Namely, on the left, S. Joao and S. Thome ; and on the right, S. 
Sebastiao, Santo Antonio, Madre de Deos, and S. Goncalo (see infra, 
pp. 293-5). 

9 By an oversight, the printed edition omits the words from " and 
the other " to " modelliar" which the manuscript gives. 

10 See infra, pp. 294-6. 



made such a slaughter amongst them, that there were few of 
whom he could be in fear; and thus he was so hated by all, that 
they longed for his death : and because neither by poison nor 
by arms could they cause it, on account of the great care that 
he took of himself, they introduced into his dwellings such 
fetishes 1 , and of such power, that the tyrant began to dry up 
and grow lean without knowing the cause, and so came to fall 
helpless upon his bed. The ringleaders in this conspiracy were 
two of his relatives, Reigao Pandar 2 and Curale Petra Pandar 3 , 
and his chief sangatar, that is, chief priest, like the archbishop 
amongst us 4 : but the devil who wove all these tissues of lies 
himself revealed it, whereby the relatives were forthwith put 
to death, and the priest stoned and cut in pieces. This made 
him resolve to distrust all the nobles, and he went on putting 
them to death under various excuses, whether they were 
guilty or not, so that there remained not a single person of 
the caste of the ancient noble Chingalas 5 . The fetishes did not 
cease to operate, but rather went on increasing every day, 
and at last he came to suspect what it was : wherefore he 
commanded to dismantle all his dwellings in the part that 
he used, in order to see if he could -find the fetishes ; but 
nothing was discovered for all they searched, and in spite of 
many tortures that he inflicted on persons in order to see if 
they would confess anything. And being of that spirit, he 
did not cease his cruelty, because the devil stirred him up 
therein in such fashion that the tyrant gave his vassals to 
understand that all that he did was by order of the gods, and 
that his idols had counselled him ; and in order to make them 
believe it he invented this method 6 . He took certain persons, 
instructed as to what they were to do, and in great secrecy 
placed them in a house where he had the idols, and then com- 
manded to summon all those whom he desired to put to death, 
in the presence of others whom he wished to remain as witnesses, 
so as to exercise authority over all, and then performed certain 
ceremonies before the pagodes, and asked them for the names 
of the persons that had bewitched him, and those whom he 
had hidden inside replied, as if they were the idols, " So-and-so. 

1 In original feitiQos, from which the English word is derived. Huni- 
yam charms are doubtless meant (see C. A. S. Jl. 1865-6, pp. 68-78, 
1881-2, pp. 116-24). 

2 See supra, p. 277, note 5 . 

3 This apparently represents Kerawalapitiy6 Bandara, but I can find 
no record of such a person. 

1 See supra, p. 68, note x . 

8 This is not correct, as we shall see later. 

" Compare what follows with a similar statement on p. 292 infra. 

No. 60. —1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


So-and-so, So-and-so ": and thus were named several of those 
that were present, whom Raju then and there commanded to 
be impaled, and among them were certain priests 1 , a very 
abominable thing amongst them and in their law. At other 
times he took boys of eight or nine years and instructed them 
very we]], and pretended that the souls of those that he had 
commanded to be put to death had passed into them, and that 
they informed him of everything, the which boys the king 
commanded to be summoned in public, and in the name of the 
dead they said : " Sire, So-and-so and So-and-so ordered 
fetishes against you to be interred in such-and-such a place "; 
and as those that were named were always present, they were 
then and there put to death, and in these cruelities he spent 
the whole summer 2 . 

And because he knew that Joao Correa was fortifying 
himself, he sent several times to ask him why he distrusted 
his friendship, and wasted on those works the king's money and 
his own : that he need not go on with the work, as he was 
his friend ; and at other times he sent to propose to him that 
he should put to death the king I). Joao 3 , who was in the 
fortress, and he would give him a sum of money. To all these 
things Joao Correa always replied to him in a very polite 
manner, using also caution and pretences, as he likewise did ; 
and because it was the time for the arrival of the ship that he 
expected from the Achem, he sent Thome de Sousa de Arronches 
with the ships that were in the fortress to go and lie in wait for 
her, of which Raju was presently informed, and he sent to beg 
him not to send out the armada : and as he understood him, 
he replied that he was sending it to lie in wait for some Mala- 
vares, who he was informed had left for that coast ; and for the 
greater pretence he sent to beg him for letters for the giving of 
water and wood in all his ports to the ships of the armada, 
which he sent him with great offers, because he was hoping 
for the ship. Thome de Sousa cruised about that coast looking 
out for her until some vessels arrived which brought the news 
that she had been lost on the coast of Achem without anything 
being saved from her, which Raju felt extremely ; but in spite 

1 Cf. Bald. Ceylon iii. ; Rep. on Keg. Dist. 50, 63. 

2 The hot season of 1586-7, apparently. 

3 Cf. supra, p. 254, note 2 . From a royal letter printed in Arch. 
Port.-Or. iii. (119), it would appear that about this time Dharmapala 
was desirous of marrying a " woman native of the same island." I 
infer from this that Dona Margarida, daughter of the king of Kandy 
(see supra, p. 256, note 6 ), was dead ; and that Dharmapala married 
again is certain, since after his death we find his widow referred to as 
" Dona Izabel." 



[Vol. XX, 

of his lacking all that he had expected by her, he determined 
to declare war and break the peace ; but he wished first to see 
if he could capture the ships that formed the armada, to which 
end he sent word to all the ports at which it called that they 
were not to supply it with water or wood, and that they were 
to arm some ships, in order to see if they could take them 
unawares in some river : the which Thome de Sousa soon 
discovered, because in some ports they presently began to 
refuse him what he asked for, and he sent to take in water and 
wood by means of almadias 1 , because he well knew the habits 
and nature of Raju. And the latter, wishing to declare himself 
once for all, sent some lascarins after the manner of robbers 
to fall upon the poor wretches and people in the service of the 
fortress that were in the jungle making cinnamon 2 , the which 
Joao Correa learnt of, but dissembled in order to see if Raju 
would send and inform him before breaking the truce, as had 
been agreed to between them. 

Just at this juncture 3 there fled to our fortress eight panicaes*, 
fidalgos, all relatives, because Raju had sent to a village 5 
where they lived to summon them ; and as all now feared 
these summonings, they fled one night, and as they could not 
get to Columbo except by the great tranqueira 8 , they reached 
it in the dead of night like household servants, and finding the 
guards asleep killed them all, and got to the other side. The 
captain of the tranqueira hastening at the uproar, and learning 
what had happened, feared that Raju would order him to be 

1 Light boats (see Hob. -Job. s.v.). 

2 This is the first occasion on which Couto mentions the peeling of 
cinnamon. (Cf. supra, p. 242, note 4 .) From a royal letter of 7 
March 1589, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (217-8), it seems that the 
captain of Columbo was peeling cinnamon for his own profit, and the 
king getting nothing, though this lack is naively ascribed to the failure 
of " Raju " to pay the customary tribute. According to " Don Duart 
de Meneses the Vice-roy, his tractate of the Portugall Indies," &e. 
(1584), printed by Purchas (ix. 164), " Seylan the Madune [sic], doth 
pay every yeare for tribute to his Majestie, 300. Bares of Cynamon, 
containing 300. weight the Bare, which is 90000. weight, at the 
rate of ten Pardaos the Bare, which is 900000. Reys, and it is 562 I. 
10 s. sterling." 

3 The printed edition has confusao, where the manuscript reads 

4 This is the plural of panical, regarding which word see supra, p. 69, 
note \ 

5 The printed edition has " some villages," which may be the correct 

6 The tranqueira grande was at Kaduvela, and is often mentioned 
in later times as the scene of engagements between the Sinhalese and 
the Portuguese or Dutch (see infra, p. 397, note 2 ; M. Lit. Reg. iv. 
174 ; C. A. S. Jl. xii. 103, where " great stockade " is a translation of 

tranqueira grande). 

No. 60. — 1908.] coixto : history of ceylon. 287 

put to death for that neglect, and desiring to save himself, 
took his wife and children, and straightway fled to our fortress 
in such haste, his wife being pregnant and taken with the 
pains of labour, that he arrived at it simultaneously with 
the eight panicaes, whom Joao Correa received with much 
honour, and ordered that they be supplied with provisions 
every month 1 . These tidings having reached Raju, he was 
like to die of vexation, and used every means with all those 
of the fortress to get them into his hands ; but he was left * 
with his grievance, and with his intention declared, and the 
truce broken. Joao Correa at once 2 informed the viceroy of 
everything, and assured him that the siege would not be 
long delayed, begging him to succour him. 

Dec. X., Bk. viti., Chap. xvii. 

there could not be a more miserable state than this 3 , 

having two such great responsibilities as Malaca and Ceilao, 
for during these same days 4 there had arrived the letters from 
Joao Correa de Brito, in which he begged the viceroy to succour 
him with men, money, and munitions 5 , because there would 
be without doubt in the winter a severe siege 6 , which gave 
the viceroy much anxious thought ; but as he was of great 

1 It is possible that this incident is identical with the one related in 
the Rdjdvaliya (93) as follows : — " Before that, two strong-bodied 
targe-bearers from the Maha Atapattu department at Sitavaka, who 
were brothers, having deserted, went to Colombo fighting their way 
through the Kadudevola post, and presented themselves before king 
Dharmapala. The elder of these targe-men was honoured with the 
title of Panikki Mudali." Here, however, only two brothers are 
spoken of (against Couto's eight men, all relatives), who are said to 
have fought their way through the kadavata (though I am doubtful of 
the correctness of the translation). We shall read later on of these 
eight men being given a position to guard in the defence of Col umbo 
(see infra, p. 294). 

2 In March 1587 ? 

3 Couto has been describing how, to remedy the lack of war material, 
&c. , the viceroy got the aldermen of Goa to go round the city borrowing 
from the inhabitants in order to raise the necessary funds. 

4 April 1587, probably. 

5 The printed edition has " provisions." 

6 See supra, X. vm. xii., at end. 



[Vol. XX 

spirit and courage, he was afraid of nothing, the rather 
with great rapidity in the whirl of the pressure in which 
he was with the affairs of Malaca 1 he negotiated a ship, 
which he ordered to be loaded with what food, munitions, and 
money could be spared, and wrote to the captain that he must 
make the best of it, because at present he could do no more, 
but that when he had dispatched the fleet for Malaca he 
would provide him better ; 

$ * * * * # * 

Dec. X., Bk. ix., Chap iv. 

Of the great preparations that Raju made for attacking Columbo : 
and how the captain J oad Gorrea fortified himself. 

Raju having declared himself for war, and having now 
collected all the necessary materials, summoned all his troops, 
and placed the whole mass of his army in the city of Biagao 2 
in order at once to set out on the march. Of this Joao Correa 
received information ; and because the reply from Goa tarried, 
and he feared to find himself in a great strait, he dispatched 3 
two men with letters of credit, one to go to Manar and bring 
all the rice he could, and the other, who was the modeliar 
Diogo da Silva, to Negapatao. These men made such haste, 
that when the little ship of Domingos de Aguiar, which the 
viceroy sent with provisions (as has been related above 4 ), 
arrived 5 , there was already in the fortress so much rice 6 , that 
the whole winter it sold at seven xarafins the candil, the price 
in Cochim being twelve, and in Coulao fourteen ; and with the 

1 See supra, p. 281, note 3 . 

2 See supra, p. 271, note 4 . The manuscript has " Biajan." 

3 In April 1587 ? 

4 See supra, p. 274. 

6 Couto does not tell us when this ship did arrive at Columbo, un- 
less it were in May 1586 (see p. 277 supra) : but, if that be the case, the 
statement that follows is unintelligible, since the two men here spoken 
of seem to have gone for rice a year later. There seems to be great 
confusion in the order of events recorded by Couto in these chapters 
relating to the siege of Columbo, which I am unable to rectify, 

6 The printed edition omits this word. 

No. 60. — 1908.] gouto : history of ceylon. 


money that the viceroy sent in the ship 1 a general quarter's 
pay was made , where by the fortress was very well provided , 
excepting with men, of whom it had few. And with all these 
anxieties the captain did not fail to go on fortifying where it 
seemed to him most needed : and because the fortification 
that, as we have said 2 , he had made from the bastion of Sao 
Joao to the sea-shore appeared to him weak, he ordered to build 
a thick mud- wall two fathoms in height on the inner side, with a 
wooden couraca* on the sea-shore . and between it and the 
bastion he made a watch-tower with its balconies for those 
that might fight from it, and at this work even the monks of 
St. Francis laboured, who were always the foremost in all 
times of need. 

Raju forthwith took the field, and mustered all his troops 
and his weapons and munitions of war, and found the follow- 
ing 4 ; fighting men fifty thousand ; pioneers and servants 
sixty thousand ; elephants, both for fighting and for service, 
two thousand two hundred ; pieces of bronze artillery, between 
large and small, one hundred and fifty ; oxen of burden forty 
thousand ; axes ten thousand ; alavangas three thousand ; 
billhooks twenty thousand ; pickaxes 5 (which in India are 
called codells 6 ) two thousand ; mattocks six thousand ; many 

1 The money was sent by Tristao de Abreu and Pedro da Costa, who 
left Goa in rowing boats after the departure of Simao Botelho, and 
whose arrival at Columbo in May 1586 Couto records supra, p. 277. 
The reference here, however, may be to the ship mentioned in 
X. vni. xvii. (p. 288) ; and it is possible that in the passage referred 
to in note 5 on p. 288 Couto has confused this ship with that of 
Domingos de Aguiar. 

2 See supra, p. 282. 

3 A breast-work (lit., a cuirass). 

4 The numbers given by Couto must, of course, be taken as approxi- 
mate, founded, doubtless, chiefly on the statements of escapees and 
fugitives. The Rajavaliya gives no estimate of Raja Sinha's forces : 
it simply says (90) : — " After this Raja Siuha issued pay to his troops ; 
and being determined to expel the Portuguese of Colombo set out. with 
a numerous army of elephants, a large force on the right and left wings, 
and shield-bearers of Kottan Devale." 

5 The manuscript omits this word. 

tt The manuscript has " codeas." The Sanskrit word kudddla (spade 
or hoe) is found in the different Aryan dialects of India under various 
forms (see C. A. S. Jl. vii 24), and in Tamil and Malayalam as kodali 
(which is probably the form Couto had in his mind). In Sinhalese, 
through loss of the initial consonant, the word has become udalu, 
udella. I have translated the Portuguese picoes by " pickaxes " ; but 
the implements may have been mamoties. 

U 36-08 



[Vol. XX 

arms of all kinds in superabundance ; four hundred black- 
smiths to make arrow-heads and other ironwork ; a thousand 
carpenters ; four hundred bombardiers, Jaos 1 , Cafres, and of 
other nationalities, the greater part of whom were Portuguese 2 ; 
much timber large and small, of which he made two cars in the 
manner of castles, each on nine wheels as high as a man ; 
canes for mats 3 without number ; a great quantity of sulphur, 
saltpetre, and gunpowder, much lead, and balls of every kind ; 
and in certain ports of the island he ordered to be equipped 4 
sixty-five foists and catures 5 and four hundred small boats 
for service, and all the other things that seemed to him neces- 
sary for the siege that he hoped to lay, from which he was deter- 
mined not to stay his hand until he had captured the fortress. 
And before he moved with all this force he wished to make 
some sacrifices to his idols, and placate them, in order that 
they might give him victory over the Portuguese : and for 
this purpose he went to a pagode, and gave them gifts and 
offered great offerings, and sent to consult them through 
their priests and sorcerers, in order to know from them if he 
was to gain the victory in that expedition 6 ; and as the thing 
that the devil most thirsts for is human blood, he replied that 
if they wished to enter Columbo and obtain victory over the 
whites they must give him the blood of innocents to drink and 
to bathe in. Upon this reply he commanded to gather five 
hundred male and female children up to the age of ten years , and 
ordered them to be beheaded in front of the idols, and collected 
the blood in large cauldrons, and presented it to them, and their 
priests sprinkled them all with that blood. This spectacle was 
the most inhuman 7 and cruel that ever was witnessed, because 

1 Javanese or Malays. 

2 A curious statement to make without comment. A large propor- 
tion of the Portuguese troops in Ceylon consisting of men who had been 
sent there as a punishment for a term of years ,— generally three (see 
Pyr. ii. 143, and Arch. Port. -Or. iii. passim), — it is no wonder that 
many of these banished men should have deserted to the enemy and 
become renegades (c/. infra, pp. 429, 433). The anonymous author of 
Primor e Honra (i. vi.) draws a harrowing picture of the miseries 
these men had to endure as a reward for renouncing their faith (see 
supra, p. 234, note 3 ). 

3 In original esteiras (cf. supra, p. 237, note 1 ). The " canes " were 
either rattans or bamboos ; the purpose to which the " mats " were 
to be put is explained further on (see p. 351). 

4 The printed edition omits this word. 

5 Light rowing boats (see supra, p. 148, note 6 ). 
G The manuscript omits the last three words. 

7 The manuscript omits this word. 

No. 60.— 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


it was carried out before the eyes of the fathers and mothers of 
those innocents, or martyrs of the devil, whose tears mingled 
with the warm blood of their children were also offered in sacri- 
fice. This abominable superstition having been fulfilled, wish- 
ing to animate all his people for that expedition, he put into 
their heads that the idols had promised him that they would 
throw water on the bombards of the Portuguese, so that they 
should not take fire or do them harm, and that they had assured 
him of capturing Columbo on that occasion, and of putting into 
his hands the king Dom Joao who was therein 1 ; and with 
that he ordered proclamation to be made throughout the 
whole army that he gave that city to all the soldiers to sack, 
and that he wanted nothing from it but the church plate and 
the artillery 2 . And in order that he might be held by his 
people as a saint, and that they might believe all that he said, 
he devised diabolical inventions, and hid persons behind the 
idols 3 , who gave the answers that he wished, and in which 
they had been instructed : and with this, which those ignorant 
people did not understand, they held him for a saint, and 
worshipped him ; and so far did his folly go, that he com- 
manded many golden images to be made in his name, and 
ordered them to be distributed throughout all the kingdoms, 
and to be placed amongst the idols, that adoration should be 
offered to them even as to these 4 . 

Having done this, he began to set his troops in array, and 
to divide them according to their method , giving the vanguard 

1 Poor Dharmapala's lot was anything but an enviable one : with 
Raja Sinha outside seeking his life, and the captain of Columbo 
and other Portuguese officers bullying and defrauding him, he was 
truly " between the devil and the deep sea." The summary of a 
royal letter of 5 February 1588 (which letter is unfortunately illegible 
through decay), printed in Arch, PorL-Or. iii. (127), shows that at 
this time Dom Joao was complaining to King Philip of the treatment 
accorded to him by Joao Correa de Brito and Thome de Sousa de 
Arronches. It is surprising that he survived his ill-usage so many 

2 The manuscript omits " and the artillery," which, in fact, reads 
rather like an interpolation, since artillery does not come within the 
purview of soldiers in a sack, but would naturally become the property 
of the conquering monarch. The wish for the church plate (if really 
expressed by Raja Sinha) was partly due to his hatred of Christianity 
as practised by the Portuguese. 

3 Cf. supra, pp. 284-5. 

4 This may or may not be true : I have no confirmation of the 
statement. Of course the Sinhalese kings claimed divine honours 
(cf. C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 209, and note 253 ). 

U 2 



[Vol. XX, 

to Vijacon mudelia 1 and Gajanaica arache 1 , and at once began 
to march, and that day 3 he encamped in Maleriava 4 ; and on 
the following he arrived at Calane 5 , where he remained two 
days, and thence he proceeded to pitch his tent in the meadow 6 
of Matugore 7 , where he remained six days, during which he 
made a bridge over a river arm at Kacolagao 8 , over which the 
whole army passed 9 , and went on until he came in sight of the 
fortress on the 4th of June, and pitched the arrayal in the 
place that he selected 10 , and from the fortress they saluted 
him with several pieces of artillery, whereby some of his men 
were laid low, which he took as an evil augury, and the devil 
showed him that he was a liar, and that he could fulfil nothing 
of what he had promised him , that the artillery would not take 
fire. Having pitched the arrayal , he at once surrounded it with 
a spacious ditch, and inside he fortified it with tranqueiras 

1 This man is referred to further on (see p. 381), but the Rdjdvaliya 
mentions no mudali of that name, assigning the place of honour in the 
army to Vikramasi^ha Mudali (see infra, note 10 ). 

2 This arachchi, who evidently had charge of the war elephants, is 
not named in the Rdjdvaliya. 

3 The date is not given, but from what follows it must have been 
, about the 20th of May 1587. 

4 Mulleriyawa (meaning probably Ambatale), about 4 miles from 
Biyagama via Kaduwela (c/. supra, p. 171, note 6 ). 

5 Between 3 and 4 miles from ASbatale. At this period the town of 
Kelaniya was on the left (south) bank of the river. 

6 The Port, varzea means a level cultivated field ; but Couto in all 
cases used the word in reference to marshy land (cf. infra, p. 300, 
note *). 

7 On p. 383 infra we have the spelling "Matacore." The place 
meant is not, I think, Matakkuliya, but Dematagoda, the first syllable 
having dropped out owing to confusion with the Portuguese preposi- 
tion de — a not infrequent error (cf. infra, p. 431, note 3 , and C. A. S. 
Jl. x. 287). Compare the statement of the Rdjdvaliya (91) that "Raja 
Sinha fixed his headquarters at Dematagodawatta." 

8 There is evidently some' confusion here : Dematagoda was where 
Raja Siuha ultimately pitched his camp, and was at some distance from 
Nakolagama, which lay due north of it, on the south bank of the Kela,ni 
river. The " river arm " (esteiro) over which the bridge was thrown 
was doubtless one of the streams that enters the Kelani at Pass Nakola- 
gam ; but its exact position I am doubtful of. From what is said on 
p. 383 infra it must have been at some distance from the river. 

9 The manuscript omits the words from " river arm "to " passed." 

10 The Rdjdvaliya (91) says that Raja Sipha "sent Vikramasiha 
Mudali in advance, and starting from Sitawaka [? Biyagama] halted on 

this side of Weraluwetota ; Raja Siyha fixed his headquarters at 

Dematagodawatta." I cannot locate Weraluwetota, 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of oeylon. 


of two faces lined with mats, all of which was executed 
with great speed by means of the large material that he carried ; 
and because during the siege in the time of Manoel de Sousa 
they caused him much damage on the side where the lake was 
by means of the castles 1 and foists that were put on it, he 
determined to drain it dry ,, both in order that they might not 
do him further harm from it, and that he might from that 
side attempt an entrance to the fortress, the walls there being 
weaker, and in order that his forces might be thrown against 
it all round, because this lake encircles more than half the city, 
which made it the stronger : and to this work he put his hand 
first of all. 

JoaoCorrea was already so well prepared and fortified, that 
he did not worry himself about the power that he had, and had 
already destroyed all the gardens that were on the outside, 
and the wood, which was much, he had brought in, whereby 
the campaign lay more exposed to view ; and because the 
island of Antonio deMendoca 2 , which is outside the walls, and 
which during the siege in the time of Manoel de Sousa gave 
much trouble in its maintenance through the number of troops 
that were occupied therein, and from the risk that they always 
ran to avoid the injuries that they had received there, and in 
order jiot to have men outside the fortress, with the approval 
of all he abandoned it, and ordered to cut down all the palm- 
frees, which would be six hundred, and brought them in for 
the platforms of the fortifications, and the leaves for covering 
the watch-towers and barracks. On the inland side the city 
had a circuit of one hundred and ninety- two fathoms 3 , with 
many bastions and watch-towers, and there were not more 
than three hundred Portuguese, old and young, among whom 
were a hundred useless ones, and of native lascarins and 
servants of the Portuguese there would be about seven 
hundred — a very small force for the defence of so great an 
enclosure : and with it the captain did the best he could, and 
divided it up and provided the posts after this manner 4 : — 

In the bastion of Sao Joao, which was the most important, 
he placed Thome de Sousa de Arronches ; and in the couraga 

1 These were doubtless similar to those made by D. Jorge Menezes 
Baroche as described in VII. ix. vi. (p. 207) supra. 

2 See supra, p. 283. 

3 Equivalent to about 425 yards. According to Ribeiro (see C. A. S. 
Jl. xii. 76), the circumvallation of the whole city occupied 1,300 paces 
(about 1,100 yards). 

4 Of. supra, pp. 282-3. Here we get a complete list of the bastions 
and watch-towers in the whole circuit of the fortress, beginning at the 
north-east angle, proceeding southward, then along the lake westward 



overlooking the sea Diogo Gonsalves, an old man and ex- 
perienced in war 1 ; in the watch-tower midway Diogo da 
Silva mudeliar, who had also to guard the new mud- wall 2 ; 
Joao Gracia in the bastion of Sao Thome ; Estevao Gomes 
in that of Santo Estevao ; on the stretch of wall from this 
bastion to the watch-tower of Sancta Anna he placed Miguel 
Vas with a Portuguese and the eigh t Chingalas 3 that ran away 
from Raju to the fortress ; in the bastion of Sao Sebastiao 4 
was stationed Luis Correa da Silva ; and on the stretch of wall 
that runs from it to Santo Antonio he placed Dom Joao de 
Austria, mudeliar of Candea 5 , who afterwards rose and seized 

and south-westward, then by the sea northward, and finally along the 
bay eastward and north-eastward to the point of departure. If we 
only had as detailed a description of the various buildings inside the 
fort, we could form a very good idea of what Col umbo was like at that 
period : unfortunately none such has come down to us ; and as the 
earliest plan of the city that I know of, that of Pedro Barretto de Res- 
sende (1646), has no accompanying description, we can but guess at the 
situation of many of the buildings mentioned by Ribeiro and other 
writers. It will be noticed that most of the persons named as appointed 
to guard the walls and bastions were natives of Ceylon. 

1 He is mentioned in VII. v. vi. as captain of the vessels guarding 
Goa in 1558. InX. x. vii. (p. 339) infra we shall hear of him in connec- 
tion with a remarkable incident. 

2 See supra, p. 282. 

3 The eight panicals (see supra, p. 286). 

4 This bastion looked towards the district still known as St. Sebastian 
from a church that stood there in Portuguese times (see pla,n of Columbo 
in Baldseus's Ceylon). 

5 This casual mention of the man who afterwards became the con- 
queror and successor of the redoubtable "Raju " and the bitter foe of 
the Portuguese seems to indicate that in some other part of his history 
Couto had given details showing how he came to be in Columbo at this 
time. We should have looked for these in the course of this Decade ; 
but, as they do not appear therein, we can only conclude that Couto 
postponed them until he came to describe the events of 1588-92. 
Fortunately the Rdjdvaliya here comes to our aid, and tells us (90) of the 
treacherous murder, by command of Raja Sinha, of Virasundara Bapdara, 
who had raised an insurrection in the Kandyan territory, and of the 
consequent flight to Columbo of his son Konappu Bandara accompanied 
by Salappu Bandara, both of whom were welcomed by the Portuguese, 
and having married the daughters of Tammitarala were baptized as 
Christians, Konappu receiving the high-sounding name of Don John of 
Austria, in memory of. the hero of Lepanto (see C. Lit. Reg. vi. 333 ; 
M. Lit. Reg. iv. 166). When this ceremony took place, I have failed 
to discover. Twice subsequently in this Decade (pp. 321, 350) the 
mudaliyar is mentioned. 

No. 60. — 1908.] gouto : history of ceylost. 


that kingdom, as we shall relate in due course 1 . In the 
bastion of Santo Antonio was stationed Luis da Costa, and in 
that of Madre de Deos 2 Estevao Correa, both married in the 
country ; on the stretch of wall that runs to Sao Gonsalo were 
placed Tanavira 3 arache and Mattheus 4 Gonsalves arache 5 
with their lascarins, whilst to Pero 6 Toscano fell the bastion 
of Sao Gonsalo 7 , and to Chinapuli 8 and Sebastiao Bayao 9 the 
stretch of wall that goes from it to Sao Miguel, and in this 
bastion was stationed Domingos Marques ; and on the stretch 
that goes from it to the bastion of Conceicao the captain 
placed some dorias 10 with their pachas 11 , who are a people base 
in blood but brave in warfare. In the bastion of Nossa 
Senhora da Conceicao 12 he placed Antonio Pereira and another 
man married in the country ; and Pedro Afonso arache on the 
stretch that runs from it to the watch-tower of Sao Paulo and 

1 This promise Couto fulfilled in his Eleventh Decade (of. infra, XII. 
i. vi., p. 410), which, unhappily,' has disappeared beyond hope of 

2 This bastion derived its name from a church that stood near it 
inside the fortress (see C. A. S. Jl. xii. 78, and plan of Columbo in Le 
Grand's trans, of Ribeiro). 

3 Both the manuscript and the printed edition have " Tavira " ; but 
in X. x. ii. infra the name is correctly spelt in two places (pp. 310, 312). 

4 In X. x. ii., where this man is twice mentioned (pp. 310. 312) in 
conjunction with Tanavira, he is called " Manoel." 

5 The manuscript has " Mochoria," and the printed edition 
; ' Mocheria," which may represent " Modeliar " or " Mohotiar " ; 
but, as he is afterwards described as an arache, I have substituted 
this word. 

6 The printed edition has " Prospero," whilst the manuscript reads 
" pois Pero " : that the latter is the correct reading is proved by the 
mention of the man subsequently (p. 307), where the two versions agree 
in naming him <s Pe(d)ro." 

7 This bastion and that of S. Miguel overlooked the lake. We are 
now beginning to go westward. 

8 A Tamil, judging by his name (? Chinnappuli = " little tiger "). 
Or perhaps Singappuliya is intended. 

9 The manuscript has the contracted form " BastiaS." Perhaps a 
son of Andre Bayao Mudaliyar, mentioned on p. 247 supra as 
Dharmapala's ambassador to the king of Siam in 1565. We shall 
hear of other members of this family, whose Sinhalese name I do not 

10 Sinhalese durayd, headman of the jaggery, &c, caste. In Valen- 
tyn {Ceylon 5) " dureas." 

11 See supra, p. 106, note 2 ; p. 230. 

J2 This is probably the same bastion that Saar erroneously calls 
" Capoccin " (see C. A. S. Jl. xii. 79). 



[Vol. XX. 

the conduits 1 ; and Gurapo 2 arache in the stretch that goes 
thence to the bastion of Sao Paulo, and in this bastion was 
stationed Thome Pires. From there to the bastion of Sao 
Hieronymo 3 was stationed Sinia 4 arache with his pachas ; 
and in the bastion Estevao Dias, and from it to the watch- 
tower of Sancta Catherina Giria 5 arache, and in the 
watch-tower Antonio Tinoco, and in that of Sao Martinho 
Afonso da Silva, and from there to the watch-tower at the 
angle 6 Salvador Mendes 7 , and in the watch-tower Silvestre 
Manco 8 with some native troops. In the bastion of 
Santiago 9 , which guards the gate and plain of Mapano 10 , 
was stationed Antonio Guerreiro 11 ; and from it to the sea, 
comprising three curtains of mud- wall with two watch-towers, 
Manoel Pereira arache 12 . All the rest of the fortress lay upon 
the iron-bound coast as far as the point of Sao Lourenco 13 , 
where the boisterousness of the waves at that part, which was 
all rocks, caused great earth-shocks, whereby all there was 

1 Portuguese canos. I am not certain of the exact meaning here, 
but there seems to be some connection with the " brook that traverses 
the city in the midst " (from the lake to the-sea), according to Ribeiro 
(see C. A. S. Jl. xii. 77, and compare the maps of Columbo in Baldseus's 
Ceylon and Le Grand's trans, of Ribeiro). See infra, p. 300. 

2 In printed edition " Gurapu." Perhaps Kurupu is intended. In 
Bocarro cxi. we read of a " Corupo Modiliar," who is also referred to 
by Baldseus (Ceylon xi. and xiv.). 

3 Called by Saar " the great bastion of Hieronymus " (see C. A. S. Jl. 
xii. 79). 

4 I am not sure what name this represents. The manuscript has 
" Sinja." 

5 The printed edition has " Geria." Perhaps Kiriya is intended. 

6 Probably the angle as shown in Ressende's plan, where the wall 
took a sudden turn southward, and then again westward. 

7 The printed edition has "Martins." I cannot tell which is correct. 

8 The printed edition has " Manco," which means " meek, mild," 
while manco means " lame, maimed," and seems more likely to be 
correct. I may mention, however, that throughout the manuscript 
the cedilla is omitted. 

9 See C. A. S. Jl. xii. 79 and 80. (The bastion of " S. Jacob " 
mentioned in the footnote on the latter page is, of course, that of 

10 See supra, p. 171 , note 5 . Of Mapano (better Mapane), the modern 
Galle Face, we shall hear more in later chapters. 

11 See supra, p. 279, note 1 . 

11 See supra, p. 276, where he is called a modeliar. 

13 So called from the parish church standing there, probably the 
oldest in Columbo, erected before 1536, during the time of the first 
Catholic vicar (see C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 365). 

No. 60. — 1908.] cottto : history of Ceylon. 


stronger than air the rest 1 . From the point of Sao Lourenco 
to the point of the jail 2 , which is the bay where the ships 
lie 3 , was stationed Manoel Gomes Rapouso ; and from the jail 
to the old couraga*, which is that of the bastion of Sao Jorge 5 , 
and from it to the new watch-tower 6 , all of which was protected 
from the waves, he incharged to Diogo Gonsalves. 

Thus with the paucity of men that there was the city was 
provided all round as best could be, the captain remaining 
apart with fifty soldiers under his command to go and help 
in all cases of need : and in order to obviate these he appointed 
three counter-rounds to make the round of the city continually, 
and to advise him of all that took place, and of what was 
needed ; and because the lake was the most important thing 
for the defence of the city, and from it most damage could be 
caused to the enemy, the captain ordered to be put upon it a 
galliot, of which he appointed as captain Manoel Pinto, a very 
noble man and a worthy knight, with some companions, and 
a foist besides, of which the captain was Antonio Coresma, 
and a baloon 7 , in which he placed Antonio Mialheiro. (These 
vessels with their falcons and bases did such damage to the 
enemy in the war of the time of Manoel de Sousa, that Rajii, 
exasperated by it, determined to drain the lake dry 8 .) 

And as there remained nothing to be done, he dispatched 
Belchior Nogueira and Gonsalo Fernandes, each in his tone, 
one to go to Goa to ask for succour, and the other to go giving 
information from Manar to Cochim of the strait in which that 
fortress was, in order that they might succour it. They set 
out on the 12th of July ; and the day that they went out from 
Columbo there pursued them some vessels of Raju's six leagues 

1 Of. C. A. -S. Jl. xii. 76. 

2 The jail is shown in Ressende's plan and in that given by Le Grand 
in his translation of Ribeiro. It stood on the point where the brook 
that traversed the city debouched into the sea, on the west side of the 

3 The " inner harbour " of pre-breakwater days. 

4 Perhaps the same as that described by Ribeiro as " a handsome 
couraga in front of the college of the Company," and Saar's " bastion 
Allegresse " (see C. A. S. Jl. xii. 77, 78). 

5 Probably Ribeiro's " bastion of the customhouse," and Saar's 
" small bastion by name S. Vincenz" (see C. A. S. Jl. xii. 77, 78). By 
a careless error the printed edition has " Sant-Iago." 

6 See supra, p. 283. 

7 A kind of rowing vessel (see Hob. -Job. s.v.). In Ceylon this word 
is still current in the form " ballam " (from Tamil vaUam). 

s Sea supra, p. 293. 



[Vol. XX. 

to sea, when they left them behind, and in two days crossed 
over to the other coast, and Nogueira took his way by land to 
Goa, and the other went giving word at all those ports of the 
strait in which Columbo was, upon which several persons 
began to negotiate with the object of succouring it 1 . 

Dec. X., Bk. ix., Chap. v. 

Of the manner in which Baju fortified himself, and began to 
drain the lake : and of some assaults that our people made 
upon him, in which they always did him harm. 

Although Raju was already at a camello 2 shot from our 
fortress, knowing that for the business of the lake, which was 
the first that he wished to begin, it was necessary for him to be 
nearer in order to be able to do it more safely, he commanded 
to be excavated under the earth very broad ways with their 
defences by which his people could get to the work with less 
risk ; and besides this he ordered to cut down the jungle that 
reached from the ditch to the village of the pachas on the 
island that had been abandoned (and it must be understood 
that in all cases where " the island " is mentioned it is this 
of Antonio de Mendonca 3 ) ; and behind the Quarry hill 4 were 
made some tranqueiras towards Nacolagoao 5 , which went 

1 The result of these men's mission Couto tells us in X. x. i. and iv. 
infra (pp. 305, 323 -4, 327-8). 

2 A kind of cannon. 

3 See supra, p. 283, note 6 , and p. 293. 

4 See supra, p. 283, note 4 . 

5 The Rajavaliya says (91): — " Vikramasinha Mudali pitched his 
camp, having erected a stockade, at Lower Boralugoda. Senarat 
Mudali encamped on the plain of Boralugoda." To this statement the 
compiler of the Rajavaliya or some later writer adds the comment : — 
' ' Note that Adirippu Palliya stands on Boralugoda hill ; and that in 
Lower Boralugoda lies Santumpitiya" Although the name Adirippu 
Palliya (in Tamil Asaruppalli) now denotes the Wolvendaal Church, it 
has really been transferred to it from the Portuguese church that stood 
there previously and was called Nossa Senhora de Guadalupe (after the 
famous church at Guadalupe in Spain), the Sinhalese and Tamil names 
being evidently corruptions of the last word* (The footnote on this 
subject in the C. A. S. Jl. xii. 79 is incorrect.) SantumpUiya still sur- 
vives in Qenioopitty street (an odd perversion, santum probably repre- 
senting Port, santao, " religious mendicant "; while gentoo is Port. 
ijentio, " heathen "). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


running eastwards down the valley, and came out on the 
other side in front of the bastion of Santo Estevao 1 , where 
was built a fine 2 bulwark for greater defence, whereby all 
that part was shut in ; and in the same way they proceeded 
with another tranqueira on that part of the rising ground 
that descends to the strait 3 that divides the island from the 
mainland, and they even brought it lower down, and carried 
it back to join the one above. And because this tranqueira 
was very near to the fortress, whilst work was being carried 
on at it the captain sent some lascarins of the country to 
attack it, who entered it, and with many pots of powder set 
fire to those that were in it, and captured one alive, with 
whom they returned, and with much wood that was intended 
for the tranqueira ; and on most of the days they made these 
assaults on them, from which the lascarins always returned 
With their swords dyed and with some captives. 

Raju as soon as he was fortified below near the island 
forthwith took in hand to drain the lake by means of the ditch 
that he had made during the other siege, the excavation of 
which he ordered to be continued until it should enter the 
lake, and upon this work he put all the artisans that he had 
brought ; and before reaching the water they came upon a 
layer of rock so hard that there were no pickaxes that would 
penetrate it : which Raju having seen commanded to bring 
plenty of sour milk, which they call dain 4 , and much vinegar, 
all of which was thrown on the top of it, and he then com- 
manded to put fire on it, by which means the layer of rock 
was softened in such fashion that it was very easily ex- 
cavated and cut. From this can be seen how great a captain 
was Raju, since he was not lacking in that device, which 
is recorded of Hannibal in opening the roads over the Alps 
with vinegar and fire when he crossed into Italy. At this 
work the enemy continued with such activity that in less 
than twenty days they had carried the ditch to the lake, 
by means of which they began to drain it, emptying it into 

1 It is difficult to make out from this description what direction the 
tranqueiras took. There seems to be some confusion, which I cannot 
resolve. The bastion of S. Estevao stood probably somewhere near the 
present Kayman's Gate. 

2 Fermosa. The printed edition has " /«mosa." 

3 Estreito. The printed edition omits this essential word. 

4 " They " cannot mean the Sinhalese, who call sour milk di. The 
form given by Couto seems to represent Hindi dahl, with the Portuguese 
nasal added. (According to Fallon's Hind. -Eng. Diet., however, the 
rustic Hindustani is dahm.) 



[Vol. XX. 

the marshes 1 : and this went on to such an extent that soon 
the foists felt it, because the usual water began to fail them, 
wherefore they retired to the shelter of the bastions of Sao 
Gonsalo and Sao Miguel, where there was more water 2 . And 
such dispatch did the enemy give to this work that sufficient 
depth to float the galliot was entirely wanting : wherefore 
the captain ordered her to be stranded in the shelter of 
those bastions, and her captain with his soldiers took up his 
position at the conduits 3 to guard that passage, which was 
a very important one 4 , the foist and the baloon remaining on 
the lake, there being still enough water for them to proceed 
below 5 the island, and so they continued until the water was 
all drained off. 

During the whole of this time, which would be a month, 
there did not fail to be great and wonderful plays of bombard- 
shots and many assaults, in which the enemy were always 
wounded, principally one night when Diogo da Silva modeliar 
with his lascarins made an attack upon a tranqueira that 
was over against the lake, the which he entered valorously, 
and killed the greater part of the enemy, putting the rest 
to flight, whereby he had time to set fire to it, so that 
the whole was consumed. Raju was already affrighted 
at these assaults : because when and where he least 
expected he found our people with an astonishing deter- 
mination in his entrenchments and tranqueiras, cutting, 
throwing down, burning, and laying low everything ; and 
what was worse, making the oracles of his idols lying ones, 
since never did the bombards from the fortress take fire 
better or do so much harm to the army as now. With 
the loss of this tranqueira that Diogo da Silva burnt Raju 
was disgusted ; but presently he commanded to set to 
work with another very strong one in front of all those 
that he had made, which he carried as far as the edge of the 

1 So I translate varzeas (see supra, p. 292, note 6 ), the meadows in 
this case being doubtless the swampy lands (Dutch polders) on the 
eastern outskirts of Columbo. The " ditch" may possibly have been 
the precursor of the canal that runs from St. Sebastian to Urugoda- 

2 See supra, p. 295, note 7 . 

3 See supra, p. 296, note \ 

4 The manuscript omits this clause. 

5 The manuscript reads " pass over the bank " (passarem o banco), 
which may possibly be the right reading, as we read towards the end 
of the chapter of the foists' being dragged by the enemy over a " ridge of 
sand " into deep water. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


strait 1 that surrounds the island, and began to have it filled in 
with a view to entering it, and in both parts of the strait 1 Raju 
ordered to be made two tranqueiras for the purpose of pre- 
venting the sallies that our people made by the gates of the 
bastions of Sao Sebastiao and Sancto Antonio : and this 
work also our people attacked, and killed many of their 
men. And although we have said that the captain abandoned 
the island, yet it was not so entirely that he did not leave 
there some lascarins to guard it, who as soon as the enemy 
crossed the strait 1 withdrew to the fortress, and the captain 
commanded those two gateways 2 to be closed up with stone 
and lime, that he might not have to look after them, and 
in order not to occupy in guarding them men that he had 
not got, and left only the gates of Sao Sebastiao 3 and Sao 
Joao and that of Mapano And as the enemy had not made 
a display of all his power, he wished to do so one day, which 
was the 19th of July, and came out on the plain of Mapauo 
with all the elephants in line in front, and the troops in this 
order : in the van his atapato, that is, captain of the guards 4 , 
with six thousand picked men, three thousand matchlock 
men, one thousand targe-bearers, and two thousand lancers 5 , 
who are his bodyguard, like the Janissaries of the Turk, and 
at one part of the plain Canahara 6 , captain-general, with 
five thousand men, and Raju in person with the remainder 
of the army extended over the Quarry, in such sort that as far 
as the eyes reached, in all parts, plains and hills were covered 
with men of arms, which glittered, elephants and many other 
things that threatened death to anyone that did not fear 

1 In the manuscript estreito {cf. supra, p. 299, note 3 ). The printed 
edition reads esteiro, which means an inlet, sea, or river branch or 
arm {cf. supra, p. 292, note 8 ). 

2 The printed edition has " parts." 

3 There must be some error here, since we have just been told that 
this gate was closed up. 

4 See supra, p. 220, note K 

5 The manuscript has calseiros, a word having no meaning that I can 

6 I think there can be no doubt that this word (in the manuscript 
spelt " Chanaara ") represents the name of Senarat Mudali (see Rdjdv. 
91), though how it came to assume this extraordinary form is not 
obvious. Probably the initial letter should be Q, this having been 
substituted for an S ; and the final t has somehow dropped out. (King 
Senarat, who succeeded Dom Joao alias Vimala Dharma Surya, is 
called by the Portuguese writers " Enarat," which represents the alter- 
native form " Henarat.") After " Canahara " the printed edition has 
t he words " que he " (which is) ; but these are not in the manuscript. 



[Vol. XX 

it as little as the Portuguese that beheld that, they not 
being two hundred who had to defend themselves against 
that infernal force, which by such threats wished to make 
itself feared. 

And in order to give them to understand how little they 
esteemed it, there sallied forth against them some captains 
of companies, namely, Antonio Pereira and Antonio Guer- 
reiro with their soldiers, and with them the other 1 Chingala 
fidalgos of whom we have spoken above 2 , who wished to 
demonstrate to the Portuguese their faith and love by parti- 
cipating on occasions when they could be of service to them, 
in order in part to repay them for the honours that they had 
accorded them on their reception : all these fell upon Raju's 
vanguard, and engaged them in a considerable fight, in which 
our people cut them down right well, and the eight Chingalas 
became so intermingled with the enemy in the desire that 
they had to avenge themselves of Raju, that our people 
thought that it was treachery, and that they were returning 
to their own folk : but they, giving no heed to us, went on 
laying many low ; and thus, supported by our men, pressed 
the vanguard so hard, that they made them fall back upon 
the body of the atapata, which followed after. The captain 
Joao Correa was outside in order to come to the help of 
his men if it were necessary ; and seeing that beginning of 
victory, he gave the signal to retire, which they did in 
safety ; and during this confusion a Portuguese, who had 
been a captive there eleven years 3 , took the opportunity 
to escape to us, whom the captain warmly welcomed, 
because he gave him information on many very important 

Raju was not very well satisfied with this show that he 
had made, as it cost him very dear, and he ordered the work 
of fortification to be continued, and they proceeded with a 
tranqueira through the middle of the island; and along the 
other part, which terminates at the bastion of Sao Sebastiao, 
he went on extending another stronger one. By this time 
the lake was drained, and the foists were stranded alongside 
of the bastions, the which Raju was desirous of capturing, 

1 Both the manuscript and the printed edition have " outros "; but 
I suspect that this is an error for onto or oito (eight), which occurs lower 

2 See supra, p. 286. 

3 He must, therefore, have been captured in 1576 : but as we have 
no record of this period of Ceylon history, I cannot say in what engage- 
ment he was made a prisoner. He is probably the Miguel Ferreira 
Baracho spoken of in X. x. vii. (p. 339) infra. 

No. 60. — 1908. ) cotjto : history of ceylon. 


and for that purpose he sent out a body of men in the morning 
watch ; and in order that they might not be noticed they 
drove in front some buffaloes (because these were continually 
accustomed to go about in the lake), and in the midst of these 
they arrived and threw some grapnels that they carried 
with thick hawsers on to the foist of Coresma, which was 
alongside of the bastion of Sao Miguel, and began to haul at it 
in such silence that some soldiers who were on watch in the 
same foist did not notice it, only some lurches that the foist 
gave ; and seeing it to be enemies, they left their beds and 
retired along the wall. Those on the bastion hearing the 
noise passed the word, upon which the captain hastened 
thither with the troops that he led ; and asking what it was, 
they answered, buffaloes that were wandering about in the 
water ; and having ordered them to look carefully, they 
managed to perceive the foist, which was now nearer to 
the island than to the bastion, where it had been; and 
having told the captain the truth of the matter, he ordered 
a postern-gate that was there to be opened, and sent 
out some men in the direction of Calapete 1 ; and these 
dashing into the water fell upon the enemy, who had their 
grapnels on the foist, and had with them a very severe 2 
fight, in which in the end they made them let go of the foist 
with many killed, and drove them back as far as the 
tranqueiras on the island, with much valour and honour. 

Those that distinguished themselves in this affair were 
Antonio Colaco, Fernao Alvares, Diogo Galvao, Antonio 
Dias, a native of Ceilao, Jorge Rodrigues 3 the Amouco*, 
and others ; and with the precipitancy of their going killing 
the enemy they had not time to cut the hawsers, and returned 
leaving them hanging on the foist. The enemy took the 
alarm, and all those of Raju's guard came hurrying up 5 , and 
on their return they found themselves cut off on the Calapete 
side ; and seeing themselves in that peril they attacked a 
squadron of the enemy that was nearest, and fell upon them 
with such fury that it was a marvel, there ensuing between 
them all a very severe battle. Here came to their help the 

1 See supra, p. 283, note 7 . 

2 The manuscript has aspera, while the printed edition has crespa 

3 The manuscript has Gonsalves. I do not know which is right, as, 
though the man is mentioned again (see p. 332), it is only by his nick- 

4 See Hob. -Job. s.v. " A Muck." 

6 The printed edition has " were frightened." 



[Vol. XX, 

father Pero Dias, a cleric, a scholarly man 1 , with some 
companions that he brought, who got into a baloon with 
some fire-darts and six matchlocks, and they reached the 
foist, which the enemy were carrying off, and let fly at them 
in such manner that he set them on fire and burnt them 
at his will, and made them relinquish the foist ; but because 
many came to their help, he returned, having caused great 
havoc among the enemy ; and as the hawsers from the 
foist had in the other direction been attached to capstans 
and to many elephants, which hauled on other cables, she 
was carried away by force, and they made her ride over the 
top of a ridge of sand, and on the other side she slid into 
deep water, in which she floated, and so she remained in 
their power with a falcon and a base and the arms of the 
soldiers that had been on watch in her. Antonio Colaco, 
who was on the Calapete side surrounded by Raju's guard, 
fought with his soldiers like famished lions, causing such 
havoc among the enemy, that with the death of many he 
got rid of them, and returned with all his men wounded. 
The captain Joao Correa, who was ready to hasten where- 
ever it was necessary, seeing that in that quarter the chief 
force of the army was occupied, in great haste sent out 
the lascarins and pachas, and ordered them to attack the 
arrayal from the other quarter : who did this in such fashion 
that they killed many, and captured an elephant with which 
they returned to the fortress, and with several heads in their 
hands, so that, although the enemy had carried off the foist, 
and the captain considered it a disgrace, for the present 
it was tit for tat. In this state things remained for some 
days, during which there were continual assaults, from which 
our people returned in safety, and with their swords dyed in 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. i. 

Of what happened in Geilao after the lake was drained : and 
of the first succour that arrived from outside : and of several 
assaults that our people made on the enemy : and of the 
preparations that were made in anticipation of the first attack 
that Raju determined to make upon the fortress. 

We left the fortress of Columbo with the lake drained, 
which was what the enemy aimed at, in order to make the 
assault on that fortress at all parts, it appearing to him that 

1 The printed edition has " a good scholar." How this father came 
to be in Ceylon, Couto tells us in X. x. iii. (p. 313). 

Xo. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


it could not escape him, it being very weak at the part that 
had been surrounded by the lake (which had made it strong) ; 
and after that they continued making slight assaults here 
and there, which being of no importance we pass over. And 
as the reply tarried to the request for succours that he had 
sent both to the viceroy and to Cochim 1 , and the draining of the 
lake placed that fortress in need of more men for the defence 
of that part, the captain-major in great baste dispatched 2 
Antonio Correa Travacos 3 , magistrate of that fortress, with 
letters to the viceroy, to represent to him the strait in which 
they were, who crossed over in a tone to the opposite coast, 
and took his way by land ; and because Gonsalo Fenian des 
and Belchior Nogueira, who had gone with the first message, 
gave it at Manar to Joao de Mello 4 , captain of that fortress 5 , 
he forthwith fitted out a galliot, in which he ordered to 
embark his nephew Fernao de Mello with forty soldiers and 
many munitions, who with great trouble and risk reached 
Columbo on the eve of St. James the apostle 6 . 

This succour was welcomed, as was natural, it being the 
first 7 ; and the captain, in order to entertain them well, placed 
them in a part where the lake was quite dry, because of its 
being the most hazardous and dangerous , and in honour of the 
feast of St. James the apostle, and to welcome the new guests ; 

1 See supra, p. 297. 

2 In July 1587 : therefore shortly after the departure of the previous 
messengers, mentioned below. 

3 Note the Antonio da Costa Travassos mentioned supra p. 221. 
I do not know when he took up the post of magistrate of Columbo. 

4 Joao de Mello de Sampayo (see supra, p. 83, note 1 ). 

8 From a royal letter of* 12 January 1591, printed in Arch. Port.- 
Or. iii. (253), it seems that Joao de Mello had neglected to spend on the 
fortification of Mannar a sum of money that the inhabitants had contri- 
buted for that purpose — a work which the king had ordered in several 
previous letters, in one of them (10 January 1587) saying that he had 
been informed that Raja Sinha's vessels had many times molested it. 
It also appears that Joao de Mello had been succeeded in the post by 
Nuno Fernandes de Ataide (c/. supra, p. 227, note 1 ). As Couto 
mentions in V. i. vii. (p. 83), Joao de Mello was lost at sea in the Bom 
Jesus on his voyage home in 1592 in company with the late governor of 
India, Manoel de Sousa Coutinho. Part of the inscribed stone that 
covered his wife's tomb in Mannar has recently been discovered and 
rescued from base usage by Mr. J. P. Lewis, C.C.$. (see C. A. S. 
ill. xviii. 355-8). 

« 24 July 1587. 

7 That is, the first since the dispatch of the three messengers men- 
tioned above. 

x 36-08 


[Vol. XX. 

and in order to show the enemy that they feared them little, 
next day, which was that of the apostle, he sent to attack 
the enemies' tranqueiras Manoel Mexia and Pero arache with 
some lascarins, who in the daybreak watch went and hid 
themselves behind some clumps of briars that were in front 
of the island of Antonio de Mendoga, the captain remaining 
in the bastion of Madre de Deus to come and help in any- 
thing that might take place : and these sallying forth from 
the fortress at daybreak rushed with great impetus upon the 
tranqueira that was in that part, and speedily put to flight 
those that were in it, remaining in possession of the tranqueira, 
which 1 in a very short space of time they entirely dismantled, 
because they carried with them for that purpose many 
hatchets; and with the greater part of the timber they 
returned in perfect safety. 

Diogo da Silva modeliar was in ambush at the Quarry 
hill with his lascarins, without making any move all this 
time ; and at the cries from the tranqueira many of the 
enemy hastened to the succour, and arrived just at the time 
that our people had retired, wherefore they deployed along 
the foot of the Quarry hill until they came to place themselves 
in our entrenchments. Diogo da Silva modeliar, who was 
now at their rear, rushing out of the ambuscade with loud 
cries, fell upon the enemy so suddenly, that they first knew 
of his presence by the corpses that they saw ; and they soon 
killed many, and cut off the heads of four, elevating one 
upon a spear, because it was the head of a well-known modeliar 
of theirs. With this sudden onslaught the enemy were put 
to the rout, and our people returned in safety. 

These two affairs took place in sight of Raju, who stormed 
with passion, and told his people to go and bring him the 
head of that Moor, for so he called Diogo da Silva 2 , who 
was soon recognized, and was much feared by all. His 
people seeing him so enraged, a body of them, more from 
shame than willingly, descended to the plain with firelock 
shots and flights of arrows after our people who were retiring ; 
and as they were in the open, and the day was now clear, 
the artillery of the fortress made very fair play amongst 
them, whereby many were left stretched there. In order 
to detain them longer, Joao Correa, whilst the artillery was 
being reloaded, ordered a company 3 of soldiers to go out 
by the gate of Sao Joao to engage them from a distance and 

1 The printed edition omits the words "speedily which." 

2 See supra, p. 276, note 2 . 

3 The manuscript has copia (large number) instead of companhia. 

No. 60. — 1.908.] couto : history of oeylon. 


hold them in play ; but nevertheless the affair came to a 
hand-to-hand conflict, and there ensued a very stiff battle, 
in which our people wrought great havoc among the enemy. 
And the matter went in such fashion that Raju beat the 
retreat, and contended with his men, and insulted them, 
and put them to shame, telling them that the Moor did 
more than all of them together : and so great was his passion, 
that he commanded to issue* proclamations throughout the 
whole army that on the person who in that war brought 
him the head of the Moor Diogo da Silva he would confer 
honours and favours above all bestowed on those who in that 
expedition performed famous feats. And in order to com- 
pensate himself for that loss, he commanded to make the 
first 1 assault very soon with all his forces, thinking that by 
it he would conclude that business ; and he ordered to be 
prepared for that purpose the things necessary, and dividing 
amongst his modeliares and araches the posts and bastions 
that each one had to attack, so that they should not embarrass 
one another, whereupon they all got ready with whatever 
seemed to them necessary for that purpose, and he also 
served out to the army munitions of war and materials 
prepared for the assault. 

The captain Joao Correa was soon informed by spies of 
all that was being arranged, and of how they had determined 
to attack by night : wherefore he at once ordered to get 
ready everything necessary for the defence, and to provide 
the posts and bastions with powder and munitions and other 
military requisites, so that all might have everything at hand 
at that time ; and because that part near the lake that was 
drained, at which he had placed Fernao de Mello, was weak, 
he distributed amongst the most necessitous parts the soldiers 
on duty on the counter-rounds, and charged upon them the 
guard and defence of that part. The captains of the bastions 
ordered many pointed stakes to be prepared, and planted 
them around the walls, and hung out a fine array of flags. 
Domingos Marques, captain of the bastion of Sao Miguel, 
as soon as it was night placed around it many cressets, and 
Pero Toscano did the same on his bastion of Sao Gonsalo, 
who, on account of its being very low, watched with all his 
soldiers outside, going out and entering by the embrasures, 
in order, when the assault should take place, to prevent 
them from coming to it with ladders ; and the same pre- 
parations were made all round the fortress, everyone getting 
ready in advance whatever was necessary, since Raju 

1 The manuscript omits " the first." 




[Vol. XX. 

went spinning out the time in order to be able to have every- 
thing very well done. And the best and most important 
preparations that the captain ordered for the defence of 
that city were masses, orisons, litanies, and other prayers, 
in order to propitiate the most high God and the glorious 
Virgin his mother 1 . 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. ii. 

Of the very great and pertinacious assault that Raju made upon 
our fortress : and of what happened therein 2 . 

Raju selected for making the first assault the day most 
suitable for the Portuguese that could be, which was that 
of Our Lady of the Snows, which falls on the 4th of August, 
on which she was accustomed to satisfy the whole world with 
her favours and gifts, and on which all Christians are so devout. 
And the watch before daybreak having passed, Raju began to 
march out of his encampments in the following order : — In 
front he sent many elephants of war divided into three bodies 
and in charge of three modeliares, which were to attack the 
bastions of Sao Miguel, Sao Gonsalo 3 , and Sao Francisco 4 ; 
behind the elephants the spearmen, and then the targe-bearers, 
and behind these the bowmen, and behind all the whole of 
the musketry ; and on the lake, in parts that still contained 
water, he placed many catapunes 5 , which are small boats, moored 
one to another, forming a large jangada 6 laden with men. 

In this order Raju began to move by the point of the 
island towards the lake, he himself remaining at the point, 
and commanded the captains to attack the bastions that were 
allotted to them : which each did in such silence, that if our 
paople had not kept such a strict watch it may well be that 
they had not noticed them except in the bastion, the night 
being very dark ; for those that were watching saw a sort of 
black mass like a very dark and thick cloud, which came 

1 This last sentence, like many similar ones in this and other Decades , 
is probably an interpolation by Couto's priestly brother-in-law, Fr. 
Adeodato da Trinidade. 

2 The printed edition makes this last word refer to the fortress, but 
the manuscript, with more probability, refers it to the assault. 

3 The manuscript puts this bastion last. 

4 Both the manuscript and the printed edition, here and further on, 
have this name, which must, however, be an error, since in the list of 
bastions given on pp. 293-7 supra no such name appears. Madre de 
Deos is probably intended, the Franciscan convent being apparently 
adjacent thereto (see infra, p. 408, note 2 ). 

5 See supra, p. 228, note *. 

6 See supra, p. 75, note 3 . 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


before their sight, and in the midst of it they began to perceive 
the matches in such number that it looked like some great 
flight of those little insects that shine at night ; and beating to 
arms they all stood with theirs in their hands, and Joao 
Correa de Brito hastened and made the round of all the 
bastions, and posts, and found all already on the alert and full 
of spirit in expectation of the enemy. Having reached the 
bastions they began the assault with that confused multitude, 
according to the custom of all the Moors and heathens of 
this East, which is not to fight in regular squadrons and 
distinct ranks, nor to the sound of concerted drums and 
fifes, but with that barbarous multitude, who can move 
better to the sound of certain confused beats of certain melan- 
choly and sad kettledrums that they use : so these with 
that barbarous determination arrived at the three bastions of 
Sao Miguel, Sao Gonsalo, and Sao Francisco, against which 
they straightway set up many ladders, by which they began 
to climb, and below more than two thousand quarrymen, 
who had been brought for that purpose, set to work to under- 
mine and breach the wall with great noise. 

Our men, as soon as they perceived the enemy at the foot 
of the bastions, discharged upon them the storm of artillery 
and harquebusery, whereby many remained on the field 
without parts of their bodies, and others flew through the air in 
pieces ; and to those that were attempting the ascent they 
soon showed by the blows that they gave them and by the 
things that they hurled upon them that that city was not to 
cost them as cheap as they thought. Pero Toscano, captain 
of the bastion of Santiago 1 , who was accustomed to watch 
outside, received that barbarous encounter with much valour 
and spirit, causing great havoc among the enemy, because 
they went unexpectant of finding any impediment outside, 
nor indeed thinking that those that were inside could await 
their onrush : but just as they deceived themselves in their 
opinion, so they paid well for their arrogance, because the 
boldest that came near soon felt in their flesh how different 
was the purpose of our men. 

The battle being joined, there presently began throughout 
the city a great hubbub of women, children, and other useless 
persons, who went about the streets begging for mercy : and 
thus all that was heard inside and outside was cries, vocifera- 
tions, and the clashing of arms, by all which was created a 
confusion. The captain accompanied by the monks went the 
round of all the bastions, stopping a little in each one, seeing 
and providing all that was necessery, and encouraging all, and 

1 This should be Sao Gonsalo (see supra, pp. 295, 307, and infra, p. 310). 



[Vol. XX. 

praising them with words of gratitude, which in their case 
was little needed 1 , because all could lend courage and spirit. 
And on arriving at the bastion of Sao Gonsalo he commanded 
to shout to Pero Toscano, who was fighting outside, to come 
in, which he did in very good order through the embrasures ; 
and some entering by them, and others fighting without 
retiring, and in the embrasures he left two valiant soldiers, 
each with his half -pike, and others with fire-lances and 
some matchlocks, and he with the rest of the soldiers went 
up on to the bastion, where he put himself on the defensive, 
fighting with much valour, because it was attacked by the 
greatest body of troops and the largest force of elephants, 
which on arriving at the wall strove to reach with their trunks 
the edges of the mud- walls in order to pull them down ; 
but our men so annoyed them that they made them turn 
back with loud trumpetings and roars. 

At that part which the elephants were trying to reach 
were the araches Manoel Gonsalves and Tanavira, who had a 
very difficult task, on account of the walls' being very low 
there, a part well-known to the enemy, and which they 
purposely came to, and they pressed the attack so fiercely 
there that the lascarins, being unable to endure that impetus, 
abandoned the whole and fled, leaving alone the two araches, 
who performed marvellous feats of arms. At the time that 
the lascarins fled from the post there came to it the father 
Pero Dias, cleric ; and finding them in that terror animated 
and emboldened them, and made them go up, saying that 
the captain was just coming with succour, and he remained 
with them in that part, where the araches performed very 
great deeds of valour, and he helped them and animated them, 
making the lascarins fight, and from there dispatched a 
message to the captain of the peril in which that part was, 
who returned to it, and finding the lascarins so discouraged, 
he put himself amongst them, and began to fight very 
courageously, emboldening all, and making much of the 
deeds of the two araches, who had done marvellous things, 
whereby all gained fresh courage, and began to renew their 
strokes, hurling upon the enemy many pots of powder, with 
which they set many on fire and made the elephants stop. 

The rumour of the peril in which that part was reached 
there ; and Pero Francisco, captain of one of the rounds, 
ascending to the platforms distributed his soldiers and 
lascarins at the loopholes in the wall, whence with their 
matchlocks they caused great destruction among the enemy, 

1 By an oversight, the manuscript omits the words from " and 
encouraging" to " needed." 

No. 60.— 1908.] couTo: history of ceylon. 311 

whereby many soldiers gaining fresh courage were now not 
content to fight under shelter, but astride on the walls they 
cast upon the enemy many deadly missiles both of iron and 
fire, with which they burnt a great part of the stonemasons 
who were undermining the wall, and made them get away 
in spite of themselves. But as the multitude of the enemy 
was so great, and for all the large number that they killed 
the loss was imperceptible amongst them, nor did their 
captains have much concern over it, but hastened to that 
part, and doubled the number both of those fighting and of 
those that had to destroy the walls, the which they recom- 
menced to do, and the others to climb up in order to get 
over the wall, upon which the havoc and cries began anew : 
and as the captain had now left, having gone off to view the 
other parts, all would have been lost, although the ar aches 
and the father Pero Dias and other soldiers and knights 
did temerarious deeds, if some had not come to help, who 
hastened at the report that flew about of the strait in which 
that part was, and began to participate in its defence with 
great valour and energy, all of them employing their weapons 
and hands to such purpose to the enemy's hurt, who were 
climbing up the ladders, that no one missed a stroke or threw 
a pot of powder in vain. And the captain Joao Correa once 
more hastened to that part, because they had given him the 
alarm, and presenting himself in front of all, and naming 
himself by his name, in order to encourage our men as well 
as to dishearten the enemy, he began to fight very resolutely, 
because the affair was very hazardous, and the enemy had 
thrown on the top of the wall much fire in order to drive our 
men away. But as in these dangers what least concerns the 
Portuguese lovers of honour is the kind of death that may 
be most cruel, there forced their way to the front Fernao 
Dalvares, Pero Gonsalves Cananor, and other valorous 
soldiers, and in the midst of those flames with their arms in 
their hands did everything that can be imagined to prevent 
the entrance of the enemy, upon which they had put forth 
all their strength. The captain here performed his office very 
well, for he fought continuously, and took part in the greatest 
dangers, and at the same time provided for things that seemed 
to him necessary. 

At the bastion of Sao Gonsalo a similar assault was ex- 
perienced, because all around it was encircled by ladders 
full of enemies, and the embrasures of which those in that 
quarter made use were attacked with much determination ; 
and upon those that were below for its defence fell the brunt 
of the attacks, because the arrows and the fire that entered 
by them was enough to set fire to the whole city, and so they 



[Vol. XX. 

made our men retire within, burnt and almost blinded by the 
smoke, because the worst danger in which they found 
themselves was its density, under cover of which the enemy 
were determined to enter the embrasures : but those inside 
even with those impediments defended them against them 
valorously, and they succeeded in cutting the spears of our 
men, who after having many times dipped these in the coarse 
blood of the enemy took to their swords, and caused amongst 
them another new destruction, and with them proved 
the strength of their valorous and valiant arms, which was 
afterwards seen in the terrible gashes of those that were there, 
the combat ending in those that lay stretched at the foot 
of the embrasures. 

Those that were climbing up the ladders strove all they 
could to get to the top, without heeding those that fell down 
from close beside them cut to pieces, but the rather the 
number of those that ascended increasing, they threw on the 
top so much fire that the bastion became a mass of flame ; 
and our men drawing off a little 1 outside, a soldier, Gaspar 
Dias by name, who that day had done great things, seeing 
the fire, and that in the bastion was a quantity of powder, 
which they had there in case of necessity, seeing that if the 
fire reached it there would be an end of everything 2 , deter- 
mined either to die or to deliver all from that peril, and so 
seized a bed-cover and some mats, and with all these threw 
himself upon the flame, whereby he smothered it and got it 
under, and with the same readiness darted upon a jar of 
water that stood there, and poured the whole of it upon the 
fire, and entirely extinguished it, whereby those of the bastion 
were freer to defend themselves, returning to their posts, 
in which they did wonders. Of much value and help to our 
men were the many cressets that the captain of that bastion 
had ordered to set alight all over it, which continued to burn 
as long as the combat lasted, and the soldiers saw very well 
where it was necessary to go to help : and this was a most 
important work, because for very shame the lascarins were 
forced to stay at the sides, where they fought, which maybe 
they would not have done had it been dark, and they could 
have slunk away without being seen, on, account of the great 
strait in which they many times found themselves. 

The enemy went on with their perseverance, striving to 
enter both this bastion and also at the sides by the wall that 
joined on to it, at which were the araches Manoel Gonsalves 
and Tanavira ; and although they saw how well our people 

1 The manuscript has passo (step) for pouco. 

2 The manuscript has " all would be burnt up." 

No. 60.— 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


defended themselves, and the havoc tnat was caused amongst 
their own, they did not desist from the attempt, but rather 
each time persevered the more, using every expedient to 
enter it, making the elephants by force of blows come up to 
the mud- walls with their trunks raised in order to lay hold 
of them : but our men with many 1 fire-lances made them 
retire, discharging amongst them a large quantity of harque- 
busery and pots of powder, which was what our people made 
use of most, with which they set fire to the stonemasons who 
came to undermine the walls ; and as the elephants were 
very big, and were seen very well by our people in the bright 
light, they did not miss one shot, and so worried them that 
they knew not how to act : because their cornacas 1 , who are 
those that manage them , giving them blows and abusing them 
by the title of cowards, and our people worrying them and 
hurting them if they came near, they gave such loud trumpet- 
ings, that even with the city all round occupied in its defence, 
with cries in all parts, and with the clatter and clash of arms, 
and the bombard-shots, all of which made a confusion of sounds, 
yet they did not fail to cause terror to everyone. 

And at the stretch of wall that runs from the bastion of Sao 
Gonsalo to that of Sao Miguel were fighting Chinapoli and 
Sebastiao Bayao, captains of certain companies, who vigor- 
ously defended that quarter, in whose company fought the 
Moors, natives of Ceilao, of whom there would be some forty 
villages, with as much courage and willingness as the Portu- 
guese themselves, calling out to the enemy who came near 
that they would make with their spears ladders for them to 
ascend by. These Moors, natives of Columbo, are a sort of 
mixties of some that our people found there when that fortress 
was founded, who were allowed to remain there 2 , and always 
served with nluch loyalty, upon which they greatly pride them- 
selves, they being the only ones in India in whom we never 
found deceit. 

Further on at the bastion of Sao Miguel fought Antonio 
Bias da Lomba and Antonio Lourenco, captains of the round, 
with the men under their orders, both of them knights in 
whom the captain had much confidence. Fernao de Mello, 
who was the first that arrived in relief 3 , leaving the soldiers 
in his quarter, with some that he picked out, went round visit- 
ing the parts where there was most danger, assisting them 
and helping them in every way ; and coming to the bastion of 

1 See Hob. -Job. s.v. " Cornac." 

2 It is curious that neither Barros nor any of the other Portuguese 
historians mentions this fact. 

3 See supra, p. 305, note T . 



[Vol. XX. 

Sao Miguel, having been told that it was in straits, and seeing 
the energy with which Domingos Marques, who was its 
captain, was fighting, asked him if he had need of anyone or 
of anything, and he replied no. He then passed on by the 
stretch of wall to the bastion of Conceicao , the^captain of 
which was Antonio Pereira, whom he foundjvery well 1 
supplied with munitions, his soldiers righting mfmarvellous 
order with much courage and energy. Considering him safe, 
he went on to the bastion of Sao Pedro 2 , of which Thome 
Pires was captain, which he found well fortified, and with him 
all his comrades full of courage, fighting very vigorously, being 
hard beset by the enemy, it being less than a hundred paces 
to the opposite bank, and the lake being there quite dry, 
at which part it was attacked very determinedly, the enemy 
being many times repulsed with much loss : wherefore seeing 
that he had nothing to do there he went round the other parts, 
at which he always offered and tendered his services in all the 
troubles that he found there. 

At the bastion of Madre de Deus, in which was Estevao 
Correa, the enemy received the very greatest damage : 
because being over against the part by which the enemy had 
to go out to battle, the artillery being levelled upon it, on 
their making their appearance it gave them such a warm 
welcome, that before they knew that they were seen they felt 
the fury of their cannon-balls, by which many were torn to 
pieces, and in the assault that they made on it were greatly 
undeceived, since they so prevented their ascent at the cost of 
others, that they now attempted it with less confidence. 

And although at all parts the extremity was great, yet at 
the bastion of Sao Miguel it was very great, because on it were 
concentrated the chief forces of the enemy, with many ele- 
phants, many pots of powder and other appliances, striving to 
mount on the top : but being prevented from doing this with 
great courage, which the captain Domingos Marques showed in 
all these troubles and dangers, aided by the master gunner of 
the fortress, named Pero Gonsalves, a man famous at his 
business, which he carried out with great ease and fortitude, 
making many and very accurate shots, which caused great 
carnage among the enemy ; and at the greatest height of the 
danger, the enemy being in the act of boarding, he ran to the 
wall, defending it valorously, leaning with half his body out 
of the embrasures in order to wound and kill those that were 

1 The printed edition has soberbamenie (proudly), an error, apparently , 
for sobreabundantemente. The manuscript has bem. 

2 Sic, for Sao Paulo ? (See supra, p. 296, and infra, p. 332.) 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history 01? oeylon. 315 

climbing up, hurling upon them many pots of powder, which 
he did many times with such dexterity that the enemy could 
never wound him, desirous as they were of avenging themselves 
on him for the injury they had received ; and the elephants 
tried to throw their trunks upon the pieces of artillery in order 
to drag them down ; but with fire-lances they likewise were 
repulsed. Antonio Dias da Lomba, who was fighting on the 
flank of this bastion, and who had charge of the powder and the 
pots, seeing the attack that was taking place on the bastion, 
and that the soldiers after their spears had broken off in the 
breasts of the enemies hastened to look for pots of powder, 
leaving their posts vacant, whereby the bastion ran risk, 
hastened with great promptitude, bringing baskets of them, 
making them stay in their places, and he on his part did 
nothing else but run to all of them and supply them with these, 
because this was not intrusted to anyone else, for fear that 
through panic there might happen to him some disaster, 
whereby the bastion might take fire, which would cause a 
total destruction, and in this manner he provided them all 
very well, and munitions were not lacking to those that asked 
for them. 

This stress lasted at all parts nearly an hour, during 
which they lost many men and the confidence with which 
they had arrived, because each time they found our people 
more desperate : wherefore they were forced to retire some 
twenty paces away ; and as they were many, and became 
more densely packed, our harquebusery caused amongst 
them such havoc that it was dreadful. Raju, who was on the 
point of the island, on their bringing him word that his men 
had withdrawn discomfited, when he hoped that it was for 
him to go and enter the city, was like to die of passion ; and 
although they told him of the great havoc that had been 
wrought among his people, with much anger he commanded 
his captains to return with all the rest of the force and attack 
the positions, giving the signal to all with five strokes 
that he ordered to be made on the kettledrums, which 
is what is done when it is intended to risk the whole force. 
The modeliares rushed upon the bastions with such noise, fury, 
and confusion, that that barbarous uproar might have put 
fear into anyone that had not already lost it, like our men, 
who were at their posts to defend them as promptly as if 
they were quite free from trouble. Those of the king's guard 
and others that were very venturesome, who had come in 
fresh, arriving at the walls and bastions set up a great number 
of ladders, by which they began to ascend, naming themselves, 
as if our people knew them, not understanding that the braver 
and more renowned they were, with all the more pleasure and 


willingness would they defend their positions and act on the 
offensive against them ; because now the spirit of every one 
of them was contented only with greater dangers. 

Where they attacked most and contended with most vigour 
was at the bastion of Sao Gonsalo, the first that attempted 
to enter it being those of the king's guard, who came armed 
with breastplates, coats of mail, headpieces and morrions, 
and with many two-handed swords, with which they cleft 
many spears of those on the bastion, who first with these 
threw down many of their men, thrust through and through. 
The stonemasons returned to their work, and went under- 
mining the wall, and the elephants with their trunks groped 
on the top of the positions, striving to get at the artillery in 
order to pull it down : but as it was loaded with its cartridges, 
being discharged amongst them it caused great destruction, 
and the elephants with the pain of the wounds and the rever- 
beration of the artillery wheeled back, and trampled upon 
a great number of their men, upon whom there showered from 
all parts so many things thrown by our people to hurt them, 
that the whole plain below was strewn with mutilated corpses, 
which formed a great impediment to the living. Some of the 
most noted Chingalas, who wished to gain great honours in 
the presence of Raju, tried hard to plant some banners that 
they bore on the summit of the bastion of Sao Gonsalo, which 
our men prevented so much to their cost that in a confused 
heap with these they went whirling down below cut to pieces ; 
but as here was the greatest strength of Raju's force, and 
most picked and fiercest, our men found themselves in very 
great straits. 

At that time came the captain, and seeing that bastion in 
so great danger remained there, and sent to summon Thome 
de Sousa de Arronches, who, although until now we have not 
spoken of him, it is not that he was idle, but rather equally 
with the captain he went about continually providing and 
reinforcing the most necessitous parts, there having been 
committed to him all that part from his bastion 1 as far 
as that of Madre de Deus, because the captain wished to 
discharge upon him part of the responsibilities that he took 
upon himself ; and as long as the combat lasted, and in fact 
the whole siege, he fulfilled the office not only of captain but 
also of valiant soldier, and of very expert bombardier, himself 
aiming the bombards and discharging them, and arranging 
many important things in the defence of that fortress. And 
having been given the message of the captain he incharged 

1 S. Joao. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


the bastion to the modeliar Biogo da Suva, and taking some 
companions with him went and took his place in the bastion 
of Sao Gonsalo, where the confusion was very great, and there 
in a position in front performed deeds of great merit and of 
much harm to the enemy. 

The captain seeing him there hastened to the other parts 
in order to see everything with his own eyes, and came to the 
bastion of Sao Miguel, which was also surrounded by a fresh 
body of enemies, who with great emulation strove as to who 
should be the first to reach the top. This assault was very 
rigorous, and during it there took place many things, which 
cannot be particularized , since to any one of our men a special 
chapter might be devoted : because he that did least did all 
that could be expected from a valorous soul and of a tireless 
spirit: and thus all did so much, that with the death of the 
greater part of the enemy they made them retire, there having 
been as much more time in which they fought as there had 
been in the first assault. 

Raju, who every moment had warning of what was passing, 
on learning that such troops had been once more routed with 
much greater loss than at first, became like mad, and 
commanded that all should perish or they should capture 
Columbo for him, and once more gave the signal for battle, at 
which they all returned the third time with as much fear of Raju 
as of our people, and so they made onset 1 on all sides with such 
shouts and alarms like men that were going to offer themselves 
to death, which they soon found from such a variety of causes 
that before half-an-hour they retired at a signal that Raju 
commanded to make, on account of their telling him that all 
was at an end. Just at this time the morning dawned, which 
was for our people as great a joy as comes to those that in 
some storm thought themselves lost in the darkness of night, 
when the day breaks upon them clear and serene. 

The enemy having retired, there still went after them an 
endless number of balls, which all along cut them up ; and so 
in the whole of Raju's arrayal there was a general lamentation 
for so great a loss, the sorrow and sadness on one side equalling, 
though with a different sentiment, the joy and gladness on 
the other, because in our fortress all that day there were very 
great festivities, which were noticed in the arrayal, and which 
made their sorrow all the greater, since thus do things go in 
the world, that the same things that give pleasure to some 
cause the loss of it to others : but that in which our people 
showed the greatest joy and transport for the victory was in 

1 The printed edition by an oversight omits the words "all .... onset." 



[Vol. XX. 

the many thanks and praises that they gave to the most 
high God and to his mother the Virgin of the Snows, on whose 
day they had received such a signal mercy, those that could 
offering to her gifts and pilgrimages. The captain hastened 
to inspect the wounded, whom he ordered to be tended with 
great care. 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. iii. 

Of the loss that there was on the side of the enemy : and of some 
succours that came from without : and of how the captain 
repaired the bastions and posts. 

The captain was very desirous of knowing what was taking 
place in Raju's camp since this combat and the number of 
dead, wherefore he sent out his spies, who brought him the 
head of a lascarim, and a cornaca alive, who was unable to 
give information about anything. At the same conjuncture 
there fled to the fortress three Chinamen who had been cap- 
tives, who were wrecked in a ship, in which the father Pero 
Dias was also coming, which ran ashore, and the father and 
some others saved themselves in the boat, and the rest were 
made captives on land 1 . These likewise were unable to 
give the information that the captain desired ; but after- 
wards there came other spies, who were able to give full 
particulars, and affirmed that Raju had lost four hundred 
men, the very pick of the army, among whom were many 
ar aches and the modeliares of Tanavaca 2 and Cornagale 3 , 
and more than two thousand wounded ; they had also had 
two elephants killed and six wounded. 

1 Couto gives no date for this wreck, and I can find no other reference 
to it. Presumably the ship was coming .from China to India, and was 
wrecked on the south or west coast of Ceylon. In what capacity the 
three Chinamen (homens Chinas) were coming, does not appear. 

2 See supra, p. 34, note 3 . The manuscript has " Tanacaua." 

3 The printed edition has " o da Cornaria do Gale," and the manu- 
script the same, except that the third word reads " Carnaria." This 
means literally " him of the Cornaria of the Gale," which is sheer non- 
sense. I have therefore ventured to substitute " of Cornagale," 
though an objection to this is the fact that nowhere else does Couto 
mention Kurunegala by name (unless " Urungure " in VII. in. v. be 
meant for this). " Cornaria " may, however, be a copyist's error for 
" Comarca " — district, in which case the translation would be : 
" and him [the modeliar] of the district of Gale." 

No. 60. — 1908.] coitto : history of ceylon. 


Raju, incensed at the result, determined to place the city 
in such straits and to weary our people in such fashion as to 
reduce them to desperation, and at once in great haste com- 
manded the tranqueiras to be carried on to quite close to 
the walls of the city ; and at their angles he caused to be 
erected some wooden bastions so high that they reached to 
the artillery of the bastions that looked towards that side, 
and proceeded with some fillings in the place occupied by the 
lake 1 , and commanded to make a summoning of men through- 
out the whole island, and to bring more material, as he was 
determined to get close up to the walls, in order that they 
might be able from their entrenchments to pass to them. 

The captain, who was not neglectful of the matters of his 
duty, ordered the bastions and other most necessary parts 
to be repaired ; and on that of Sao Miguel, it being lower, 
and the enemy having their eye upon it, he ordered to make 
a wooden story with the beams of thick palm-trees, and 
ordered the embrasures to be filled in and stopped up 2 , be- 
cause they were occupied by soldiers of whom he had need 
above ; and around the story that he erected he made plat- 
forms and parapets for our men to fight more under cover ; 
and in the story he placed some falcons and bases in order to 
play upon the island that had been abandoned, on which 
the enemy went on fortifying themselves, so that they might 
hinder them in that work ; and as the bastion of Sao Gonsalo 
was also very low, he raised the parapets, and filled it up in 
such manner that now it was more defensible ; and from the 
bastion of Sancto Estevao as far as the watch-tower of Manoel 
Borges 3 he ordered to be dug on the outer side a ditch three 
spans in width and two fathoms in depth, so that the ele- 
phants could not come near to the wall , which was of mud. 

And because word of the succours that he had sent to ask 
for tarried, he again dispatched 4 one Bertolameu Rodrigues 
with letters to the viceroy, in which he gave him news of the 
combat, and sent him a plan of it, with the whole army of 
the enemy, and the mode of his fortifications 5 , so that thereby 
he might see the need in which Columbo was. This man 

1 I am not sure of the exact meaning here. 

2 The printed edition omits " and stopped up." 

:! In the list of bastions and watch-towers given on p. 293-7 supra, 
this watch-tower is not mentioned ; and I am uncertain regarding its 
position (see infra, p. 338, note 1 ). 

4 On 15 August 1587, as is stated further on. 

5 This plan, were it still extant (which is not probable), would be of 
the utmost value in elucidating Couto's somewhat obscure and confused 
account of the siege. 



[Vol. XX. 

crossed over to Manar in a tone, and thence to the coast of 
Negapatao, and took his way by land to Goa, and now we 
shall leave him 1 , to continue with Gonsalo Fernandes, who 
had left before him. The latter, after he had given word 
at Manar of the siege, and had left Fernao de Mello pledged 
to go in succour 2 , crossed over to Negapatao, where he spread 
the news of the strait in which Columbo was, upon which 
one Diogo Fernandes Pessoa, a nobleman and worthy knight, 
bought a galliot and paid twenty -four soldiers ; and filling 
the ship with provisions and munitions, all with his own 
money, quickly set out in succour ; and one Antonio de Aguiar 
de Vasconeellos, envious of him, since matters of this nature 
greatly ar'ouse friends of honour, took a calemute*, and nego- 
ciated fifteen soldiers, with whom he set out soon after the 
other, and even overtook him on the Fishery Coast. And 
both putting out to sea to cross over to Columbo , there struck 
them a storm so severe, that they were like to have been lost, 
whereby Antonio 4 Fernandes Pessoa was driven to Manar, 
the ship being heavier ; but the calemute of Aguiar went 
running on ; and the soldiers many times requesting him 
to run to land, which he did not wish to do, telling them that 
he had not set out in succoui for the fortress of the king to 
be stopped from reaching it by any inconvenience : that he 
would get there or die in the attempt ; and that they could 
not wish for a more glorious death or a more honoured life ; 
and so he went passing through that tempest awash and 
submerged many times, without being put in fear by the 
danger in which he saw himself so many times ; and God 
favouring such noble thoughts, he reached Columbo on the 
same day that Bertolameu Rodrigues left, which was the 
15th of August, the day of the glorious assumption of our 
Lady the Virgin. The captain and all the people hastened 
to the shore to welcome this succour : because it is very 
natural in all sieges for them to think that in everything that 
comes to them from without comes their salvation ; and 
Antonio de Aguiar disembarking, the captain took him and 
stationed him on a stretch of wall that abuts on the bastion of 
Sao Sebastiao, it being a very perilous and hazardous place, 
the which he began to govern and to garrison and fortify 
very well. 

1 His arrival at Goa is recorded by Couto in chap. x. infra (p. 353). 

2 See supra, p. 305 

3 What kind of vessel this was, I do not know. The word occurs 
again in X. x. viii. (p. 344) infra : see also Boc. 101. 

4 Both the manuscript and the printed edition read thus, though 
above they have " Diogo," as also in chapter xi. (p. 357) infra. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of oeylon. 


Of this succour, and of the departure of Bertolameu Rodri- 
gues, Raju was soon informed ; and as our people in the 
meantime were negligent, he determined to keep them in play 
with figments, and to make a show of not continuing the siege : 
so he commanded to shout to those on the bastion of Sao 
Sebastia5 to tell the captain on behalf of Raju to send him 
there Jeronymo 1 Bayao, or some other person of respectability, 
because he wished to discuss with him matters of importance to 
him the captain. The latter having received the message, and 
at once understanding his designs , ordered those on the bastion 
to tell him to do that for which he came, and to go forward with 
his works, and that if he wanted any help in them he would give 
it to him ; and that it would be good to -fortify himself well, as 
he would be with him there very speedily : and so the matter 
stood, without anymore being said. This was the same day 
on which Aguiar arrived, and on the next Raju ordered his 
troops out upon the field, and from our fortress there sallied 
forth against them some who engaged them ; and although they 
had a skirmish that lasted a good while , yet it was not sangui- 
nary: and after this manner there were others almost every day. 

Raju went carrying on his tranqueiras until he had placed 
himself thirty paces from the bastion of Sao Sebastiao, com- 
manding the works to be carried still further forward ; 
against which the captain ordered to go out the modeliar of 
Candea Dom Joao de Austria, captain of the native troops 2 , 
and the arache Pedro 3 Afonso with his lascarins, and some 
Portuguese with them, in order to go and dismantle that work, 
so that it might not be carried forward. This company 
sallied forth from the fortress in the daylight watch, and fell 
upon the work in dead silence, the Portuguese going in front, 
who attacked the tranqueiras ; and throwing into it many pots 
of powder, they entered after them, and had with those that 
guarded it, who were many picked men, a great battle ; and 
whilst it lasted the lascarins occupied themselves in demolish- 
ing the tranqueira by force, as they had been ordered, and 
others in carrying the wood to the fortress, the Portuguese 
maintaining the battle inside the bastion ; and they fought so 
stubbornly that with the death of many they drove them all 
out ; and having demolished the tranqueira entirely, our 
people retired in perfect safety, having lost only one, although 
some returned wounded, but all the rest laden with arms and 
spoils of the enemy, of whom thirty were killed. 

1 The manuscript has in error " Joao." Gf. pp. 358, 363 infra. 

2 In the previous passage where he is mentioned (p. 294) we are not 
told of his holding this command. 

3 The manuscript has " Dom " for " Pedro." 

Y 36-08 



[Vol XX. 

There signalized himself in this assault a soldier, Joseph 
Fernandes by name, who with a fire-lance was the foremost 
that entered the tranqueira and made a way for the rest ; and 
after the lance was exhausted he attacked the enemy with his 
arms, because he was very strong ; and when he got hold of one 
he threw him behind to his comrades, who killed him, and 
thus he did to many. And whilst about this he received eight 
wounds, one of them mortal ; and having retired from there, 
after getting outside he missed his hat and a handkerchief 
with nine budgrooks 1 tied up in it, which appears to have been 
his whole capital, which he had left in the tranqueira, and 
wished to return to seek it ; but could not because he was 
streaming with blood all over. This was a deed from which 
he should have been given for each budgrook many cruzados ; 
but he was left without these and without the budgrooks ; 
and if he lived afterwards (which we do not know 2 ) , perad- 
venture he may have died of hunger, and his name would 
never have been known ; but it must be placed in this 
writing, and also all the rest of this nature, albeit the 
favours of time should deny them the reward of their merits. 
And peradventure that by the neglect of some, if a small 
deed of this sort had been performed by some relative or 
connection, it would have been necessary to extol it with 
signal favours, which at last have an eternal limit with life ; 
but these who are thus forgotten and despised by the world, 
in which such famous deeds have become blotted out for lack 
of favours, these shall never be so in my writing, without being 
given the limited reward, but a fame without end, and which 
will endure as long as the world shall be. 

And returning to our subject, Raju was exceedingly in- 
censed at this success, and did not fail to seek for every method 
and stratagem in order to obtain his revenge, and to see if he 
could not get the fortress into his hands, and commanded at 
once to excavate a mine from his tranqueira to the bastion of 
Sao Sebastiao, of the depth of a fathom ; and in carrying it 
forward they came upon two ponds of water that were on 
each side, wherefore he brought it out above the ground 
twenty paces from the bastion, where he built another tran- 
queira of wood very strong and with fillings, the structure of 
which was below the mines, on account of the artillery, that 
it should do no harm to his fortress 3 . 

1 A coin of low value (see Hob.- Job. s.v.). 

2 A curious statement, after informing us that he was mortally 
wounded ! 

3 The description is not very intelligible. We shall return to this 
mine in chap. vii. infra (p. 336). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


Dec. X., Bk. x., Ohap. iv. 

Of how the city of Cochim sent an armada in succour to Geilad : 
and of how Raju took in hand to attack the fortress by sea 
and by land : and of what took place besides. 

So much haste did Belchior Nogueira make, who left for 
Goa with word of the siege 1 , that in a few days he arrived 2 
at the city of Cochim, and gave the letters that he bore from 
Joao Correa to Dom Estevao de Meneses, captain of that 
fortress, and others to the aldermen, in which he begged 
them to succour him, because he was in the last extremity, 
and that this might be as speedily as possible, as the enemy 
had come with the whole power of the island of Ceilao against 
that fortress, in which there were not three hundred men 3 . 
Seeing this necessity, the captain met in chamber with the 
aldermen and principal inhabitants, who discussed this 
matter : and as that city was accustomed, with great zeal 
for the service of the king, to help in similar needs, without 
sparing expenses or risks to their persons, it was at once 
resolved to negotiate six ships filled with men and munitions, 
the expenses of which were to be met from the sum of one 
per cent which was set aside for the works and fortification 
of that city 4 , as it could be spent on nothing better or of more 
importance. And forthwith they commenced to set the 
ships afloat and to pay the soldiers ; and as there had arrived 
at that port during that time Nuno Alvares Datouguia in a 
galliot that came from Coulao, where it wintered by command 
of the viceroy, they intrusted to him this expedition, which 
he accepted with much pleasure, and immediately began to 
embark, and in five days sailed 5 across the bar with six ships, 
in which he carried one hundred and eighty hired soldiers, 
and the ships armed for three months with many munitions : 
besides Nuno Alvares Datouguia there went Adriao Nunes 

1 See supra, pp. 297- 8, 305. 

2 Soon after the middle of July 1587. 

3 See supra, p. 293. The manuscript here has " thirty " instead 
of " three hundred." 

4 The one per cent, was levied on the customs. Goa had a similar 
levy ; and it appears from correspondence between the king and the 
Goa chamber, printed in Arch. Port. -Or. i., that about this time the 
latter body laid claim to the Cochin levy, to be employed in the fortifi- 
cation of Goa, the arming of vessels, &c. The ground of this claim 
seems to have been, that ships with goods for Goa, being often monsoon- 
bound, put in to Cochin and there discharged cargo, on which this duty 
was levied. 

5 Early in August, apparently. 




de Mancelos, Simao Leitao, Pero Rodrigues, and Antonio 
Coelho who had concluded his service as captain of Coulao ; 
and running along the coast they doubled Cape Comorim, 
and made Tuticorim in order to cross over to Columbo ; and 
so we shall leave them until we return to them 1 . 

Raju seeing that the summer had begun, which was the 
time for the succours from without to begin to arrive, wished, 
before they came, to try his hand once more and attack the 
fortress by sea and by land, in order that the small force that 
it had might be divided and the different parts and bastions 
become weakened : and to this end he commanded his armada 
to be got ready and set afloat, and ordered several modeliares 
with their men to embark therein, and gave them instructions 
as to what they had to do. All being ready, and the army 
prepared, on the 20th of August towards evening they 
unfurled in Raju's camp two flags, one white and the other red 2 , 
and at once began confusedly to beat all the kettledrums 
and blow all the trumpets ; and all these signals and each 
by itself signified that the coming night would be a sad and 
perilous one for the besieged, and that all the rest of the 
force was about to deal with them. The captain spent that 
evening in going the round of all the bastions and posts, and 
in providing them with many munitions and arms, reminding 
all the captains of their duties, setting before them the havoc 
that so little before they had caused among those enemies ; 
and that this time they must make them despair entirely 
of that siege ; and being advised of the armada that had been 
prepared, and that Raju had determined to attack him by 
sea, he ordered Domingos de Aguiar 3 to embark in his little 
ship with some soldiers, and did the same to Diogo de Mello 
da Cunha and Joao Fernandes the Beardless in two foists 
that were at the bar, with the men that he thought necessary, 
and sufficient sailors, providing them with munitions, in 
such manner that nothing remained to be done for them, 
there taking part with him in all these things all the monks 
of the city, who, as we have said, praying and fighting were 
present in the greatest dangers and needs, the prelates that 
night taking upon themselves the responsibility of the posts. 
The father Frei Duarte Chanoca, commissary of the Minorites 
in those parts, took under his charge the side towards Mapano 
with a lay companion and some servants of the house with 

1 See the end of this chapter. 

2 This statement is curious, since a red flag seems to have been used 
to denote defeat, while a white flag signalized victory (see Rep. on Keg. 
Dist. 61 ; G. P. Qaz. 244). 

3 See supra, p. 288. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of cbylon. 


their matchlocks and arms ; the father Frei Luis da Con- 
ceicao, guardian, and the father Frei Manoel de Jesus re- 
mained free in order to hasten to all parts to assist in spiritual 
and bodily needs. At the gate 1 of Sao Lourenco was the 
father Francisco Vieira, vicar of the country 2 , with thirty- 
two matchlocks that he mustered from friends and kinsmen ; 
from the bastion of Sao Miguel to that of Sao Joao, which 
was the most perilous part, the father Pero Dias went to and 
fro with some companions and slaves. 

All having been got ready, they let themselves remain in 
such silence that throughout the whole city nothing was 
heard but the bell of the watches ; and in the watch before 
daylight, on the appearance of the moon, they heard a great 
hubbub in the enemy's quarters, and immediately were given 
the five strokes on the kettledrums, the signal of attack, 
whereupon there arose throughout the whole army loud 
alarums and cries which they call coquiadas 3 , because the 
most part of the heathens of India fight as much with the 
tongue as with the hands 4 . The enemy's armada, which was 
quite ready, on hearing the signal began to put out from the 
river; and at Matual, the Quarry, Mapano, and Capelete 
appeared much people, and the armada came in great silence 
to attack a small bay that there is on the iron-bound coast 
at the back of Sao Francisco 5 , where are the magazines of 
munitions 6 ; for as we have said there was there no wall 
save the rugged rocks and the waves that break upon them, 
because their intention was to see if they could disembark 
on the top of the rocks in order to set fire to the magazines. 

1 Perhaps porta is an error for ponta (cf. supra, p. 296, and see 

2 I do not know when he was appointed. As vicar of Columbo, it 
was natural that he should take his station at the point where stood the 
parish church of St. Lawrence, erected by the exertions of the first 
vicar, Joao Monteiro (see C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 365). 

3 See Hob.-Job. s.vv. " Cucuya, Cucuyada." 

4 The manuscript has " arms " (armas) in place of " hands." 

5 The plan of Columbo in Le Grand's translation of Ribeiro shows 
this church, but places it too far north. In Ressende's plan it is shown 
close to the shore at a point west by north of the present Gordon 
Gardens. The shore makes a slight incurve there. 

6 These are shown in Ressende's plan as a large quadrilateral range 
with a garden in the centre. It was still standing when Heydt saw it 
in 1734, being then used by the Dutch as a workshop (see Allern. Geog. 
und Topog. Schauplatz 143 ; and compare Daalmans, in C. A. S. Jl. x. 
163). The site was probably that now occupied by the commissariat 



[Vol. XX. 

This was not done in such silence that it was not perceived 
by the women who were watching at the windows that over- 
looked that part, who gave such loud cries that they were 
heard by the enemy : upon which they let themselves go, 
running past the point of Sao Lourenco, firing off many 
bombard shots, which was the signal that they had to make 
on arriving at that part, for those of the army with the whole 
force to attack the posts in order to draw them off from that 
part. The signal having been heard, all the artillery was 
discharged from their positions, which were very close to 
ours, after which they all attacked the fortress with many 
cries 1 , setting up against it many ladders, by which climbing 
up with great determination they succeeded in placing their 
hands on the battlements of the bastion : but as our people 
were alert to avenge themselves of that affront, most of those 
that offered it paid for it with their lives, falling burnt and 
cut to pieces upon others that were attempting the ascent, 
whom they carried with them, so that at the foot of the 
bastions and posts there was a salad 2 of living and dead 
and wounded, one upon another, so that they could not be 
distinguished, because upon all fell so many pots of powder 
and fireworks, that it presented an infernal spectacle. 

The fleet was now entering the bar, and the foists, which 
were ready, went and got alongside of the ships in order to 
assist each other ; and they welcomed the enemy with a salvo 
of artillery so well laid out, that they made them lose the 
pride with which they came, cutting them up with the 
death of many ; and nevertheless, as they were going at 
full speed, they went running on past the part 3 of Sao Lou- 
renco , where was the vicar of the country, who with his harque- 
busery fustigated 4 and scathed them right well ; and as the 
enemy were already within the bank 5 , and so near that all the 
shots both from the ship and foists as well as from the land took 
effect upon them much to their cost, they slowed down, and in 
the midst of falcon and matchlock shots made for the land, 
so that in itself it was a very hot battle ; and in all the posts, 
where our men fought with much valour and vigour, they heard 
the battle on the seaside, without knowing what it was. 

1 In place of " with many cries " the manuscript has " and." 

2 As we should say, " a hotch-potch." Faria y Sousa, in his sum- 
mary of Couto's account, uses the word balsa, " puddle." 

3 Here, again, parte may be a misreading for ponta. 

4 For the fustigou of the printed edition the manuscript has festejou, 
" welcomed." Either may be right. 

6 This sandbank has now been dredged away ; but it will be found 
marked in the older maps and charts of Columbo. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


The captain had provided for everything very methodically ; 
and although he considered the part on the bay secure, never- 
theless he had swift messengers who brought him full parti- 
culars of what took place there. 

The enemy passed over on the top of the dead and wounded 
to attack the bastions and posts, striving to get up to them, 
and from all sides raining upon our people deluges of bullets 
and arrows, which they always overshot in order not to hurt 
their own people, who were attempting an entrance of the 
walls and bastions, which were not idle, because with their 
artillery, which never ceased, they had caused a great de- 
struction in the army. Very well did the master gunner 
Pero Gonsalves fulfil his office this day, who, not staying 
in any part, went the round of all the posts and levelled and 
aimed the most necessary pieces, and stirred up the bom- 
bardiers ; and being in the bastion of Sao Sebastiao aiming 
a piece, a ball struck him on one arm and broke it to pieces, 
which was a great loss, owing to the permanent deficiency 
that it made. 

As the moon kept rising so it went on giving more light, 
by means of which our people now could make out the whole 
field, and fought more at their will, and with less anxiety 
because they saw the enemy very well, who with all their 
strength and spirit strove to enter the bastions, in which the 
confusion was so great that Raju thought that his people 
were already in possession of them. His armada, which was 
fighting with ours in the bay, was so fustigated by the artillery , 
that they could no longer endure it, being shattered, and 
with so many killed that now the light of the moon revealed 
them entirely, so that our people could bestow their shots 
better, and making the signal to retire, they did so much cut 
up and scathed. Those that were attacking the posts, on 
hearing the signal from the armada to retire, did so likewise, 
having been so ordered, and leaving the foot of the posts 
and bastions strewn with dead bodies, which they could not 
carry off in the hurry. Of our people there were some 
wounded, but not dangerously, only the gunner, who died 
of the bombard shot. Raju continued raging at his people, 
because he had been certain that in that way the city could 
not escape him, laying the blame on the armada for going 
out later than it had been ordered, and commanded to 
go on with the fortification so as to reach and come close to 
our walls. 

This attack having passed, presently, on the 23rd of August, 
there arrived the armada of Nuno Alvares Datouguia, who 
crossed that gulf with much trouble and personal risk, except 
the ship of Adriao Nunes, who not being able to endure 



[Vol. XX. 

the high seas put in to Manar 1 . This succour was welcomed 
by all, as being of greater strength and arriving at such a 
good time. The captain gave to Nuno Alvares Datouguia 
the place in which he was, which was the quarter of Sao 
Gonsalo, and placed Pero Rodrigues with his men in the 
bastion of Santo Estevao, and Antonio Coelho in that of 
Sao Joao, in which was Thome de Sousa de Arronches, cap- 
tain-major of the sea in Ceilao, whom the captain ordered 
to put the galley to sea, and provide his armada in order to 
cruise in it, because with the succour from Cochim the city 
was secure : which he did, providing the ships with captains 
who were in the foists in the bay ; and transferred himself 
to the post of the alcaide mor, which was the quarter of 
Mapano ; and the alcaide mor went to the factory, keeping 
a galliot manned with people of his in order to embark in 
it when necessary. 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. v. 

Of some succours that came besides from without to the fortress 
of Golumbo : and of the assaults that our people made on the 
tranqueiras of the enemy : and of how our fleet fought with 
that of Raju. 

The news of the siege of Columbo spread along the whole 
coast of Negapatao until it reached the city of Sao Thome, 
upon which many men who were lovers of honour were eager 
to go and succour it : and those that first offered themselves in 
their ships were Fernao de Lima, knight of the order of 
Christ, a very good soldier and a friend of Joao Correa de 
Brito's, Manoel Damaral, who had come there as captain 
of a galliot of Bengala, Rodrigo Alvres, half-brother to Thome 
de Sousa de Arronches, with others and the best soldiers that 
they could find ; and fair weather serving them, in a few days 
they reached Columbo just at the beginning of September. 
The captain received them with much honour, stationing 
Fernao de Lima on the cavalier of the bastion of Sao Sebastiao, 
and Manoel Damaral in another necessitous part, and Rodrigo 
Alvres went to the position that had been his brother's 2 . 

1 Where he remained until the end of October (see p. 349 infra). 

2 Originally Thome de Sousa had been allotted the bastion of S. Joao 
only, but afterwards Joao Correa had incharged him with the stretch 
of ramparts from there to the bastion of Madre de Deos (see supra, 
pp. 293, 316). As we read at the end of the preceding chapter, 
Thome de Sousa had now resumed his substantive post of captain - 
major at sea. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 329 

About this time, or a little before these arrived, some 
volunteers offered themselves to Raju to burn the watch- 
towers that stood between the bastions of Madre de Deus 
and Sao Gonsalo, they being lower than any, which was 
the extent that was guarded by Manoel Mexia, who as he 
was experienced in the country, and moreover had his 
spies, learnt of the determination of the enemy ; and taking 
some soldiers whom he selected for the business, and with 
his lascarins, having given the captain an account of what 
had occurred and what he had determined to do, he went 
, out through the embrasures, and placed himself in ambush 
to see if he could accomplish some worthy feat. This was 
in the morning, when the enemy were coming in great 
silence to attack that part, the whole army remaining 
under arms in order to hasten thither on their giving them 
the .signal that they were on the top of the watch-towers. 
And in front came an arache, a very valiant man, who in 
the past war of Manoel de Sousa Coutinho had brought 
to Raju twenty-nine heads of lascarins of Columbo, a man 
well known and greatly feared, and hated by all ; and coming 
upon the ambush of Mexia, he sprang out upon him with 
a spear in his hands, and set upon him with such speed, 
that he was only aware of him when he found himself run 
right through. And at the same time that he thrust the 
spear into him he seized him and lifted him up in his 
arms, and came to the embrasure which was near,* and 
through it handed him to the lascarins that were inside, 
who looked at him, and one of them named Maroto 1 , to 
whom he must have been very odious, recognizing him gave 
him a slash over the heart that cut him completely open, 
and three times took his blood in his hands and drank it to 
satiate the thirst of hatred that he had towards him. And 
our men who also were in Mexia' s company, likewise closing 
with those that came with him, put several to the rout, and 
the artillery of the watch-towers at the signal was discharged 
upon them, and caused great destruction : in fine, the re- 
mainder went retreating well shamed and scathed, and our 
men victorious and content. 

Raju was so annoyed at these things that he knew not how 
to set himself to give council, seeking every means of injuring 
our people , even to commanding to cast poison into the well 

1 This name means " rascal " in Portuguese, and may have been 
bestowed upon this man as a nickname either from his character, or 
possibly in punning allusion to the village from which he may have 
come, Moratuwa. 



of Mapano 1 , from which all our people drank, over which close 
watch was kept, so much so, that those who came with that 
object, having been detected and given a good beating, left 
the poison and retreated ; and in order to dispirit our 
people he gave every night signals for assaults, whereby 
he made them remain all night with arms in their 
hands ; several times sending some volunteers in tones, 
in great silence, to cut the cables of the ship and to throw fire 
on to the boats ; but every contingency was so provided for, 
that all his designs were frustrated. And some of his people 
having offered to go and fight our armada, he ordered his to be 
got ready, which consisted of ten ships quite filled with picked 
men ; and coming from the Matual side in the height of 
midday 2 , and putting in to land, they made as if to disembark 
with their banners, which they carried unfurled. Thome de 
Sousa de Arronches, captain-major of that coast, who was in 
his galley, ordered the anchor to be weighed, and went to 
attack them, there going also with him in a foist Francisco da 
Silva, alcaide mor, and Simao Botelho in another, there hasten- 
ing to the shore the captains of the ships of the company of 
Nuno Alvres Datouguia with their men in order to embark in 
theirs. Thome de Sousa, who went out against the enemy, 
discharged amongst them a bow-piece, and caught one in the 
hind-castle , which completely shattered it with the rudder, 
and killed some of the oarsmen : the captain-major of the 
enemy set upon the galley and ran his prow right against it, 
and endeavoured to get men aboard it, upon which there 
ensued a fierce fight ; but nevertheless our people so mauled 
them that they on their side had to cast off and retire. Thome 
de Sousa, on account of some sandbanks 3 that were in front of 
him, cast anchor, and the foists went following him ; and 
getting in front of him they went athwart him in the channel 
through which they had to pass, because now behind them 
came the ships of Pero Rodrigues, Domingos Alvres, and Simao 
Leitao, which were overhauling them rapidly and placing 
them in the necessity of attempting the sandbank, which had 
little water : and grazing the top of it they got to the other 

1 This is evidently the well shown in Ressende's plan inside the fort 
near the gate of Mapane (another is shown near the ordnance maga- 
zines), and it is also given in the plan in Le Grand's Ribeiro , but so badly 
drawn, that it looks like a barrel. That Raja Sigha could poison a 
well inside the fort does not appear probable ; and we may dismiss the 
accusation (which is brought forward in every war) as groundless. 
(See, however, infra, p. 347.) 

2 Probably in the hope of catching the Portuguese enjoying a siesta. 

3 Seep. 326, note 5 . 

No. 60. — 1908.] coitto : history of ceylotn. 


side, because all their ships are of Patana build 1 and require 
little depth. Some of our people assumed this to be a ruse of 
the same Raju's, because he thought from the courage of our 
men that going after his people they would not allow them to 
flee from them, and so, without being afraid of the sandbank, 
they would follow them on to it, by which he was certain that 
some ship would be lost, which he would greatly appreciate, 
although his whole armada should perish : but our people 
preferred rather to see them retreat disgraced and escape to 
face Raju, who was watching them, than capture any of their 
ships. Joao Correa de Brito, in order that this bold action 
should not be without reward, whilst they were still going in 
confusion on the sea, sent out the arache Pero Afonso with his 
lascorins to go and dismantle a bridge that Raju had made on 
the road from Cota to Calapate 2 , which he did with great 
brevity, coming back with some timber. All these things 
Raju felt much, and they vexed him greatly : for when he 
came against that fortress he did not think that our people 
would have the boldness to appear outside its walls, far less 
make assaults upon them so many times in their own tranqueiras 
with so much loss to his people. 

After this had taken place on the 7th of this month of 
September, Raju commanded some araches with a thousand 
men to be placed in ambush in Mapano in order to surprise our 
mainatos (who are those that wash the clothes 3 ) and get some 
booty from them : and at daybreak our people, as they were 
ever wont, went out to reconnoitre the field ; and whilst going 
near the entrenchments and having almost fallen into the 
ambush, a cow that was wandering on the plain took fright 
and came running towards our men : a usual thing with them, 
as soon as they 'perceive people on the plain, being to flee to 
the fortress ; and our men, understanding * that the cow per- 
ceived people, halted. Those in the ambush thinking that 
they were. discovered, seeing our men so near, rushed out upon 

1 In original (manuscript and printed edition) " de Patana." The 
meaning of this (though I am somewhat doubtful) may perhaps be found 
in the following passage in Bowrey (229) : — " A Patella. The boats 
that come down from Pattana with saltpeeter or Other goods built' of 
an Exceedinge Strength and are Very flatt and burthensome " (see 
also note on p. 225). A picture of " a patella " is given in plate xv. 

2 As I cannot identify " Calapate," I am unable to tell where this 
bridge was ; but it could not have been far from the fort. 

3 Cf. supra, p. 225, note 3 . In the plan of Columbo in Le Grand's 
Ribeiro the lake, which is depicted of a ridiculously diminutive size, 
is described as " Etang des Lavandieres " [s*cj, the dhobies being thus 
turned into washerwomen ! 



them with great fury : those in front on seeing them rallied to 
the banner of the arache Manoel Pereira, who was the recon- 
noitrer that day, and who was with some lascarins some two 
hundred paces from the bastion ; and seeing the enemy 
coming dispersedly, he set on, crying " Santiago !" and engaged 
them in a very stiff battle. This skirmish was seen from the 
bastion by Antonio Guerreiro, captain of it, who went out to 
him with his men, and having joined Manoel Pereira, they 
had with the enemy a brave spear -play, in which moreover 
they were assisted by Thome Pires, captain of the bastion of 
Sao Pedro 1 , who dashed out by the embrasures to aid them, 
and arrived at the time when our people were in a great strait 
on account of the numbers that reinforced the enemy ; and 
falling on them with great courage, they caused great havoc ; 
and driving them from the field, they went on killing them 
as far as close to Raju's tranqueiras, where they again turned 
upon our people with others that had reinforced them, and 
there took place between them all a very hot battle, in which 
the captain on horseback 2 hastened out to take part, and some 
captains with their companies, ordering to beat the retreat, 
which our people did in very good order, leaving the field 
strewn with dead bodies, and carrying off in token of victory 
several heads, without having on our side more harm than two 
lascarins slightly wounded. 

The same day the captain sent the ar aches Manoel Pereira 
and Pero Afonso, and the Amouco 3 , and Luiz Gomes the 
Mulatto, and a native of India called the Moorkin, with the 
men of their round to destroy the tranqueira that Raju had 
made twenty paces from the bastion of Sao Sebastiao, as it 
was not well to allow them a proximity so close, since he 
intended to go forward with another until he had got right up 
to the bastion 4 , and ordered some captains with their men 
to be ready in the field to help them. The araches having 
gone out, taking some barrels of tar and plenty of powder to 
throw into it, before they reached there were seen from the 
direction of the island ; and giving the signal with their 
coquiadas and cries they went running from tranqueira to 
tranqueira. But as the distance was one of only twenty paces 
to where the tranqueira was, our men, coming to it with great 
determination, placed on the outer side of it up against the 
timbers the barrels of tar and much powder, to which they set 

1 See supra, p. 314, note 2 . 

2 This is the second time that Couto has mentioned the use of horses 
in Ceylon (see supra, pp. 183, 188, 189, and cf. p. 53, note 1 ). 

3 See supra, p. 303. 

* The manuscript has " fortress." 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


fire on the windward side, which caught alight with such fury 
and 1 fierceness, that immediately it began to blaze in all parts, 
and so gained the mastery of it, that it was not possible for 
those inside to quench it, who came out into the field and 
engaged our people in a great fight. And as the enemy were 
reinforced they retired, leaving thirty of them dead, and 
without losing one ; but as luck would have it, while Fernao 
de Lima was standing on the top of the cavalier of the bastion 
of Sao Sebastiao watching the fight, there came a random 
bullet and struck him in the jaws, from which he straightway 
fell dead, he having escaped so many times from very great 
dangers in many excursions in which he took part, both on 
sea and on land, in this and in other wars ; and now behind 
the walls and on the top of the highest bastion of all the bullet 
came to hit him, not one of those that were on the field coming 
wounded at the hands of the enemy : such are the judgments 
of God, of whom we cannot ask a reason for these things. His 
death was much felt, as he was a very worthy knight, and 
the manner thereof did not fail to cause astonishment to all. 

The tranqueira to which they set fire burnt four days , being 
of very thick wood 2 ; and of these and other assaults there 
were many and very frequent, in which our people always got 
the better, which we pass over on account of being very 
trifling ; and so for a little we shall leave these things, as it is 
necessary to continue with others. 

Dec. X., BK. x., Chap. vi. 

Of how the viceroy sent Bernardim de Carvalho to 
, ' Ceilao : 

After Belchior Nogueira had given in Cochim the news of the 
siege of Columbo he left for Goa 3 , and gave the viceroy the 
letters from Joao Correa de Brito, in which he related to him 
the siege and gave him an account of the state in which those 
things were. The viceroy seeing that need at once proceeded 
to the dockyard 4 , and commanded to launch a galley and six 
ships, and paid men, and ordered munitions to be r m barked, 
and chose for this expedition Bernardim de Carvalho, and on 

1 The manuscript omits these two words. 

2 The printed edition has " thick woodwork " (madeiramento grosso) 
in place of the " very thick wood " {madeira muito grossa) of the manu- 

3 See supra, p. 323. 

4 In original ribeira, regarding which see Teix. Introd xiv. , note 3. 



[Vol. XX. 

the 4th of September he set sail 1 : the captains who accom- 
panied him were Dom Bernardo Coutinho, Dom Luis Mas- 
carenhas, Gaspar de Carvalho de Menezes, Vasco de Carvalho, 
Afonso Ferreira da Silva, and the same Belchior Nogueira. 
They carried in these ships 250 men ; and without stopping 
for anything they went pursuing their way, to whom we shall 
presently return 2 . 

The viceroy went making great haste with the galleon that 
was to carry provisions to Ceilao 3 , and collecting food, muni- 
tions, and money to send thither; and presently, on the 12th 
of September, there anchored at the bar of Goa four ships of 
the five that left the kingdom in March past, 

The viceroy DomDuarte, seeing what the king commanded 
him on that matter 4 , considered it in council with the officers 
of revenue ; and the business having been debated, incon- 
veniences were pointed out in the way of interfering with the 
mines just then, the principal being, the small capital that the 
king then had, and the need in which the state was because of 
the sieges of Ceilao and Malaca, by the succours of which it was 
so indebted, that the viceroy was engaged in asking money of 
the peoples of India, and other things that we leave for a 
future occasion. And the chief ensign replied to the king on 
that matter, that he -would be very happy to order in due 
season an alteration in the affairs of those fortresses, and that 
the redemptions should be placed to the account of his revenue, 
for which he was quite ready, because he held him for a king 
so Catholic, and of such justice, that he would not deny it to 
him when he required it of him : and so those things remained 
for the present without interfering with them, because the 
viceroy had respect for the chief ensign, who was a fidalgo of 
merits, and was in the middle of his time of service. And as 
every day there came urgent messages from the siege of 
Columbo, the viceroy, desiring to have a resolution on these 
things, assembled the captains in council, and read the letters to 
them, and set forth the needs and straits in which that fortress 

1 Linschoten says (ii. 196-7) : — " At the same time the Fort called 
Columbo, which the Portingales held in the island of Seylon, was be- 
sieged by the king of Seylon, called Ram, and in great danger to be lost : 
which to deliver, there was an armie of fustes and gallies sent from Goa : 
whereof was Generall Barnaldin de Carvalho." 

2 See infra, chap, vii., at beginning (p. 335). 

3 The annual galleon, which left for Ceylon in September or October 
(c/. supra, X. iv. v., p. 264 ; X. v. ix., pp. 267-8). 

4 The profits from the mines of Sofala and Cuama, which the captain 
of Mocambique appropriated (see Linsch. i. 30-3). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couTo : history of ceylon. 


was, and asked for a decision on the manner in which it should 
be relieved of the siege : and voting on this, after many 
altercations on one side and another, they came to the conclu- 
sion that the state had not, to help in that business, more capital 
than Dom Paul 1 had in Malaca, from whom they had no news ; 
that steps should be taken to defend the fortress, since the 
men it had were enough for its safety, because with the arrival 
of Bernardim de Carvalho there would be more than a 
thousand Portuguese ; that a captain should be elected with 
the power that the state at that time could give of itself, and 
that he should go to Columbo, and that the viceroy should 
write to Dom Paulo to go with all his fleet to that fortress, and 
that having united his force with that which had gone and with 
that which was already there, it was sufficient to give battle 
to the enemy and to drive him thence, as already they had 
done in the past siege of Manoel de Sousa 2 . With this resolu- 
tion the viceroy wrote to Dom Paulo to be as expeditious as 
possible in reaching Columbo, and that there he would find 
orders as to what he had to do, and dispatched the ships for 
Malaca, where he ordered provision to be made in many 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. vii. 

Of how Bernardim de Carvalho arrived at Columbo : and of the 
other things that happened at the same time : and of the mines 
thatRaju ordered to be made, which were discovered, and our 
people destroyed them. 

Bernardim de Carvalho having set out from Goa 3 with his 
armada all together, meeting with fair though boisterous 
weather, made such haste, that in eleven days he reached 
Columbo, which was on the 15th 4 of this month of September 
of which we are treating. The sight of this armada was to the 
enemy very dismaying, but to our people one of much joy and 
rejoicing, they hastening to the shore to welcome the new 
guests, who presently disembarked armed with many and 
good arms. The captain Joao Correa took them to lodge 

1 D. Paulo de Lima Pereira, who had left Goa on 28 April 1587 
with an armada for the relief of Malacca, which was besieged by the 
kings of Achin and Johor (see Linsch. ii. 197). 

2 See supra, p. 257. 

3 See previous chapter, p. 334. 

4 The printed edition has in error " 11th." 



[Vol. XX. 

them, just as they came, in quarters near the bastion of Madre 
de Deus, in order from there at the command of their captain- 
major to hasten to help in all the affairs of most necessity. 
With this succour those of the fortress became more assured, 
and the enemy more fearful, because they well knew that the 
brave Portuguese would not suffer themselves to remain 
hemmed in, but would burst forth to their hurt. 

At this same time the captain was advised that Raju. was 
bringing forward the mine at the part that we have mentioned 1 , 
which had its exit aboveground, because of the ponds of water, 
right at the bastion of Sao Sebastiad, in order to come and 
break in underneath it, the which had already come very near, 
and with which it was necessary to deal : he therefore ordered 
to place some stakes in the ditch at the part where the mine 
would have to break through until they reached the water 
which was near there, so that as soon as the mine reached 
these they would be discovered by them, in order by means of 
the same ditch to deprive them of the filling and the earth 
that was above it, which served them as earthworks with which 
they intrenched themselves : and so, as they went forward 
with the mine, they carried forward the earthworks, which 
were great. But as the captain did not know the height to 

which the mine reached, he ordered Antonio . . . •. 2 and 

Antonio Dias, captains of his round, to get into the ditch with 
the engineers and proceed digging below the mines, opening up 
the earth ; and he ordered the araches Pero Af onso and Manoel 
Pereira to go and burn a piece of bastion, of that which they 
had burnt, which Raju had strengthened anew, who with their 
lascarins went and attacked it with great determination, and 
set fire to it, and made those in it take to flight, whereby our 
men who were in the ditch had time to discover the mine, 
which already penetrated below the ditch, and was coming 
bit by bit to issue at the bastion ; and they found that the 
height of it inside was that of a big man, and the breadth a 
fathom and a half, shored up above with thick timber, and at 
the sides with broad planking, to keep the mine from falling in, 
because Raju did not aim at more than to convey his men 
protected from our artillery until they reached the bastion or 
the wall and undermined it, without their being able to 
prevent it, or knowing what they intended ; and the earth 
that they dug out they threw up above, which served them 

1 See supra, p. 322. 

2 In both the manuscript and the printed edition the surname is 
wanting ; but that it should be "Lourenco " is evident from chap. ii. 
(p. 313) supra, where the same two Antonios are mentioned together. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of oeylon. 


(as we have said) for intrenchinents, under cover of which 
they were approaching the bastion with other contrivances and 
bulwarks of wood, which they went on constructing, as the 
work went on increasing. Our men, who were already in the 
mine, seeing the enemy coming to the work, contrary to the 
orders that they bore showed themselves, and they had 
inside a tolerable fight, in which they killed some of the enemy; 
and as the latter were reinforced, they went out, leaving dead 
a good soldier of ours named Andre de Queiros, whose head 
the enemy cut off and carried to Raju, which was the first 
present that they made him from that fort, from the beginning 
of the siege until then. The enemy had already arrived at the 
ditch with the mine, and were in possession of it, whereby the 
captain feared much that they would undermine the bastion or 
set fire to it, which he wished to prevent, though he might have 
to run great risk : wherefore he sent the men of his round into 
the ditch to attack the mine with many fire-lances and pots 
of powder, and workmen to destroy it, and ordered to go out 
into the field a body of troops and the ar aches with their 
lascurins supported by our men, in order to assault the tran- 
queira where the opening of the mine had been begun, all 
remaining under arms to succour them should this be necessary. 
Those that had to attack the mine from the direction of the 
ditch an hour before sunset entered it with fire-lances, with 
which they cleared a way, throwing on the enemy many pots 
of powder, which burnt them, and thus they had a fine fight 
inside which lasted a good while. Those that went to attack 
in the other direction fell upon the enemy suddenly, and 
killed several, and by this means the others had time to 
throw into the mouth of the mine some pots of powder, 
whereby the enemy who were fighting in this other part of 
the ditch with our men, thinking that an entrance had been 
made in the other direction, turned round to retreat, and our 
men after them killing them at their pleasure ; and so great 
was the slaughter, that the mine was filled with their corpses, 
and thus the workmen had time to dismantle the mine and 
carry off the timber from it. During this time there was pro- 
ceeding throughout the field carried on on both sides a perilous 
engagement of harquebusery, a fearful and horrible affair, be- 
cause almost the whole force of the enemy was in action, and 
the bastions did their duty, belching forth their thundering 
discharge, which caused great destruction among the enemy. 
And it being now an hour after dark, our men retired, having 
made a terrible havoc. 

Our men having returned advised the captain that at that 
part where they found the ponds of water the mine divided into 
two, and that the other one took its way towards the quarters 
z 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

of Antonio de Aguiar and the watch-tower of Manoel Borges 1 ; 
and having been informed of this , desiring to frustrate the whole, 
he ordered to make a ditch of seventeen spans from the bastion 
of Sao Sebastiao to the watch-tower of Manoel Borges on the 
inner side, and a tranqueira with filled barrels, so that if the 
enemy should make a breach in the other , or should mine the 
bastion, they should find another ditch, in order to impede the 
elephants. Whilst proceeding with this work, there fled to 
the fortress a lascarim of his, who brought the news that in 
the fight in the mines many of his men were killed, both in them 
and in the camp, and most of them by firelock shots in the 
head ; and that Raju had determined to attack with all the rest 
and to make two assaults upon the fortress, and to get troops 
into the city by the mines, and that already they were coming 
beneath Sao Sebastiao. On this assurance the captain gave 
orders to remove the artillery at once from it, and to take out 
the filling, and to make in it some countermines in order to 
discover where the mine came, the which was effected with very 
great trouble, in which there took part all the captains and 
fidalgos and other people of the fortress, and all the monks. 
By this time the enemy had already so become masters of our 
ditch, that from its earth- eaps, whenever a man appeared on 
the angles, platforms, and cavaliers on our side, he was straight- 
way struck by the much harquebusery that they had, as they 
did to a fidalgo called Dom Domingos, a natural son of Dom 
Martinho de Castello-Branco, former captain of Ormus 2 , whom 
he had in India by a widow woman 3 , and wounded others. 
The captain kept a very strict watch in the countermines 
because of the mines, and prepared for the assaults that Raju 
intended to deliver. At this same time there arrived some of 
our spies, who had gone out twenty-four days before to spy at 
Ceitavaca 4 , to see if they could bring in a Portuguese who was 
captive there, whom they brought : and this being a case of 
much stratagem and invention, and one that Raju was much 
annoyed at, we shall give an account of it. 

1 The " quarters of Antonio de Aguiar " were at a stretch of wall 
abutting on the bastion of S. Sebastiao (see supra, p. 320) ; but of 
the position of the " watch-tower of Manoel Borges " I am doubtful 
(see supra, p. 319, and further on in this chapter). 

" When he held that post, I cannot find. He is mentioned in VIII. 
iii. (p. 227) supra, as taking part in the defence of Cota in 1564-5. 

8 The printed edition omits this bit of information regarding the 
mother of D. Domingos. 

4 Instead of " Ceitavaca " the printed edition has (apparently by a 
misreading) " e estava " (and it was). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of oeylow. 


Some years before 1 there was lost on the coast of Ceilao a 
champana belonging to one Diogo Gonsalves 2 , a Portuguese 
man, who was canying with him a young nephew, called 
Custodio da Ronda 3 , who were immediately taken captive 
and brought to Raju ; and as for the Custodio da Ronda, 
who was a youth, Raju commanded his ears to be bored 4 , 
and that he be taught the customs of the Chingalas , and kept 
him in his house in his service. And the youth growing up, 
and becoming a favourite of Rajii's, received from him the 
favour of ransoming his uncle, which he did contrary to his 
religion and laws, who came to Columbo, where in all the past 
sieges he served the king right well, doing great harm to Raju. 
And because in this siege he had done many actions of a valiant 
man to the hurt of his people , in order to be revenged on him, he 
commanded the nephew Custodio da Ronda to be conveyed to 
Adam's Peak, and that he should be taught the work of a 
husbandman, so that at no time should he be able to get out 
thence, nor the uncle have hopes of seeing him. Of this youth 
one Miguel Ferreira Raracho, who at the beginning of the siege 
had escaped to us 5 , gave an account, upon which news the 
uncle laboured to see if there were any means of getting him 
thence : and conversing with some spies, men of much experi- 
ence, and who knew the country very well, regarding this 
matter, having made them his promises, the captain taking a 
great interest therein , he gave them stratagems that they were 
to use, namely, a forged letter in the name of Raju, which 
commanded the men to whom Ronda had been intrusted that 
as soon as they saw it they were to give him forthwith to the 
person who presented it to them, copying the style and 

1 This vague statement leaves us ignorant of the year when the event 

2 See supra, p. 294, note 1 . 

3 This sounds more like an appellative than a real name. 

4 This was done to all renegade Portuguese. The anonymous 
writer of Primor e Hour a, in describing the condition of the Portuguese 
deserters to Raja Sinha, says (i. vi.) : — " They bore their ears with very 
large holes, because it is a custom of the country, the more respect- 
able, the longer their ears " (c/. on this Barb, and Cast, in G. Lit. Reg. 
iv. 211, 190). Knox {Hist. Rel. 89-90) tells us that this custom fell 
into desuetude in the reign of Raja Sinha II., owing to that king's not 
complying with the fashion. The diarist of Spilbergen's voyage seems 
to have fallen into an error when he speaks of the Portuguese in Kandy 
having their ears cut or clipped (see G. Lit. Reg. vi. 325, 334, where in 
the first passage " cut off " should be " cut open " or " slit "). 

5 See supra, p. 302, note 3 . He is probably the " Miguel Ferreira " 
mentioned in chap. xv. below (c/. pp. 370, 371 . with p. 375). 




[Vol. XX. 

peculiarities of his mandates, which he could very well do, be- 
cause this tyrant was so false and unjust, that he never passed 
an alvard sealed with any seal of his, in order afterwards to have 
an excuse for not observing any, when he wished ; and with 
this letter Diogo Gonsalves gave him one signed by himself in 
his own writing and on our paper to show to his nephew, that 
he might know that they came by his order. These men hav- 
ing set out arrived at Ceitavaca. where they learnt the news 
that Raju had commanded the murder of seventeen Portuguese 
whom he held captive, and whom he trusted more than the 
Chingalas themselves, because the escape of Miguel Ferreira 
Baracho to Columbo, as we have said, whom he trusted above 
everyone, enraged him to such a degree that he wished to 
avenge it on as many Portuguese as he held captive, command- 
ing all of them to be put to death by blows, which to them is 
the most ignominious death of all, as it is given only to traitors. 
And knowing that the youth was on Adam's Peak, they went 
thither, and gave the letter of Raju to those that had charge 
of him, who seeing in it that he commanded to at once deliver 
up that man complied with it, giving them sixty armed lasca- 
rins to accompany him. And coming on their journey, being 
now near to Ceitavaca, the spies feigned that they had some- 
what to say to Ronda in secret, telling the lascarins to with- 
draw, requiring this of them on behalf of Raju, as they had a 
matter of urgency to carry out with that man, which Raju had 
ordered to be done before entering Ceitavaca. The lascarins, 
believing that he must have ordered them to kill him, as they 
had done to the Portuguese a few days before, withdrew, and 
the spies betook themselves with Ronda into the jungle ; he 
believing (for till then he had known nothing, nor had they 
discovered themselves to him) that it was to kill him, became 
terror-stricken. The spies gave him an account of everything, 
showing him the letter signed by his uncle, telling him to 
commend himself to the great God of the Christians, who 
could do whatever he wished, that he would favour them 
in that affair, and deliver them [all from the hands of 
Raju ; and betaking themselves into the jungle, which 
they knew very well, they took _a very little frequented 
road for Columbo, making great haste therein, concealing 
themselves by day, and travelling by night, passing by three 
tranqueiras (there being that number between Ceitavaca and 
Columbo 1 ) with very great risk and danger. And by the 
astuteness and management of the spies, at the end of twelve 
days, in the third watch of the night, they reached Columbo. 

1 Of. supra, VI. vm. vii. (pp. 136-8). 

No. 60. -1908.] coitto : history of ceylon. 


and passing through Raju's army they came to the gate of the 
city ; and having told the tidings to the guards, in the morning 
they were brought in and taken to the captain, amid great 
rejoicing by the uncle and a crowd of people who hastened to 
see them. The uncle spoke with him, and safeguarded him in 
such fashion that he came to himself ; and like a man that 
has awakened from a troubled dream, finding himself in a safe 
place, he gave many thanks to God, and from him the captain 
learnt many things ; but not that he revealed much, since he 
had been away from Raju for some time back. 

And to continue once more with the siege, Raju, seeing that 
they had destroyed that mine of his, commanded to continue 
with two other mouths, which came to strike between the 
quarters of Antonio de Aguiar and the watch-tower of Manoel 
Borges, of which the captain also was advised, without knowing 
at what part they were going to break in, on account of which 
there was prevalent in the city a_general fear, and so public, 
that the captain and fidalgos whom it did not infect had 
more trouble in seeking to remove it than in defending the 
fortress against Raju, showing themselves very cheerful and 
light-hearted in this business : because the greater part seeing 
the little store that they set on it thought that the danger was 
not so great as they had conceived from the rumour that had 
spread through the city. The captain made it all his care and 
exerted all his abilities to discover the direction that those 
mines must take, in order to see if he could remedy the evil 
that was feared from them ; but he could arrive at nothing, 
because on all sides they were entirely closed in, so that, not to 
speak of going outside the gates, they could not aim from the 
loopholes, but they were immediately struck by the enemy's 
harquebusery, a thing that had put them in great anxiety. 
Thome de Sousa de Arronches, upon whom during the whole 
course of the time there devolved, as we have said, equal 
obligations, as captain-major of the fleet under Z his charge, 
was in no wise negligent, working, watching, counselling, 
arranging many very important matters, going the round of 
the posts and walls with much diligence. And going one day 
along the wall that runs from the watch-tower of Manoel 
Borges to the bastion of Sao Sebastiao, which was of mud, a 
part that they feared for most , on arriving at a place in which 
he descried an aperture 1 , he saw a hole, of those that remained 
from the timbers of the mud- wall, which it would seem that 
God had discovered to him for that purpose ; and putting his 

1 The word in the original is agulheiro, which means a peep-hole or 
air-hole. It is difficult to follow Couto's meaning here; but 1 think 
only one hole is meant, though two seem to be spoken of. 



[Vol. XX. 

eyes thereto, he saw on the other side, which was the face of 
the ditch that the captain had ordered to be brought thither, 
the mine opening out of the earth at that part in order that 
they might come out by it into the ditch ; and having assured 
himself he brought the captain thither very dissemblingly , and 
showed it to him. On seeing that, he ordered stonemasons 
to be summoned, without saying what for, and ordered them to 
cut by square an embrasure that should correspond with the 
middle of the mouth of the ' ditch, which was not cut right 
through in order not to be seen, leaving a thickness on the 
other side that, on striking it with the mouth of a camello 
that they intended to place there, would break open, the 
stone being worked there at once for the embrasure. The 
hollow having been excavated with great speed, and a camello 
placed therein loaded with its charge and ball and a cartouche 
of stones very well prepared, on the following day in the morn- 
ing the captain ordered to send out some ar aches with their 
lascarins to provoke the enemy to come and attack them, 
which they did ; and when they saw our men outside they 
covered the plains and filled the mines. Thome de Sousa, who 
was astride on the camello watchingJyy the hole, ordered the 
piece to be laid by the bombardiers ; and as soon as he saw the 
enemy entangled and thought the ditch was full, had the 
camello run out as it was : and first striking a blow on the 
facing that had been left on the outer side 1 , and taking aim 
at the mouth of the mine , they set fire to it ; and as it was near 
the cartouche and ball took it from end to end, and went making 
all along it such shakings of the earth and such destruction, 
until it was quite exhausted, leaving the mines full of dead 
bodies. The enemy retired, and gave Raju word of the injury 
that had been done. So , that we might not know how much we 
had done to him, nor his people the great injury that they had 
received, that they might not be discouraged, he commanded 
the mine to be broken up, and all the earth to be thrown 
over it that they had brought up for the entrenchments, in 
order therewith to cover up the destruction and the multitude 
of corpses that were therein, there being great rejoicing on 
our side, and the enemy feeling it much, the affair increasing 
their hate and desire to get a great satisfaction for it 2 . 

1 The printed edition omits this clause. 

2 The Rdjdvaliya describes this event as follows : — " Raja Siyha .... 
had a mine made by the hill-men. The Portuguese, discovering it, 
placed gunpowder in the mine and blew it up. Note that many hill- 
men thus perished." (The translation at p. 91 of Gunasekara's edition 
is not justified by the original.) There seems to be some confusion 
here with the event described supra, X. x. v., pp. 332-3. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of cbylon. 


Dec. X., Bk. x , Chap. viii. 

Of some more succours that left for Ceilad : and of how Philippe 
de Carvalho went in succour in a provision ship : and of how 
Thome de Sousa de Arronches fought with Raju's armada , 
and of what happened to it. 

Upon the arrival at Goa of the news of the jeopardy of the 
fortress of Columbo, after Bernardim de Carvalho had left 1 , 
some volunteers arranged to go in succour : and the first that 
left was Antonio de Brito 2 in a galliot with soldier friends, 
whom he sought out for that purpose, and he went pursuing 
his journey, to whom we shall return later on 3 . The viceroy 
caused haste to be made with a ship that he had freighted to 
carry provisions to that fortress 4 , in which he ordered to be 
embarked four hundred quandis of rice , one hundred of wheat , 
five thousand five hundred parddos in money, many munitions, 
balls, powder, fire-pots, and fire-lances, and all other warlike 
stores, and the captaincy of this ship he gave to Felipe de 
Carvalho de Vasconcelos, a fidalgo, who had been granted those 
captaincies of voyages : and he accepted this one on account 
of its being to the service of the king to go in succour to that 
fortress ; and the viceroy gave him fifty soldiers, and made 
them set sail at the end of September ; and whilst he is on the 
way 5 we shall treat of the things that during this time occurred 
in Ceilao. 

Rajii, exasperated at the past successes, was seeking every 
means of getting satisfaction and of injuring our people, even 
to wishing to use poison and charms for that purpose : wherefore 
he sent out some Chingalas, who were great sorcerers, like run- 
aways, who came to Columbo, and represented themselves as 
greatly exasperated with and fearful of Raju ; and in some 
questions that the captain put to them they so contradicted 
themselves, that he considered them suspicious, and ordered 
them to be put to the torture, in which they confessed the 
truth, and were put to death and executed 6 : and in this 

1 See supra, pp. 333-4. 
' 2 'The manuscript adds " do brago," evidently for " do braco cortado," 
and apparently this is the same man that is mentioned in X. iv. v. 
(p. 264) supra, as captain of the pro vision galleon to Ceylon in 1583. 

3 See infra, p. 349. 

4 See supra, p. 334. 

6 Couto returns to him in the next chapter (see p. 350). 

6 What these apparently tautologica.1 statements are intended to 
convey, I do not know. Faria y Sousa, in his summary of Couto's 
narrative, says {Asia Port. III. I. vi. 12) that the enchanters were 
strangled (ahogados, which Stevens in his translation renders "drowned"). 



[Vol. XX. 

torture to which they were put there occurred an astonish- 
ing 1 incident which we shall relate, in order to show the 
strength that the devil has put into words to deceive these 
accursed ones ; and the affair was this. Whilst the officers 
were putting one of them to the torture 2 there, in the 
questionings one of them uttered certain words, which must 
have been spoken by the mouth of the devil, because no person 
understood them ; and upon his uttering them at once f our 
of those that were near by 3 began suddenly to vomit with 
retchings and 4 death-like symptoms, the which lasted twenty- 
four hours ; and when these were past they recovered their 

Of this Raju was also informed, whereat he was extremely 
annoyed, as he had been certain that the captain would not be 
able to escape ; and these things were for him greater torments 
and 5 tortures than those to which they put his people : and 
in his rage he caused to be assembled in his ports all the 
ships that he had, and commanded them to be armed and 
furnished with the best artillery and men that he had, and 
fitted out eighteen beaked ships, four calemutes Q , and 
eighteen large tones, and incharged this expedition to the 
modeliares in whom he had most confidence, ordering them to 
go and fight with the armada of the fortress, and endeavour to 
capture the galley. This armada appeared in sight of the 
fortress on the 4th of the month of October, the day of the 
seraphic father St. Francis, and came forth from the direction 
of Matual divided into three squadrons : on the right 7 came 
six ships and four calemutes, on the left the eighteen tones, and 
in the middle 8 the captain-major with twelve ships, the best 
and most fully fitted ; and all that was seen in this armada was 
men with whom all the ships were packed, with arms that 
glittered in every part, instruments that resounded, and 

1 The printed edition omits this word. 

2 Faria y Sousa (u.s.) has " garotte " (garrote). 

3 By these Faria y Sousa understands the executioners : the reference 
may, however, be to some of the prisoners. 

4 The printed edition omits these two words. It is noteworthy that 
Faria y Sousa (u.s.) has the identical word (vascas) omitted by the 
printed edition. He says that the executioners were left " struggling 
with rabious retchings [rabiosas vascas] for the space of 24 hours." 
Stevens translates the expression " convulsions." 

5 The manuscript omits these two words. 

6 See supra, p 320, note 3 . 

7 The manuscript has erroneously " in front." 

p These three words are omitted in the printed edition. 

No. 60. — 1908.] oouto : history of ceylon. 


many flags that fluttered in the breeze. The captain of the 
fortress , who had already been advised of that armada , ordered 
Thome de Sousa de Arronches, captain-major of the sea, to go 
out against them with the ships of his command, and with 
those of Bernardim de Carvalho and Nuno Alvres Datouguia, 
which in all would be twelve, among which was a galliot, the 
captain of which was Francisco da Silva, alcaide mor of the 
fortress. In these ships embarked all the relief soldiers with 
great desire to encounter the enemy, and in the galley with 
Thome de Sousa many friends of his, and all in very good order 
put out to sea against the enemy, who came to meet them : and 
on arriving at the distance of a base shot they discharged 
their artillery with such fury and uproar, that a good space of 
time passed during which they could not see our fleet from the 
fortress, on account of its being hidden by the denseness of the 
smoke. And as they went towards each other at full speed , they 
soon attacked one another ; and the alcaide mor Francisco da 
Silva was the first that grappled a large ship which carried a 
camelete in the bow and other small pieces, and had on board 
sixty picked soldiers and three captains, — one of the bow, 
another of the poop, and another of the coursy, — an arrange- 
ment that all the rest had ; and having grappled one another 
there commenced among them all a brisk interchange of spear 
thrusts and cuts and many pots of powder. Francisco da Silva 
displayed such energy, that by force he got with his soldiers on 
to the enemy's galliot, and with sword and targe settled the 
affair, there being left of them not more than twelve alive, 
whom they hanged to the yard, like banners. Alfonso 1 
Ferreira da Silva grappled another ship ; and after firing 
the first volley he at once threw himself into it with his com- 
panions, who fought so valiantly, that they put the whole of 
the enemy to the edge of the sword. The other captains 
attacked the ships that they were able to get near to, with 
which they had their differences, at the end of which the 
enemy, cut up and vanquished, ungrappled and made off. 
The captain- major in the midst of the fleet with the galley 
went about assisting those that were fighting, and for his part 
making havoc of all that he could come at : and thus the enemy 
turned about, harried, worried, and routed, and went fleeing 
across the top of those sandbanks, knowing that Raju would 
not pardon those that escaped ; and yet they would rather 
risk his anger than the blows of our people, who gave over 
following them so as not to ground on the sandbank ^ ; and the 
captain-major for fear of them anchored in order to collect 

1 The manuscript has erroneously " Antonio " (c/. supra, p. 334). 



[Vol. XX. 

his ships , which were going after those of the enemy until they 
should make them run aground. The latter had lost four 
ships, two captured and other two sunk ; of dead there were 
more than three hundred, and a greater number of wounded ; 
and twenty-five captives, whom the ships hung out as flags. 
Of our people two of the lascarins were killed, and twenty- 
three wounded 1 . 

The galley, which had anchored at the sandbank, was so 
near that it could not get away quickly, because the north-east 
began to blow, which they there call cachad 2 , which is a cross 
wind, and on that coast blows on most of the days, which 
came driving down so fiercely that at once the sea began to 
rage in such fashion that all considered the galley lost ; and on 
account of being very close to the sandbank, as we have said, 
they did not dare to weigh anchor, lest they should be driven 
upon it ; and the same was the case with the ships of Rodrigo 
Alvres, brother of Thome de Sousa, and Simao Botelho , which 
anchored near the galley, because all the rest remained so far 
off that they were able to return to Columbo. And all night 
they remained anchored in that position at the mercy of God, 
because the weather became ever more tempestuous ; and its 
force was so great, that the cables could scarcely bear it, and 
each time they got nearer to the sandbanks, because the wind 
carried them forward. The enemy stood waiting on land until 
they should be driven ashoie, in order to capture them all 
and get possession of the ships with all the artillery, on which 
they already reckoned ; but our people commended themselves 
in their hearts to God, and laboured all they could, throwing 
out other grapnels , and paying great heed to the cables. From 
the fortress could well be seen the trouble and danger in which 
all were, and they considered that God alone could deliver 
them, and so all went about the streets with their hands 
raised to heaven, begging it to succour them in that trouble. 
The monks spent all the night in prayer and disciplines, 
commending that matter to God and to our Lady, who appear 
to have heard their servants, as in the greatest force of the 
storm the wind abated, and the sea became quiet and serene, 
whereupon the galley and the ships took to their oars with 
great speed ; and so hard did they row, that in the space of 
two hours they reached Columbo ; and were scarcely inside 
when the weather became stormy again as before, and even 
more so : in which the most high God clearly showed that 
favour to be his own, and that he had not forsaken that city, 
because its refuge was in that armada. 

1 According to the manuscript the two killed were Portuguese. 

2 See supra, p. 268, note 3 . 

No. 60.— 1908.] cottto : history of ceylotc. 


Raj u was greatly incensed at the defeat of his people ; and 
such was his rage, that he ordered the captains that had escaped 
to be beheaded, and went on like a madman over the ill 
successes that he had had in all his affairs, and did not give 
over seeking methods and stratagems to injure the fortress, 
even to having dealings with a lascarim, Joane by name, well 
known to him, and who was now there, to whom he sent persons 
in secret to sound him with great promises ; and they came to 
an agreement with him, that on a certain day on which Raji'i 
would give a signal to him he should join with several friends 
and set fire to the city, in order that whilst our people were 
occupied in extinguishing it they should assault the bastions 
with the whole force, and thus it would not escape him : and 
besides this he ordered a Christian 1 Chingala, Marcos by name, 
who was a runaway there , to feign to return to the fortress for 
fear of him, and in the city to cast poison into all the wells, 
which he gave him so subtle and of such strength., that all 
those that drank of it would not live more than six days. 
This Marcos having come fleeing to the fortress was captured 
by some peons in Mapano, and at once he changed colour in 
such fashion that he well showed that he had come with evil 
intent : wherefore he was questioned, and the poison being 
found upon him, he was taken to the captain, who com- 
manded him to be put to the torture, and during this he 
confessed his crime, and revealed the dealings of Joanne 2 with 
Raju, who likewise confessed all, and they were executed 3 . 
Thenceforward great caution was observed with regard to 
those that fled to the fortress, and they were ordered to be 
secured, because they did not know against whom they had 
to guard. 

Dec. X., Bk. x. , Chap. ix. 

Of the dealings that Raju had with the naiques of the coast of 
Negapatad, in order to prevent the sending of provisions to 
Geilao : and of the succours that arrived from without : and of 
some assaults that our people delivered upon the camp : and 
of the great attack that Raju made upon the fortress. 

Of all these things the tyrant Raju was informed, and they 
were to him insufferable ; and he became such, that none of his 

1 The manuscript omits this word, but before "Marcos" inserts 
" Christovao." 

2 The manuscript has " Joao." 

3 The foregoing appears to be an amplification of the bare statement 
to the same effect made by Couto in X. x. v. supra (see p. 330, note 1 ). 



[Vol. XX. 

people dared to console him in any way : of nothing else did 
he think but of how he would avenge himself of such an 
affront ; and the devil, who in these matters is always ready, 
and is never wanting in new wiles for evils, suggested to him 
one that, if it had taken effect, would have placed that for- 
tress in the last extremity ; and it was this. 

Raju knowing that the captain had sent to the coast of 
Negapatao to seek provisions, and that thence Manar and 
Columbo were provided whenever it was necessary, and that 
at all seasons provisions could come to them thence, dispatched 
men on an errand with money and letters to the naiques and 
lords of that coast, in which he persuaded them that since they 
were heathens like himself 1 they should wish to aid him in 
that war against the Portuguese , and should come to his help 
for the honour of their idols ; and that at present he did not 
desire of them more than that they should not consent to any 
provisions' leaving their ports, and that all that there was 
they should sell to him at a higher price than that for which 
the Portuguese bought them, and that for that purpose he 
sent them much monej^ : and some of them agreed to these 
conditions and bound themselves to sell him all the rice from 
their ports at a certain price , and others dissembled. Of this 
the captain Joao Correa was soon advised : and this was a 
matter that caused him more anxiety than all others, because in 
that way they could reduce him to desperation, since no human 
power could endure a war against famine ; but nevertheless he 
kept it secret, and so both in order not to cause fear to his men, 
and that those who had rice should not keep it locked up in 
such fashion that the poor wretches would come to perish, 
he ordered to buy all that could be had by other hands, and 
buried it in the storehouses in order to provide the people 
therewith until the provision ship should arrive from India, 
for which they looked hourly, as they knew that it had to 
leave by the end of September at the latest 2 . 

Raju did not quiet down from the hate and rage in which 
he was, which was such, that although seeing the great 
caution that was observed in the fortress with regard to fugi- 
tives , and that all that he had sent with wiles were captured and 
tortured, not even on that account did he forbear to send a 
famous sorcerer who offered himself to him to bewitch the 
artillery and the captains of the posts. This man also went 
to attempt this business in the guise of a fugitive lascarim : 
but as the devil is by nature the revealer of the evils that he 
plans, this man on reaching the fortress immediately at the 

1 Raja Siiiha was a pervert to Hinduism (see Mahav. xciii.). 

2 See supra , p. 334, note 3 , and p. 343. 

No. 60. — 1908.] oouto : history of oeylon. 


first questions became confused 1 , and betrayed the presence 
of the poison in his bosom ; and being put to the torture, he 
confessed everything, and showed the apothec that he carried 
to effect his promises, which was, a book of many figures of 
men, animals, and trees, and letters after their manner, in. 
which were set down magic words, with which he summoned 
the devil to work what he desired : and they also found on him 
a bundle in which he had the head and tail of a dried cobra 
de capello, a piece of a viper, seven pieces of barks of poison- 
ous trees, a lump 2 of confections, which on being placed in 
the fire threw out rays and made the air the colour of sulphur ; 
certain grains of pepper, ginger, and saffron, and other seeds, 
some peacock feathers, and some jogue's beads. All this 
was burnt, and the sorcerer was impaled 3 , without the 
devil's availing him ; because as these are illicit and mis- 
chievous arts, they had no power by means of their enchant- 
ments to deliver this sorcerer , and all the rest that made use 
of them, from dangers and risks ; because the devil after 
bringing them into these abandons them, as he has no power 
for more. 

The affairs of Ceilao were in this state, with great caution in 
every direction, there not ceasing to be many alarms and 
assaults, in which our people always basted the enemy well, 
when on the 23rd of October there arrived the galliot of Antonio 
de Brito, which we left after it had set out from Goa, who 
sailing with fair weather made landfall at the island of Ceilao ; 
and through the blowing of the strong cachdes he was driven 
beyond the point of Gale, and went right round it, making in 
Raju's ports on the other coast some assaults and prizes, both 
by sea and by land ; and coming round to the other side, he 
made Manar, where he found the ship of Adriao Kunes of the 
company of Nuno Alvres Datouguia, which as we have said 
was driven to land by the weather 4 , who was ready to set out , 
and Manoel de Macedo in a coragone 5 in which he had left the 

1 The manuscript has " turned about." 

2 Literally " stone." The word " confections " here has, of course, 
the old sense of " poisons." 

3 This is the only instance in which we are told by Couto of the inflic- 
tion, by the Portuguese, of this horrible oriental punishment upon a 
criminal, though it is very probable that they resorted to it on many 
other occasions. 

4 See supra, pp. 327-8. 

8 The manuscript has " cohoracone." On p. 356 below the word is 
spelt caragone. I cannot find the origin. It cannot be a mistake for 
coracora, which is a Malay war-vessel (see Hob.-Job. s.v. " Coracoa "). 



[Vol. XX 

opposite coast in order to go to Ceilaowith some companions, 
who in company with Antonio de Brito reached the port of 
Columbo , where they were warmly welcomed by our people, 
and lodged at the most dangerous posts. 

After this expedition the captain sent to attack Raju's 
great trangueira Antonio Loureneo, Francisco Gomes Leitao, 
Dom Joao modeliar 1 , and the oraches Manoel Pereira and Pero 
Afonsowith their lascarins, who one morning suddenly attacked 
the first fort with many fire -lances and pots of powder, 
with which they made a way to get in, where they had a 
very perilous fight, which lasted for the space of an hour and 
a half, killing many of their people, and three captains and 
two bombardiers, and then retired without more harm than 
slight wounds. This being over, Francisco Gomes Leitao 
went out with thirty soldiers ; and assaulting the enemy's 
bastion, they entered it by force of many lance thrusts and 
cuts, and killed many of their men ; and as the enemy went on 
being reinforced they retired without danger, and on getting 
back to the fortress they went through an embrasure one by 
one ; and the last of all, whom Fate would seem to have 
summoned for that hour, after they_were inside, turned and 
went out again because the enemy had come near ; and as 
Death summoned him. he said to his companions : "I must 
go out once again," and he did so at the moment when they 
fired at him a musket shot, of which he presently died. 
And on All Saints' Day, in another sally that our people made, 
the enemy swarmed on to the plain, and there began to open 
from our posts a fine play of bombard shots and harquebusery 
which made very good practice upon them, the whole plain 
being covered. 

The affairs having passed, and many other assaults that our 
people made upon them daily with loss to the enemy, there 
arrived at Columbo on the 4th of November the ship in which 
Philippe de Carvalho had left with the provision 2 , and brought 
a galleon that had set out from the Fishery laden with rice, 
which she found on the opposite coast almost lost, and went 
to her help, and assisted her continually, and brought her 
with her as far as that port without leaving her, and in sight 
of the coast of Ceilao they were both storm-stayed by the 
cachao wind, which beat down upon them very fiercely, and 
as it is there a cross-wind, at great risk they rode it out on 
their cables. This succour was to all as if sent from heaven, 

1 This is the third and last time that Konappu Bahdara is mentioned 
in this Decade. For his subsequent history see infra, XL, Sum. of 
Events, p. 389 et seq. 

2 See supra, p. 343. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto: history of ceylon. 


and Joao Correa de Brito sent and begged Philippe de Carvallio 
that he would not disembark that day, because he was that 
night expecting an attack from Raju, and that he would re- 
main guarding the port with the rest of the ships, so that the 
enemy's armada should not come and attempt the vessels and 
the ship in which had come the relief of that fortress. And 
because he was advised that Raju was to deliver an assault that 
night he prepared to receive him ; but he failed to deliver it on 
account of its raining heavily 1 ; and on the following night in 
the daybreak watch he commanded to attempt the fortress by 
assault , which they did, bearing in front more than fifty mante- 
lets made of thick mats in order to reach the wall, so that the 
stonemasons, who were more than a thousand, might under- 
mine the walls, and others with ladders to attempt an entrance 
all round. As our people were on the alert, on observing the 
enemy each one took his*place with his arms, discharging upon 
those below many pots of powder, with which they set fire to 
them ; and where the attempt was made with greatest 
force was at the bastion of Santo Antonio, the captain of 
which was Luis Dorta, where the harquebusery was 
heavier and more ladders were set up ; but our men so 
burnt them with fire and scathed 2 them with everything that 
came to their hand, that they made them quit the contest. 
Bernardim d ; Carvallio and the fidalgos of his company and 
Nuno Alvres Datouguia with the captains of his armada 
went to help at the parts that seemed to them most in need, 
encouraging those that were fighting, and doing it themselves 
with much spirit ; and the captain 3 who was at the bastion of 
Madre de Deus with the captains of the round sent from there 
to see and learn the needs that existed anywhere, in order to 
provide for them. On the bastion of Sao Sebastiao, the 
captain of which was Luis Correa da Silva, there was like- 
wise a great attack, and there were found Vasco de Carvalho, 
who had embarked from Goa with Bernardim de Carvalho, 
in which he fought like a very good soldier. And on the bastion 
of Santo Estevao the labour was great, and on the stretch of 
wall adjoining it, because there they experienced a greater 
weight of the enemy, and these were undermining the wall : 
wherefore they hastened with much fire, but it fell upon the 
mantelets, and did not impede those beneath : the which 

1 With this statement contrast that made at the end of chap. xi. 
below (p. 359). 

2 Couto is here alliterative, using in close sequence the words escadas, 
escalddram, escalavrdram. 

3 Estevao Correa (see supra*, p. 295). 



[Vol. XX. 

being seen by a soldier, Luis de Pina by name, getting astride 
on the top of the coping of the mud-wall with his body 
thrown outwards, he hurled upon the enemy many pots of 
powder, wherewith they were driving away those below 1 , with 
which he did much harm ; and afterwards with a fire -lance 
pointed downwards, on account of that part being low, he 
did so much, that setting the stonemasons on fire with it he 
made them withdraw and quit the work. The shouting and 
clamour and trumpetings of the elephants were more alarming 
than their arms, because in all parts there was so much of 
this, that it might have caused fear to anyone who had not so 
lost it as had our men, who knew how much more the Chinga- 
las fight with the tongue than with the hands 2 ; and neverthe- 
less among the women and the wretched folk it inspired a 
terror , as they thought that the city had been entered, and from 
the windows with cries and lamentations to heaven they 
begged the divine favour, which our men not lacking, they so 
harassed the enemy, that after many times attacking suddenly 
at all parts, and the elephants trying to pull down the 
mud- walls, and the stonemasons to undermine them, until 
the day had fully dawned, they_ entirely gave over the 
assault, by going away well scathed, leaving in their hurry 
all the tackling that they had brought for scaling the walls ; 
because when it was day there were found at the foot of 
them many picks, alavangas, mattocks, and many mante- 
lets and ladders, all of which was brought inside. And it 
was presumed that they had killed many of them : as 
those that remain alive are obliged to carry off the dead, 
nothing was known amongst our people more than what 
the spies said afterwards, whom in this matter and in 
others I hold as very suspect, because at times they speak 
according to the wish of the captains, who delight in 
magnifying their affairs, chiefly in the certificates that they 
issue, in which there are always exact numbers, as if they 
had gone to count them. But nevertheless Raju lost many 
men, and his people much credit with him, and he his hopes of 
taking Columbo, which he understood well that he could not 
do by assaults, since he knew that his people would never 
scale walls that Portuguese defended ; but he wished to wear 
out our people by alarms, even though at the cost of his own 
men, because his intention was to bring his mines to some 
part where he might cause some breach, in order to enter by 
it to do them some harm. 

1 The printed edition omits this clause. 

2 Of. supra, p. 325. 

No. 60. 1908.] couto : history of obylon. 


Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. x. 

Of another message that the viceroy received regarding the strait 
of Columbo : and of how he sent in succour Joao Caiado 
de Gamboa in a ship with one hundred and fifty men :. . 

After the departure of the galleon of the voyage with the 
provisions, there arrived at Goa Bertolameu Rodrigues, whom 
the captain of Colurnbo had sent with another message to the 
viceroy regarding the first 1 assault that Raju delivered upon 
that fortress, of which he brought a drawing, in order that he 
might see the mode of the enemy's fortification, and the force 
that he had brought against that fortress 2 : and on seeing that 
strength, the viceroy ordered to make ready a galleon, electing 
as captain of that succour, which was to consist of one hundred 
and fifty men, Joao Caiado de Gamboa, who making haste 
with his embarkation set sail on the 7th of October, there 
embarking with him many fidalgos and cavaliers who were 
lovers of honour, of whom the names that we have been able to 
learn are as follows : Dom Gilianes de Noronha and Bom Lead 
his brother, Dom Afonso Henriques, Hieronimo de Castro, 
Pero Botelho, Joao Sobrinho , Ruy Vas Pinto, Dom Fernando de 
Meneses, Simao da Silva, Christovao Rebello,PaulloPimentade 
Bulhao , Mathias da Fonseca , Manoel Pereira do Lago , Domingos 
Leitao Pereira, Balthesar de Freitas, and the same Berthola- 
meu Rodrigues who came to beg for the succour : and taking 
ten thousand parddos in money, and the galleon laden with 
provisions and munitions, they went pursuing their voyage 3 . 

. These galleys 4 set sail on the 20th of this month of 

October, and the viceroy continued to busy himself in the 
matter of Columbo, because it was agreed in council, as we 
have already said 5 . that a large armada should be prepared, and 
that the captain-major who should go in it should wait in 
Columbo for Dom Paulo de Lima, who was to come from 
Malaca (as the viceroy had written to him), in order that both 
together with the whole force, which was the largest that India 
possessed, should attack the enemy and dislodge him : and as 
now the weather would not allow of this being possible before 
the end of January following 6 , he began to prepare the things 
necessary for that expedition, nominating Manoel de Sousa 

1 The manuscript omits this word. 

2 See supra, p. 319. 

3 The further progress of which is related in the next chapter. 

4 Two that the viceroy was sending to Cochin with certain orders. 

5 See supra, p. 335. 

6 The ships could not leave Malacca for India before the beginning 
of January, when the monsoon favourable for that voyage set in. 

2 a 36-08 



[Vol. XX. 

Coutinho for this enterprise 1 with the title of captain-major of 
the sea of India, on account of his being very experienced in 
the affairs of Ceilao, as the one who had been captain in 
Columbo five or six years before, and had sustained that great 
siege, which the same Raju had laid to it, from which he 
emerged broken and defeated 2 : 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. xi. 

of how Manoel de Sousa went with an armada to the 

coast of the north : and of what happened on the journey to 
Joad Caiado de Gamhoa until he arrived at Columbo : and of 
the things that further happened in that fortress. 

He * * * * * * 

Whilst occupied in getting ready the armada that he was to 
send to Ceilao, the viceroy received news that to the coast of 
the north had passed some Malavar ships intent on making- 
prizes ; and because that coast was left to itself, and every day 
there came Portuguese ships from all those fortresses, he 
resolved that until the monsoon arrived in which Manoel de 
Sousa had to set out, which was at the end of January, he 
should spend that time on that coast, whereupon he continued 
fulfilling the duty of the armada that he was to send to it, 
because the rest of the summer he had ordered Dom Ruy Gomes 
da Silva to get ready with some ships in Bacaim in order to go 
about guarding the cafilas : and so he ordered Manoel de Sousa 
and the captains who were nominated to go with him in succour 
to CeilaS, and that he was to embark at once, whilst things 
were being got ready for the expedition, and that they should 
spend those two months on the coast of the north from Goa as 
far as Dabul. This armada set out in the middle of November, 
and spent the time on that coast until January, in which they 
returned in order to arrange for the expedition to Columbo : 
and as there happened nothing noteworthy ^ we have thus 
related this in sum. 

Returning to Joao Caiado de Gamboa 3 , he went pursuing 
his voyage, and in a few days passed Cape Comorim, and on the 

1 See Linsch. ii. 197. In a letter dated 6 February 1589 (printed 
in Arch. Port.-Or. i.) King Philip expresses his approval of all the vice- 
roy had done for the relief of Columbo, including the sending of a fleet 
under Manoel de Sousa Coutinho. 

2 See supra, p. 257 ; p. 264, note 7 . 

3 See previous chapter, p. 353. 

No. 60. — 1908.] COUTO : history op ceylon. 


other side met with winds contrary for being able to cross over 
to Columbo, it being already late; and taking the opinion of the 
pilot and the ships' officers, men of experience on that coast, 
all agreed that it would be a great risk in that weather to 
attempt to cross with the galleon : that a better plan would be 
for the men to disembark there and journey by land as far as 
Remanacor 1 , and thence cross over to Manar, where they 
wo aid find ships to get to Ceilao : and that in this, though 
there might be some more delay, was greater safety for anyone 
that was going to succour a fortress that was besieged. Upon 
this resolution they disembarked at Tutocori ; and having had 
an interview with the fathers of the Company, under whose 
administration in spiritual matters the whole of that coast 
lies 2 , they gave them the same counsel, offering to supply 
them with all the boats and sailors that they should need to 
get to Manar. Upon this Joao Caiado got ready for the 
journey, and arranged to leave the galleon with twenty soldiers 
in guard, there being news of some galliots of Malavares ; but 
none of them wished to remain, saying that they were going in 
succour to the king's 3 fortress, and that they must reach there. 
Joao Caiado seeing that it was absolutely necessary for that 
galleon to remain there guarded, there being in her much 
artillery and provisions, won them over by means of fictions 
and fair words, prevailing upon them that it was absolutely 
necessary for that galleon to remain guarded 4 ; that those that 
were drawn hy lot should remain ; and in this he so managed 
matters that only those were drawn that he thought he could 
most do without, and he appointed as captain Bertolameu 
Rodrigues : and he gave orders to the officers to go to Goa ; and 
having disembarked all the money and munitions that he 
could, they went marching by land to Remanacor, where the 
fathers were to have the boats for them to get to Manar. Those 
of the galleon were left disconsolate and disgusted ; and on the 
ship's officers' wishing to return to Goa, Bertolameu Rodrigues 
and the soldiers 5 came up and would not allow them to weigh 
the anchors, telling them that they must commend themselves 
to God ; because, even should they run the risk of being lost, 
they intended to try to get to Columbo to succour the king's 
fortress, which was in need, because in her were the provisions 
and munitions that the viceroy had sent in succour of 

1 See supra, p. 96, note 3 . 

2 As it had done since the time of Xavier. 

3 The manuscript omits " king's." 

4 The manuscript omits the words " that it was .... guarded," 
which are a mere repetition of those a few lines above. 

5 The manuscript omits " and the soldiers." 

2a 2 


[Vol. XX. 

it 1 : that of more importance was it for that fortress to have 
them than the risking of the galleon : and that God was sure to be 
pleased to give them very good weather and bring them in safety , 
since they were going on a matter so much in his service ; and 
so they let themselves lie there at anchor with a very fierce 
north-wind, which lasted three days. When these were past 
it changed, and turned fair for them, and Bertolameu Rodrigues 
caused sail to be set against the wish of the officers, who made 
their exclamations and protests, and they went running along 
the coast as far as the Island of the Jogues 2 , and experiencing 
favourable weather, they forthwith crossed over to the other 
side, and on the next day came in sight of the opposite coast 3 
near to the river Cardiva 4 , and along the shore with the wind 
further off they went and anchored in Columbo to the joy of all, 
as they arrived before Joao Caiado. Bertolameu Rodrigues 
disembarked, and gave the captain an account of the expedi- 
tion of Joao Caiado, and said that he might be there any day, 
upon which those in the fortress began to be of good cheer and 
to eat their fill of the food that had come in the galleon, the 
captain spreading the report that there were coming in the 
keeping of Joao Caiado twenty thousand cruzados, both 
thereby to break the spirit of the enemy as well as to hearten 
the soldiers, who if they are paid and well fed do not feel the 
toils or fear the dangers of war, however great they may be. 

Joao Caiado, after reaching Remanacor, collected the 
caragones 5 that seemed to him necessary for transporting all 
that force of men and materiel, which he did in a short time 
owing to the great assistance that the fathers of the Company 
had prepared for him : and because he had remained at the 
point of Remanacor, which is the last of the shoals, at the 

1 The manuscript omits these last four words. 

2 In IV. vn. ix. Couto relates how, in 1531, " Manoelde Macedo by 
the bad navigation of his pilot got on the inner side of Cape Comorim 
without knowing where he was, and ran the ship aground on the sand- 
bank of the Island of the Jogues in front of the town of Calecare, which 
is on the main land, before reaching the shoals of Chilao." The earliest 
map that I have seen that marks the island is that of Reland, Nova 
Tabula Terrarum Gucan, Canara, Malabaria, &c. (? 1710), in which is 
shown a chain of islets surrounded by sandbanks stretching from Kila- 
karai to Pamban, to which is appended the description " I. dos Iogues of 
Pater Noster. " I cannot exactly identify the island referred to by Couto. 

3 The printed edition omits the words " and coast." 

4 "Cardiva " is Karaittivu, and the " river " is Portugal Bay (see 
infra, p. 393, and M . Lit. Beg. iv. 157 ; and cf. supra, p. 104, note 3 ). 

6 See supra, p. 349, note 5 , 

No. 60.— 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


distance of a crossbow shot, he ordered the caracones to be 
brought overland, in order to be on the other side outside of 
them, which was easily done, though with trouble, and there 
he embarked the next day, and set off and came to Manar , 
where Joao de Mello managed to get him a galliot, in which he 
embarked with those that she would hold, and the rest he 
divided amongst some provision boats that were there for 
Columbo, which agreed to go with him 1 ; and in a large 
champana, which was also there laden with rice, he ordered 
Christovao Rebelo with some soldiers to embark, and with all 
these vessels Joao Caiado set sail, taking with him in his 
company Diogo Fernandes Pessoa, who, as we have said 2 , in 
the first succour set out from Santo Thome, and had been driven 
ashore there, where he had been until then sustaining his 
soldiers, without having suitable weather for leaving. With 
all this fleet Joao Caiado anchored at the bar of Columbo on 
the 4th of December ; and the large champana in anchoring, by 
fault of the pilot, went so near to the land that in turning she 
struck thereon with her poop, and went to pieces ; and it 
pleased God that the greater part of the men escaped on land, 
and the rest were lost, it being a dark night 3 : there were lost 
in her a thousand candis of rice, cloths, butter, and other 
things, which beside being a serious loss for the owners, who 
were bringing everything for sale, was one for that fortress, 
as with that it would have been well supplied with everything. 
But in spite of this that succour was much welcomed, owing to 
its being in charge of such a fidalgo and cavalier and consisting 
of so much provision as that cafila brought. And as the 
weather served for the ship of the voyage to return to India, 
Philipe de Carvalho, her captain, who till then had assisted in 
that fortress with all his soldiers, whom he messed, and took 
part in all the engagements that occurred during that time, 
told Joao Correa to provide the ship with a captain, as he 
intended to remain in that fortress with all his soldiers as long 
as the siege lasted, that for that reason he had accepted that 
voyage. Joao Correa was not willing to accept the compliment 
from him, and told him that it was necessary for him to 
return in the ship, both for the safety of the artillery that was 
in her, and to inform the viceroy of the state in which that 
fortress was ; and although he repeated his request he would 
not consent to it, and made him embark and set sail on the 
15th of December, that fortress being now in a position not 
only to defend itself against Raju, but even to take the offensive 

1 The printed edition omits this clause. 

2 See supra, p. 320. 

3 The manuscript omits this clause. 



[Vol. XX. 

and meet him in the field, and send and make war on him along 
all his coast. 

And for that purpose he ordered to equip five foists, two 
charatones 1 , and ten small tones, and appointed as captain- 
major Pero Afonso or ache, a man of much experience of the 
whole of that coast, and gave him thirty Portuguese and one 
hundred and fifty lascarins, and ordered him to go in the 
direction of Galle, and to destroy and lay waste all Raju's ports 
in that part. This fleet having left Columbo, they went to the 
point of Gale destroying everyhing that they came across, 
chiefly the villages of Berberi, Belicote 2 . and others ; and turn- 
ing the point of Gale to the further side they disembarked at 
the city of Beligao 3 , where they wrought great destruction, and 
killed and captivated much people , and the lascarins committed 
very great cruelties on women and children, because, in order to 
get from them their earrings and bracelets, they cut off their 
ears and hands ; and leaving everything burnt and plundered, 
they passed on to other places, which they proceeded to lay 
waste and destroy : and thus they spent the whole time that 
their provisions lasted ; and when they were finished, they 
returned to Columbo laden with prizes, and with one hundred 
and eighty persons captives. As soon as Rajii learnt of it he 
blasphemed with rage and fury, seeing that our people, while 
being besieged, set so little store by him, that they went to 
destroy his towns and cities, with regard to which he did not 
know what resolution to come to ; and fearing another expedi- 
tion like that, he sent one day to call out to those in the fortress 
to tell the captain to send Pero 4 Baiao to him, as he had 
matters of importance to treat of with him : to which they did 
not reply to the purpose, because it was at once understood 
that these were diversions to embarrass our people. 

At the same period, which was in December, a few days after 
the ship of the voyage had left, there appeared a new and cruel 
sickness, which was general among the people of the country: 
and it was so terrible, that, on account of the many that 
died, they thought that it was poison that they had cast into 
their wells, wherefore all went about affrighted. The disease 
commenced in the feet with a swelling, which went ascending 
to the legs, and thence to the belly, and to the breast, where, as 

1 This word occurs also in VII. vm. xi. I do not know its origin. 

2 So also in the manuscript ; but it should be Belitote = Welitota or 
Welitara, near Balapitiya (c/. p. 171). 

3 See supra, p. 266. 

4 Although both the manuscript and the printed edition have " Pero " 
or " Pedro," I think we ought to read " Jeronymo " (c/. supra, p. 321, 
and infra, p. 363). 

No. 60. — 1908.] cotjto : history of ceylon. 


soon as it touched the heart 1 , it proved fatal, leaving those 
bodies deformed. And as the sickness was new in that country 
and not known, nor had ever been seen by the natives, the 
physicians made an anatomy on one of those bodies to see if 
they could understand the disease in order to cure it, because 
it was going on increasing greatly, and many were dying ; and 
having viewed the intestines, they found the livers apostemated , 
and it was affirmed that that proceeded from the heat and 
humidity because of the great drought that prevailed, it not 
having rained the whole of that year 2 , a thing that the old 
people could not remember the like 3 ; and further to increase 
the disease, the vara of Choromandel 4 happened to discharge 
so much water that it was a deluge ; and by the heat that was 
in the liver with that humidity of the earth, which was soaked, 
the bodies came to apostemate in that manner. And the 
disease being understood, they applied remedies of cold and 
dry things, like vinegar, with which they mitigated it ; and 
this lacking, they made use of a fruit which they call gorsas 5 , 
which has the same virtue, and with some other herbs ; but as 
this also came to be exhausted, there did not fail to die many ; 
but it pleased God that it was wretched and miserable folk, 
and the disease lasted but a short time, for it soon ceased. 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. xii. 

...... of how Dom Paulo sent Simao de Abreu de Mello with 

news of the victory to the viceroy : and of how he was wrecked 
on the coast of Ceilad : and of the troubles that he underwent. 

Simao de Abreu de Mello set out from Malaca 6 , and in five 
days made landfall of the islands of Nicobar, and there he 
made fast in the full of the moon, and took in water ; and 

1 The printed edition omits " the heart." 

2 But see supra, p. 351. 

3 Cf. supra, p. 35, and Ribeiro's statement in C. A. S. Jl. xii. 94. 

4 See supra, p. 31, note 3 . 

5 Both the manuscript and the printed edition read so, but the word 
should be " gorcas " = gorakas, the fruit of the Garcinia Cambogia, 
which is of a pleasant subacid flavour. The bark and leaves of the 
tree are used therapeutically by the Sinhalese, but not the fruit, as far 
as I can find. 

6 At the beginning of December 1587, bearing letters from D. Paulo 
de Lima to the viceroy and the city of Goa apprising them of the victory 
lie had gained over the king of Johor (see Linsch. ii. 198-200). 



resuming his journey, he went following his course ; but as the 
weather was still very tempestuous, they met with such great 
counterseas, that they were many times on their beam-ends 
and all awash, and for seven days continuously. they expe- 
rienced such great storms, that there was no one that thought 
any longer of anything but God, nor did they eat save a very 
little of something ; and like men stupefied and who now took 
no more account of themselves, they went expecting every 
hour that the galliot would founder. And being in this plight 
and desperation, on Christmas eve at eleven o'clock in the day 3 
they sighted land, which the pilot thought to be Negapatao, 
in which he deceived himself, and so they made for it, because 
they were in such a condition that they considered that it 
would be safer for them to run aground on whatever place it 
might be than to go on ; and running the prow on land, they 
stranded on it with such heavy seas, that on the beach the 
roll of the water immediately overwhelmed them, and the 
waves carried those that had most intrepidity on land, where 
they were like to have been dashed to pieces, and others having 
lost heart were unable to save themselves, and thus were lost 
ten soldiers and some servants. The rest having got ashore, 
joining with the sailors, who were forty in number, all of them, 
both the ones and the others, naked and bare, and having 
nothing to eat, began to walk alongside the sea, thinking that it 
was towards Negapatao, according to the pilot's calculation. 
And all that night they never rested, but kept on walking : 
and when day broke they came across some blacks, of whom 
they had speech, and learnt that they were in the kingdom of 
Jafanapatao at the extremity of the island of Ceilao, because 
they had been wrecked five leagues from Triquimale towards 
Jafanapatao 2 ; and if instead of striking land five leagues on 
this side they had struck five leagues on the bther side, not a 
single person would have escaped, because all that part was 
under the rule of Raju 3 . And giving thanks to God for 
delivering them from the hands of that tyrant, they went on 
journeying with much trouble, naked and bare, because the 
best equipped was Simao de Abreu, who made a hole in the 
middle of an old mat that he found, and put it over his head, 
it covering him like a sambenito*. And during all this time 

1 The manuscript has " at night," which seems improbable. 

2 The ship must therefore have been wrecked somewhere near Kueh- 

3 Perhaps the Virgil-aru formed the northern boundary of Raja 
Sinha's dominions on the east coast. 

4 The garment put upon persons condemned by the inquisition to 
be burnt (see plate in Morse Stephens's Portugal 293). 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto ; history op ceylon. 


they ate nothing but herbs and jungle fruits, having no better 
lodging to repose in than the open field and the earth soaked 
with much water, as it rained every day : whereby they all 
became so weakened, that had it not been for the courage and 
natural disposition of Simao de Abreu, most of them would 
have perished on that journey ; for he helped each one in his 
troubles just as if he were not undergoing them likewise, 
strengthening them and encouraging them, and assisting them 
so much, that one of the company having fallen down through 
being able to bear up no longer, begging him with hands raised 
to leave him there, he prepared for him a hand-barrow of four 
pieces of wood crossed, and asked the sailors to carry him. 
and he was the first that laid hold of it and took it on his 
shoulders. What gave much trouble to these shipwrecked 
people was the many and great lakes that they crossed 1 , which 
detained them much ; and going so one day there was left 
behind, as already dead, a soldier, who had been carried 
thither by a brother, who likewise could no longer bear up : 
which Simao de Abreu learning of made them all halt, and be 
went back alone with some sailors, and consoled 2 and comforted 
him, reminding him to commend himself to God, and so he 
made him rise. Eight days having passed of this affliction, 
they reached some villages 3 , where the natives detained them 
and treated them well, and sent a message to the king of 
Jafanapatao, who at once sent for them, and received them 
very humanely, commanding them to be provided with every- 
thing in great abundance 4 ; and after recovering strength they 
went to Manar 5 ; and Joad de Mello, who was captain, gave 
them a ship, in which they left for Cochim, and reached that 
city on the 8th of January, Simao de Abreu de Mello, 

1 As they kept near to the seashore they had to cross the mouths of 
the various kalapu or backwaters as well as of the numerous rivers. 

2 The manuscript by an oversight omits " and he went back 


3 This would be at the beginning of January 1588. Perhaps by the 
" some villages " are meant Mullaittivu and its adjacent villages. 

1 This statement is difficult of credence. The king of Jaffna reigning 
at this time was anything but a friend of the Portuguese ; and a few 
years later (in 1591) a Portuguese force under Andre Furtado de Men- 
doca landed at Mannar, marched on Jaffna, and defeated and killed 
the king and his heir, the second son being set upon the throne as a 
vassal of the king of Portugal (see infra, pp. 393-4). I rather think 
that it must have been some underling of the king's who showed kind- 
ness to Simao de Abreu's company. 

5 Whether by sea or by land does not appear, 



[Vol. XX. 

after giving the letters for the kingdom 1 , left for Goa, and gave 

the viceroy and the city the news of the victory, With 

this good news the viceroy was relieved and better able to 
attend to the affairs of Ceilao : and he at once ordered to press 
forward with the fleet of Manoel de Sousa, which was to go in 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. xiii. 

Of the events that occurred during this time in Columbo : 
and of the assaults that Raju delivered on that fortress : and 
of what took place therein. 

Joao Correa de Brito, knowing that Raju was cast down at 
the little that he had effected in that siege, and at the great 
damage that he had received from our people, endeavoured to 
break his spirit altogether, and to drive him to desperation by 
waging war upon him in all his ports, to which end he ordered 
Thome de Sousa de Arronches to go with six ships and four 
tones beyond the point of Galle, and destroy the whole coast 
on the other side, without leaving anything standing. The 
captains who accompanied him in the ships were, his brother 
Diogo 2 Alvres, Diogo Gonsalves, Miguel Ferreira 3 Baracho, 
Belchior 4 Rebelo, and Andre Botelho. In these ships went 
one hundred and ten Portuguese, and in the tones sixty las- 
carins, and the captain of these was Diogo 5 Pereira arache. 

Of this armada Raju was soon advised : and fearing that it 
would do him great harm in his ports, and also because in 
truth he was weary of the war, he sought to sound the captain 
in order to see if he would offer him peace, which he desired 
greatly ; and as all these heathens live by opinion, considering 
that it was to his prejudice, there being in his camp the am- 
bassadors of several kings, friends of his, with whom he 
desired to maintain his credit 6 , without telling what he had 
determined, save to one person, beyond whom the secret of 
that affair was not to go, he sent by him to throw some olas 

1 Letters he had written to the king of Portugal announcing the victory 
at Johor : the homeward-bound ships were on the point of leaving Cochin. 

2 Both the manuscript and the printed edition have " Diogo " for 
" Rodrigo " (c/. supra, X. x. v., p. 328, and p. 370 below). 

3 The manuscript has " Ferrao." 

4 The manuscript has " Balthezar." 

6 Both the manuscript and the printed edition have " Diogo" ; but 
in chap. xv. below he is twice (pp. 370, 375) called " Domingos." 

6 Who these " kings " were, we are not told : they were probably 
ome of the rajas of Southern India. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


into the fortress with arrows, in which he begged the captain to 
send him Hieronymo Bayao, as he had a matter of importance 
to treat of with him 1 . He conducted this business in 
this secrecy, in order, if the captain sent this man, to make 
the ambassadors believe that he had sent him to ask for peace, 
and that he begged him for mercy ; and if the captain desired 
to make, it 2 , a way would thereby be opened up for that. 
These olas were found and carried to Joao Correa, who did not 
fail to see through the subterfuge of Raju, and in order to 
humiliate him did not reply to him to the purpose : affronted 
by which, he determined to deliver a general assault upon the 
fortress, for which purpose he got ready his whole force, and 
used every expedient that he could, and on the 10th of January 
of this year 1588, upon which by the divine favour we enter, 
in the daylight watch 3 he appeared in great silence before our 
fortress, and completely surrounded it, having divided the 
bastions and posts amongst his modeliares, who already knew 
the parts that they had to attack : and so at one and the 
same time they came and set up the ladders against them, 
because Raju's intention was to see if his men could find some 
post so unprepared that by it they could enter the fortress. 
And this was done with so little noise, that they were not 
perceived until they had already ascended the ladders, and 
the first part where they showed themselves was the post of 
Joao Caiado on the bastion of Santo Estevao, and in the 
couraga, where was Dom Luis Mascarenhas. These awakening 
seized their arms, and hastened to the defence at the moment 
when the enemy had just thrown inside some pots of powder ; 
and well they paid for it, for these captains harried them, and 
made many of them lose their lives, and the remainder their 
pride. In the other parts where they also appeared they 
found our meri already with their arms in their hands to 
impede them. The turmoil was soon heard throughout the 
whole fortress, and the captain hastened to the bastion of 
Madre de Deus in order thence to provide for everything ; 
and Bernardim de Carvalho with his soldiers went hastening to 
the parts that seemed to them most in need, and the same did 
Nuno Alvres Datouguia: and in such manner did our men 
make the enemy experience that boldness, that with a few 
blows they threw them down from the ladders cut to pieces, and 
all so harried that they did not dare to attempt the ascent, 

1 Cf. supra, pp. 321, 358. 

2 The printed edition has " if the captain failed to make it," which 
appears incorrect. 

3 By a stupid error the printed edition has " in the watch (or quarter) 
of the moon." 



[Vol. XX. 

and withdrew leaving many dead and burnt at the foot of the 
bastions and posts. Rajii was greatly exasperated at this, 
and determined to batter the fortress, and to knock down 
all the walls, for which purpose he commanded to be brought 
many pieces of bronze artillery and some that threw balls of cast 
iron of forty-four pounds weight ; and levelling them against 
the bastions of Sao Goncalo and Sao Miguel, he commenced 
to batter them for three days continuously, without doing 
more than knocking to pieces the roof of the bastion of Sao 
Goncalo. This uproar created fear in the miserable folk, who 
had never seen another such earthquake. 

This last day of the battering was on the 15th of January, and 
until the 27th he made preparations for delivering another 
general assault, into which he determined to put all his 
strength : and so on that day in the daylight watch he com- 
manded to attempt 1 the bastions of Sao Gonsalo and Sao 
Miguel from the direction of Mapano, and the rest from other 
directions. This onset was one of great determination, and 
accompanied by such great reverberations, shouts, and, 
screams of the elephants, that it seemed as if the world were 
being dissolved. The captains of the posts on hearing the 
noise at once took their arms in their hands and prepared to 
receive the enemy. The elephants came to the walls of the 
bastion of Sao Gonsalo, which were of mud, and threw their 
trunks upon them to pull them down ; but our people cast 
upon them so much fire that they made them withdraw. On 
the bastion of Sao Sebastiao the attack was greater, because 
it was taken in hand by the captain of the atapata or king's 
guard, with all the troops under his command, who were 
picked men, and with Raju's banners. Here the trouble was 
great, because our lascarins on seeing near the bastion those 
banners and devices immediately lost heart and began to 
retire. At that moment there arrived there Nuno Alvres 
Datouguia with his soldiers ; and seeing the strait in which 
that bastion was, he threw himself into it and secured it, 
fighting with great valour and encouraging all to do the same. 
The captain of the fortress had the captains of the rounds 
distributed throughout all parts in order to advise him of 
what happened ; and for everything of which he was advised 
he at once provided with much care. Bernardim de Carvalho 
and Joao Caiado de Gamboa with all the fidalgos and captains 
that were with them assisted in their positions those that held 
them, and the others wherever they thought there was the 
greatest need. In the bastion of Sao Gonsalo fighting went on 
very vigorously, because upon it fell the weight of the enemy 

1 The manuscript, by the copyist's carelessness, omits a line here. 

No. 60. —1908.] oouto : uistoby of ceylon. 


and the elephants ; and it pleased God that a falcon was dis- 
charged from the bastion, which was so well aimed, that it 
killed three elephants and wounded six very badly, as it car- 
ried a cartouche of stones. So that in all parts they harried 
the enemy, both with arms and with fire, in such fashion that 
only through shame and fear of Raj li they did not withdraw 1 . 
In the bastion of Santiago, the captain of which was Antonio 
Guerreiro, and in the ravelin that was above the point 2 , in 
which was Paulo Pimenta 3 , there was very great danger, 
because it was attacked by several modeliares with a large 
force ; but they defended themselves very valorousiy, al- 
though the ravelin was in great straits, and the report spread 
that the enemy had entered by it, upon which Dom Gilianes 
de Noronha hastened with his soldiers, and placed himself 
above the gates, because some elephants were there, placing 
their foreheads against them in order to force them in, and 
with fire-lances our men burnt them and made them with- 
draw and turn upon their own people, whom they went tread- 
ing under with the pain of the fire. And not to particularize 
so many things, or to name in particular all the captains and 
soldiers that did heroic deeds, because all did so much that 
there would be something to write of them, we shall pass 
over this, because the glory was everyone's, and all did so 
much that after the battle had lasted two hours they made 
the enemy withdraw disorganized, defeated ; and when the 
morning dawned, everywhere our people saw the whole plain 
strewn with dead bodies, and it was affirmed that nearly a 
thousand were those that perished in the battle, besides the 
wounded, who must have been many. The enemy having 
withdrawn, the captain ordered all the bastions to be decked 
with flags, and the artillery to be discharged, and the bells 
rung out in token of victory, because only one man was lost. 
With this Raju was reduced to utter despair, and thought 
that the idols were offended with him ; and presently when it 
dawned our people found inside the city and on top of the 
houses a great quantity of pots with the matches alight, 
without their breaking when thrown on the hard ground, 
the which was ascribed to a miracle ; and both for this and 
for the victory all gave many thanks to our Lord. 

1 The printed edition erroneously reads "withdraw from the bastion," 
&c, and has a semicolon after " Guerreiro." I follow the reading of 
the manuscript. 

2 The manuscript has " above the gate." This being the only mention 
of the ravelin, I am uncertain as to the "point " above which it stood. 

3 Paulo Pimenta de Bulhao, one of the knights that came from Goa 
with Joao Caiado de Gamboa (see supra, p. 353). 



[Vol. XX. 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. xiv. 

Of the matters for which Dom Paulo de Lima made provision in 
Malaca before leaving for Goa : and of how the viceroy sent 
Manoel de Sousa to Ceilao : and of what Thome de Sousa de 
Arronches did in the villages of Raju. 

By the ships that left Goa at the end of the past September, 
as we have already said 1 , which arrived at Malaca at the begin- 
ning of November, Dom Paulo de Lima received letters from 
the viceroy, in which he requested him to make haste and rid 
himself of the affairs of that fortress as quickly as he could, 
and to go with all his armada to Columbo, in order, with the 
captain of the city and whomever he should send in succour, to 
attack the enemy, and that in Columbo he would find full 
instructions regarding what he had to do. On the setting in 
of the monsoon 2 , Dom Paulo set about concluding the affairs 
of that fortress, ; and making temporary arrange- 
ments in connection with all other business, he took leave of 
the city on the 24th of January, in which we now are, and set 
sail, having given orders to all the captains of his armada that 
if they got separated fiom him they were to go 3 and wait for 
him. at Columbo, whither he was to go, the viceroy having so 
commanded him, and they went pursuing their voyage, of 
which we shall give an account further on 4 , in order to return 
to the affairs of Goa. 

Manuel de Sousa Coutinho having returned from the coast 
of the north, as we have said 5 , the viceroy at once equipped him 
for going in succour to Ceilao, and dispatched him with full 
instructions that he gave him : and the chief was, that as soon 
as he reached Columbo he was to wait for the armada from 
Malaca, in order, with the captain of the city and Dom Paullo de 
Lima, in whose judgment and courage and good fortune he 
had great confidence, to attack the enemy and raise the siege 
of that city, without there being amongst them any precedence, 
all of them observing the decorum that was due to each, to one 
as captain-major of that succour and to the other as captain of 
that city, all of which he left to their prudence, because in any 
other way would be lost so great an opportunity as that which 
was expected from that expedition, in which lay the retrieval 

1 See supra, p. 335. 

2 See supra, p. 353, note 6 . 

3 The printed edition has " that they were to separate from him and 

4 Couto does not exactly fulfil this promise, only informing us in 
chapters xvi. and xvii. below (pp. 377, 385) of the arrival at Columbo of 
the ships. 

6 See supra, X. x, xi., p. 354, 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of oeylon. 


of that fortress and of the whole of India. All being ready 
and in order, the viceroy caused Manoel de Sousa to set sail 
on the 4th of February with two galleys, in one of which went 
the captain-major, and in the other Dom Jeronimo Dazevedo, 
and sixteen foists, the captains of which were Diogo de Sousa, 
Clemente Daguiar, Ambrosio Leitao, Nuno Alvres Pereira, 
Simao Rolim, Fradique Carneiro, Manoel de Macedo 1 , Simao 
Brandao, Pedro Velloso, Joao de Sousa, Manoel Cabral da 
Veiga, Miguel da Maia, Manoel Froes, Francisco Martins 
Marinho, Gonsalo Fernandes Coutinho, and Dom Felipe 
prince 2 of Candia 3 : in all these ships there went six hundred 
men, all picked soldiery of India, and many young fidalgos 
reindes*. Having set sail, they went pursuing their journey 
with fair weather, on which we shall leave them 5 in order to 
continue with other matter. 

Thome de Sousa de Arronches having set out from Columbo 
with the six ships and four tones to wage all the war he could 
along the whole coast of Ceilao 6 , the first place at which he 
disembarked was one called Coscore 7 , which they burnt 8 , 
and captivated eleven persons, among whom was a Chingala 
young woman lately married ; and after having completed 
their work they embarked. Being on the point of leaving, 
there came in great haste a sturdy Chingala man, who seemed 
a rustic, and without waiting for anything got into one of 
those ships in which that Chingala woman was ; and betaking 
himself to her, they embraced each other with many tears 9 , 

1 The manuscript, by an oversight, omits the names that follow, 
down to " Cabral." 

2 The manuscript has the absurd blunder " Pereira." 

3 This is the only place in the Tenth Decade in which this man is 
mentioned. Whether or not his flight from Kandy in 1580 was related 
by Couto in his stolen Ninth Decade we cannot tell (see supra, p. 258) ; 
but that the lost Eleventh Decade contained a good deal about the 
prince we may be certain (see infra, p. 389, note 4 ). 

4 " Griffins," in Anglo-Indian parlance (see Hob. -Job. s. vv. '* Griffin " 
and Reinol "). 

5 Couto returns to them in chap. xvi. (p. 376) infra. 

6 See the beginning of the preceding chapter (p. 362). 

7 The manuscript has " Coscori." Kosgoda is meant. 

8 In X. x. xi. (p. 358) we were told of a force under the command of 
the arachchi Pero Affonso destroying Beruwala, Welitota, and other 
places as far as and including Weligama. We shall now read of Thome 
de Sousa's armada's completing the work of destruction as far as and 
including Dondra. 

9 The printed edition adds " and lamentation." 



[Vol. XX. 

upon which the captain of the ship hastened thither ; and 
asking what that was, one who spoke the language told him 
that that man was the husband of that woman, and that he 
was not in the village when they captivated her ; and that 
hastening thither, learning that the Portuguese had carried 
off his wife, he rushed like a madman to the vessels, and got 
on board that in which he saw her, and caressed her tenderly. 
The captain of the ship told the affair to Thome de Sousa, and 
as it was a remarkable thing, he went to see it with his own eyes . 
and found them both embraced and uttering lamentations ; 
and asking a Chingala Christian who was listening to them 
what that was, and what he was saying to her, he told him 
that on that man's coming to his wife he clasped her in his 
arms in that manner, and spoke to her these words : " God 
grant that never may I, with you going captive 1 , remain free, 
but that both may have a like fortune : be you captive of the 
Portuguese, and I your captive, and for love of you, because 
thus shall the captivity of both be easier and 2 more sufferable, 
because love will alleviate for us its trials ;" and that she with 
many tears answered him : " Now that I see this, I count 
myself the most fortunate of all the Chingalas : today you 
have placed a crown on yourself, and on me a very strong 
fetter of love and loyalty, which as long as I live shall hold me 
a prisoner." Thome de Sousa was moved with pity at what 
the interpreter said he had heard from them, and at seeing 
that these two lovers were so wrapped up in their dalliances 
that they neither saw the captain 3 nor paid any attention to 
him ; and the captain astonished at that strength and con- 
stancy of love in those two barbarians, and understanding well 
that it was not any kind of love that made him do that, but a 
very great force ot it , which was what made a free man of his 
own accord offer himself to captivity, moved to pity by that 
act, made them rise, and taking them by the hands ordered 
to say to them : 64 God grant that never might two such good 
spouses, who loved each other so, be any more parted, nor 
have greater captivity than the tie in which love had placed 
them ; that he liberated them, that they might go happily, 
and might they live as long as God pleased in that agreement " : 
and they understanding that through the interpreter threw 
themselves at his feet, and said, " that since he showed that 

1 The printed edition has " seeing you captive."" 

2 The printed edition omits these two words. 

3 The printed edition has " captain-major." The reference may be 
to either Thome de Sousa or the captain of the ship in which the scene 

No. 60. — 1908.] couTO : history of oeylon. 


humanity towards them they likewise did not wish to show 
themselves ungrateful for so great a favour : that of their own 
free will they wished to go and live in Columbo , in order both 
of them to serve him there and theieafter in every place 
whither he might go." The captain ordered him to remain 
in the ship, and strongly enjoined on her captain to treat 
them very well, and afterwards he made use of the husband 
as a spy, in which he always found him very faithful, both 
while he was there and afterwards in Columbo, where he 
always lived. 

Now let the poets fable as much as they like in order to show 
the world the great proof of love that many have made : 
because these two barbarians surpassed all that they have 
painted, and all that they have put in hell, suffering anguish 
for love ; and the incident when they told it to us caused us 
such great envy ; and even afterwards when we wrote this, 
the tongue was dumb, the pen shrank, and the understanding 
was embarrassed at not being able to extol it with that gravity 
and style that so great and such unusual love merits : and 
so we desist, because those smitten with love know better 
how to feel this than we to write it. 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Ohap. xv. 

Of the great assaults that Thome de Sousa further made along 
that coast : and of how he destroyed the city and pagode 
of Tanevare\ 

Thome de Sousa de Arronches having left this village of 
Goscore put in to another lower down called Madama 2 , which 
he destroyed and put to fire and sword, and burnt two pagodes 
that it had, much visited by pilgrims amongst them 3 . From 
here he turned towards Galle, and disembarked at a place 
called Guindurem 4 in the third watch of the night in order 
to fall unawares upon Gale, which is one of Rajii's chief 

1 The printed edition has " Tancuarem." 

2 Faria y Sousa (Asia Port. III. i. vi. 17) has " Madania." Ap- 
parently the place intended is Madampe near Ambalangoda. 

3 These dagabas do not seem to be mentioned in the Mahdvansa. 

4 The printed edition has " Guidurem," and the manuscript 
" Gurudurem." Gintara (Gintota) is meant. The place seems to 
have been of some importance in the twelfth century (see Mahdv. 
lxxv. 24). 

2 b 36-08 



towns 1 , and from there dispatched his brother Rodrigo Alvres 2 , 
Diogo Gonsalves, and Miguel Ferreira with eighty soldiers, and 
with them the arache Domingos Pereira with his lascarins, and 
ordered them to conceal themselves near the fort 3 of Gale ; and 
that when they heard a signal, which he was to give them from 
the sea, they were to attack the fort. These captains were 
guided by two spies whom they captured, and whom they 
took with them in leash ; and before reaching the fort they 
hid themselves, and let themselves remain in perfect silence. 
Thome de Sousa soon came with his armada and cast anchor 
at the point of Gale ; and a little before daybreak he dis- 
embarked on land with all the rest of the men that he carried, 
and gave a signal by means of some bombard shots to those 
that were in hiding, who on hearing the signal attacked the 
tranqueira from the inland side, and Thome de Sousa attacked 
the other, because the tranqueiras are like two bastions, which 
run from one to the other. And taking the enemy by sur- 
prise, although they experienced great resistance from them, 
fche tranqueiras were entered, and many of the enemy killed, 
and all the rest fled whithersoever they could, leaving the 
tranqueiras in the hands of our people, who remained there 
three days, during which they burnt the town, which was 
very large, and in which were several warehouses of goods : 
and they also cut down all the oarts and palm-groves that 
were round about it, and all the boats that were beached, 
and leaving everything destroyed, reduced to dust and ashes, 
they demolished the tranqueiras, and burnt them, and re- 
turned to the vessels laden with prizes ; all of which they did 
without its costing them more than some wounds. 

1 In the wholesale extermination of Christians and destruction of 
churches, &c, in the coast towns on the south-west of Ceylon by Vidiye 
Raja in 1554-5, as related by Couto on p. 170, supra, the Portuguese 
settlement at Galle, of which we were told on p. 145, appears to have 
come to an end, and the place to have reverted to the sole occupation 
of the natives. From 1587 onwards we find King Philip writing to the 
viceroy of India on the advisability of building a fortress on Galle point 
and having a fleet of eight foists cruising about there in order to keep the 
course clear, Raja Sinha being reported as having some armed ships 
there for the purpose of attacking Portuguese vessels coming from 
Bengal and the Further East (see Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 108, 217, 255, 373). 
It was not until 1595, however, that a fort was erected (see infra, 
p. 404). 

2 The manuscript has " Gonsalves." 

3 This was a Sinhalese fort, or stockade, erected, probably by Raja 
Sinha' s orders, to prevent the Portuguese from once more obtaining a 
footing in Galle. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of cbylon. 


And as the captain-major determined to fall unawares 
upon the city of Beligao 1 , which is four leagues from there, 
he ordered Miguel Ferreira with his soldiers and the araches 
with their lascarins to go thence from Galle by land along the 
sea always in sight of the ships ; and Thome de Sousa went 
following the course of the seashore until they reached the 
city in the daybreak watch ; and those that had gone by 
land attacking it, and Thome de Sousa, who immediately 
disembarked, on the side facing the shore, and taking the 
enemy unprepared, the city was entered, and at once set on 
fire, that our people might not be impeded, the greater part 
of which was consumed, and the inhabitants withdrew 2 and 
fled inland. There our people remained that day making 
search in the city, in which they found some prizes 3 . At 
night Thome de Sousa ordered the same Miguel Ferreira 
to go in his ship up the river, and fall unawares by night upon 
a village, to which those that escaped from Beligao had re- 
tired 4 . Having arrived there, Miguel Ferreira went to attack ; 
but as they were already on the alert, and there were some 
Moors there, he found such resistance of bombard and firelock 
shots, that he was forced to return to the armada. Next day 6 
Thome de Sousa went with the whole armada up the river, 
and in the daybreak watch attempted the disembarkation, 
giving the van to his brother Rodrigo Alvres and the araches ; 
and having got on land, although there were many bombard 
shots, they attacked a tranqueira that stood at the entrance to 
the village, in which were the Moors ; but our men by dint of 
firelock shots and cuts entered it, and the Moors retreated to 
a bridge 6 that lies across the river in order to bar the passage 
to our people, who went after them, whereupon they had a 
very sharp fight, in which many of the enemy were killed, and 
in spite of them they drove them thence, and captured the 
bridge from them, and went following in pursuit of them for 
the space of half a league. They being totally defeated, our 
people entered the village, in which they found three houses, 
one full of iron, which they threw into the sea, and the others 

1 The manuscript has " Biligao." 

2 The printed edition has " desprezdram " (despised), an error, 
apparently, for despefdram. The manuscript wants these two words. 

3 That they did not get more was due, doubtless, to the fact that only 
four years previously the town had been burnt by the Portuguese under 
Pedro Homem Pereira, much valuable merchandise perishing in the 
flames, (see supra, p. 266). 

4 Of. supra, p. 265, note 3 ; p. 266, note s . 

5 The manuscript omits these words. 

6 The printed edition has " point." 
2B 2 



of saltpetre and cables and cordage, to all of which they set 
fire in order that they might not benefit the enemy. 

Here they remained several days, during which they deli- 
vered some assaults on the neighbouring villages, to which 
they did great damage : and having done this, they proceeded 
to the river of Melipu 1 , which was further on, in which they 
disembarked, and captured a tranqueira 2 , and set fire to the 
villag) 3 , which was entirely abandoned to them, And as the 
city of Mature, which was half a league up the river, was very 
prosperous in merchants and goods 4 , he thought to give the 

1 The manuscript has "Miliseu," and the printed edition "Meliseu," 
which I have altered to " Melipu," the name by which, in Portuguese 
and Dutch times, the Nilwala-gaiiga seems to have been known (see 
Val. Ceylon 33, 36 ; C. Lit. Reg. v. 116). The origin of this name I do 
not know : perhaps it is Sinh, mili (black, dark, or dark blue) + upul 
(lotus), or nilipul (blue lotus). 

2 Tennent, in his well-known work on Ceylon, has, when dealing 
with the Portuguese period, committed many gross errors, owing to 
his ignorance of the Portuguese language. One of the worst of these 
occurs in his remarks on this passage in Couto. He says {Ceylon ii. 434) : 
— " They [the ''Malabar " invaders] do not appear to have molested or 
wantonly destroyed the village tanks ; (in fact, the only recorded in- 
stance of the deliberate destruction of works for irrigation was by the 
Portuguese in the sixteenth century) ; " to substantiate which asser- 
tion he appends the following footnote : — " This event took place dur- 
ing the siege of Colombo by Raja Singha II. [sic], a.d. 1587 [sic], when 
Thome de Sousa d'Arronches was dispatched to make a diversion by 
ravaging the southern coast of Ceylon. De Couto recounts, amongst 
other atrocities then perpetrated, that after sacking the town of Belle- 
gam, a party was sent [sic] to a river which he calls the Meliseu, where 
they halted [sic] and destroyed the water-courses for irrigating the rice- 
lands [! ! !], ' no qual desembarcaram e tomaram huma tranqueira.' 
Asia, dec. x., ch. xv., vol. vi., pt. 2, p. 652 ; Faria y Souza [sic], Portu- 
guese [sic] Asia, vol. iii., p. 53." The statement in italics, I may say, is 
so printed in the fifth edition of Tennent' s book, the earlier editions 
having " and destroyed the tank ;" and the quotation of Couto's ipsis- 
sima verba only makes Tennent's statement more ridiculous. The cita- 
tion in evidence of Faria y Sousa (the reference is in reality to Stevens's 
translation) is a piece of carelessness or of dishonesty, since that writer 
says absolutely nothing of the incident. 

3 This village I cannot identify. 

4 Matara does not seem to be mentioned in the Mahavansa. The 
earliest reference in the Rdjdvaliya is apparently that on p. 83 detailing 
events of the year 1555 ; and on p. 86 of the same history we read of 
" strong fortresses " being built (circa 1558) by the Portuguese and 
Dharmapala's forces in the " Matara district." These must have been 
abandoned soon afterwards. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


soldiers a sack 1 , and one day in the daybreak watch he went 
and attacked it ; and although they met with great resistance 
they entered it at the cost of the lives of many of the enemy, 
and the captain-major ordered it to be set fire to in several 
parts, whereby the greater part was consumed, after the 
soldiers had sacked what seemed best to them, and inside it 
they burnt three very handsome pagodes and a house full of 
cinnamon, and captivated one hundred and ten persons, and 
burnt a vessel of three hundred candis that was in the river. 
Having done this, they returned to the vessels, without having 
lost more than one soldier, for whom no one in the fleet could 
account, nor was it known if he had been killed, or if he had 
remained in the houses in order to loot 2 . 

And as our people continued victorious, they were not 
willing that there should escape the pagode of Tanavar 3 half a 
league from this city, the most celebrated and most resorted 
to by pilgrims of all in the island, excepting that of Adam's 
Peak 4 , the which in structure resembled a beautiful city, 
having a circuit of a full league 5 . The body of this pagode 
was very great, all vaulted above, with much workmanship, 
and around it many most beautiful chapels, and above the 
principal gateway it had a very high and strong tower, with 
the roof all of copper gilt in many parts, the which stood in 
the midst of a square cloister, very beautifully and finely 
wrought, with its verandas and terraces, and in each square 
a handsome gateway for its entrance, and all around was full 
of flower-pots, delicate flowers, and fragrant herbs for their 
pagode 6 to enjoy himself with when they drew him in proces- 
sion 7 along that way. This pagode has within the enclosure 
very fine streets, in which live persons of every occupation, 
and the chief of these is of women dedicated to the service of 

1 The printed edition has " surfeit." 

2 We shall hear of him again at the end of the chapter. 

3 In printed edition "Tanaverem." 4 Cf. supra, V. vi, iii. (p. 118). 
6 See supra, p. 33, note 3 . The description that follows is of. 

value. in view of the destruction of this famous temple. A comparison 
of this description with that in the Paravisande'sa, which depicts 
the place as it appeared in the first half of the fifteenth century (see 
Alwis's Des. Cat. 219), would be of interest. Ibn Batuta, who visited 
Ddndra in 1344, gives a very meagre description of the temple, probably 
because of his being a Musalman (see C. A. S. Jl. 1882, Extra No. 55-6). 

6 Here the word pagode is applied to the idol (in this case that of 
Vishnu), the Portuguese and other old writers using it in both senses 
(see Hob. -Job. s.v. " Pagoda "). 

7 Towards the end of the chapter the car in which the idol was drawn 
about is described. 



[Vol. XX. 

the pagode. On account of the sumptuousness of the work, 
and according to what passes from mouth to mouth among the 
old people, they affirm it to have been made by the Chins 1 , 
and that in that city there dwelt a Chim, who was lord of all 
that coast on the further side, and thus the pagode is of the 
fashion of the varellas of China, and because of it this city is 
largely populated and frequented by strangers, wherefore our 
people surmised it to be very rich. 

The captain-major embarked on the armada, and went 
along the coast in order to go and attack it : and the same day 
that he embarked there worked up a thunderstorm, which 
broke accompanied by a cross wind, so furious that the ships 
were well-nigh lost, and if it had lasted long (for it did not 
exceed two hours) without doubt they could not have escaped. 
The heathen lascarins who were embarked with the captain- 
major in his ship, and some that served as spies, whilst the 
tempest lasted set themselves to talk one with another, and 
in such manner, that the captain-major observed them, and 
asked what they were talking about, upon which a Christian 
told him that those heathens were glad, because their pagode 
had hastened to maintain his honour ; and that knowing that 
the Portuguese were going to insult him, he had sent that 
storm to chastise them. This superstition was a very ancient 
one amongst them : for as that coast lies facing the cross wind 2 , 
and the sea there is continually high, and some thunderstorms 
work up, it happened sometimes when armadas of Portuguese 
were going by there, that it was in conjunction with the 
raging of these storms, upon which they withdrew from the 
land and retired, wherefore that illusion remained of their 
holding among themselves that the pagode arranged that, so 
that the Portuguese armadas might not reach land : and this 
was the cause of that city's being so populated, they thinking 
that there they were secure from the assaults of our fleets. 
Thome de Sousa, as soon as the Christian lascarins related 
this to him, swore to destroy that pagode, in order to rid the 
imagination of the heathens of that superstition 3 , so that they 
might see how deceived they had been, and the little that their 
idol could do : and so when the tempest was past, on the next 
day in the morning he put in to land, and went ashore, giving 

1 The printed edition has k ' Cherins." Barros also (p. 33) gives 
credence to this fable of a Chinese origin for Dondra. 

2 In place of " facing the cross wind " the manuscript has " to the 
cross wind of the west." „ 

8 The manuscript here reads ; " por tirar aquella abusao da jura 
grauissima dos gentios e imagina9ao "; but, as this does not seem to 
make sense, I have followed the printed version. 

No. 60. — 1908.] couto : history of ceylon.. 


the van to Rodrigo Alvres, and with them Miguel Ferreira 1 
Baracho, and Domingos Pereira arache ; and the first thing they 
did was to attack a tranqueira that they had on the beach on a 
hillock, the which our people took by force of blows to the hurt 
of the enemy ; and leaving some soldiers to guard it. Thome de 
Sousa proceeded to march on the city, which they attacked with 
great determination ; and the inhabitants, not trusting in the 
guardianship of their pagode, on seeing the Portuguese aban- 
doned the city, and betook themselves inland. Our people 
proceeded to enter it without encountering any resistance, and 
reaching the pagode broke open the gates, and entered it without 
meeting with anyone to resist them, and went all round it to see 
if they found any people ; and seeing that all was deserted, 
Thome de Sousa delivered it over to the soldiers that they might 
do their duty : and the first thing in which they employed them- 
selves was to destroy the idols, of which there were more than a 
thousand of divers forms, some of clay, others of wood, others 
of copper, and many of them gilt. Having done this, they 
demolished 2 the whole of that infernal structure of pagodes, 
destroying their vaults and cloisters , knocking them all to pieces, 
and then proceeded to sack the storehouses, in which they 
found much ivory, fine clothes, copper, pepper, sandalwood, 
jewels, precious stones, and ornaments of the pagodes, and of 
everything they took what they liked, and to the rest they set 
fire, by which the whole was consumed. And for greater insult 
to the pagode, they slaughtered inside several cows, which is the 
most unclean thing that can be , and for the purification of which 
are required very great ceremonies. And they also set fire to a 
wooden car made after the manner of a towered house of seven 
stories, all large and most beautiful, lackered in divers colours 
and gilt in many parts, a costly and sumptuous work, which 
served to convey the principal idol on a ride through the city to 
which likewise they set fire, by which the whole was consumed. 

Upon this our people retired laden with prizes, and from 
there returned to Beligao , whither chanced to come that 
soldier of whom we have said above that he disappeared 
from them in Mature, who related that in going about the city 
he lost himself, and on going to look for the vessels he found them 
no longer there, and that until then he had remained hidden 
by day, and at night had journeyed in search of the armada. 
This man was welcomed by all, because they held him for 
dead, and there Thom6 de Sousa continued to cruise about, 
until the captain of Ceilao ordered him to return 3 . 

1 The printed edition has erroneously " Fernandes." 

2 The printed edition has " despised." 

8 See the end of the next chapter (p. 379). 



[Vol. XX. 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. xvi. 

Of how Manoel de Sousa Coutinho reached the coast of Ceilad : 
and of the great devastations that he went making along it 
until arriving at Columbo. 

Manoel de Sousa Coutinho having set out from Goa, as we 
have said 1 , went pursuing his voyage without stopping for 
anything until he had passed the Cape of Comorim, and along 
the coast as far as the Island of Jogues 2 , whence he crossed 
over to the other side, and made landfall below Manar to- 
wards Cardiva : from there he dispatched a swift vessel to 
the captain of Columbo with a letter, in which he begged him 
to send him the modeliar Diogo da Silva and the arache Pedro 
Afonso with their lascarins in tones, as he was waiting for 
them in the river of Cardiva in order to go destroying every- 
thing from there to Columbo. 

The letter reached Columbo in two days : and at once Joao 
Correa got ready a foist and nine tones, in which went eighty 
Portuguese and the modeliar es that he had asked for ; and 
having set out from Columbo they went and put in at the 
Abilao of the Jogues 6 , and disembarked on land, and entered 
the village and totally destroyed and burnt it, and from there 
went to the bar of Chilao, where was a garrison of Raju's troops. 
And seeking to go ashore, they saw three banners with many 
troops, whereupon they dissembled, and went on to a little 
village, where they disembarked, and captured three blacks, 
from whom they learnt the condition of the village of Maripo 4 , 
which was near, and of the people that were there, because 
they wished to give them a great chastisement, for the evil 
treatment that they had accorded to the men of a fleet that 
was wrecked there in the time of the count Bom Luis de Ataide , 
which was going in succour to Ceilad, the captain-major of 
which was Diogo Lopes Coutinho 5 . And learning that they 
could attack without risk, they did so, and in spite of the 
inhabitants entered it and sacked it, killing several and 
capturing alive forty-eight persons, and seven vessels laden 
with salt, which they had all ready to carry to Raju's 

1 See supra, p. 367. 

2 See supra, p. 356, note a . 

3 What Abilao represents, I do not know ; nor can I identify this 
place, which evidently lay on the coast, south of Chilaw. 

4 Marippu is the Sinhalese name for the village of Ka^tekadu, 
which lies at the head of the Mundal lake (see M. Lit. Reg. iv. 157, 


8 See supra, p. 257. 

No. 60.— 1908.] couto : history of ceylon. 


posts, where it is much valued, because in the whole island 
there is none 1 . 

From there they went foraying several ports until they 
reached the deep sea, where they encountered the armada 
and gave the captain-major a relation of the affairs of Columbo , 
and of what they had done along the coast, and how the city 
of Chilao was garrisoned and fortified 2 . Manoel de Sousa at 
once proceeded to anchor in front of its port, and ordered 
Bom Jeronimo Dazevedo with four hundred men and the 
ar aches with their lascarins to disembark, which they did. 
attacking two tranqueiras that the enemy had, with such 
impetuosity that they straightway abandoned them with the 
loss of several killed ; and our men penetrated four leagues 
inland, making great havoc amongst them ; and when they 
had completely hemmed them in they turned back again, on 
the way falling upon many villages and hamlets, which they 
burnt and destroyed, until they reached the city of Chilao, 
which they put to fire and sword, not sparing anything, 
without all this costing more than two of our lascarins. In 
the river were more than fifty pagueis 3 and many tones, and 
other vessels, to which they set fire, leaving nothing standing, 
there being burnt both in the city and in the vessels much 
goods ; and leaving all destroyed, laden with prizes they 
embarked, the captain-major going in his ship's boat along 
the shore, so that there might be no disorder in the with- 

Leaving here, they arrived at Columbo on the 18th of Feb- 
ruary, entering the bay with their whole armada beautifully 
bedecked with flags, and saluting the city with all the artillery 
and afterwards with the harquebusery several times, whereby, 
although the number appeared very great, much greater did 
it appear in the ears of the enemy, who, on seeing that armada 
arrive, saw well that troubles were in store for him, because 
now there also began to come ships of Dom Paulo's armada, 
since two or three days previously there had arrived the 

1 That is, no natural or rock salt. The Dutch, by taking possession 
of the saltpans at Puttalam and Hambantota, were able to bring pres- 
sure to bear on the king of Kandy when he showed signs of hostility 
(c/. Haafner in C. Lit. Reg. v. 93, 108). 

2 Since its destruction by the Ghristian king of Kandy in January 
1565 (see supra, p. 235) the city had been rebuilt, and was now better 
prepared to resist an attack. In 159 -7 D. Jeronimo de Azevedo 
began erecting a fort here (see infra, p. 404). 

3 This is the plural of palgue, the Port, corruption of Mar. bagla (see 
Hob. -Job. s.v. " Buggalow "). 



[Vol. XX. 

galleons of Dom Joao Pereira and Francisco da Silva, and the 
foists of Dom Nuno Alvres Pereira and the galley of Dom 
Pedro de Lima, and the day before the galliass of Matheus 
Pereira de Sampaio, being already advised that Dom Paulo 
de Lima was expected, who, he already knew, was coming 
after being so victorious over a like king: whereby he was 
alarmed, and became still more so when he saw such large 
armadas, such rejoicings and salvos, because the city dis- 
charged its whole artillery to welcome Manoel de Sousa, who 
immediately disembarked with all the captains and soldiers, 
being received on the shore by the captain, fidalgos, prelates, 
and the whole populace with great joy, the pleasure that all 
felt being shown by the embraces. Manoel de Sousa was 
conveyed to his lodging, and his captains and soldiers 
were distributed among the posts, and each one sought his 

On the following day Manoel de Sousa and Joao Correa 
met in order to come to a decision regarding the affairs of 
Raju, and sent a message to all the captains that were in that 
city, prelates and monks to attend ; only Dom Joao Pereira, 
who excused himself, sending him word that he was a soldier of 
Dom Paulo de Lima's, and ought not to be present at a 
council at which the latter was not present. And all having 
assembled, Manoel de Sousa made them a short speech, the 
substance of which was : — " That from the very great experi- 
ence that he had of Raju, of his malice and weakness, he 
knew very well that he would not wait for the crossing of 
swords ; and that when they least suspected it they would be 
sure to find him flown thence and gone back again without 
the chastisement that he deserved : that it would be well to 
give it to him forthwith, and so great a one, that he would 
remain as an example to all the kings of Ceilao to no more 
attempt treason against that fortress, to which they owed 
obedience and vassalage ; and that he assured them with the 
divine favour of so great a victory as should remain a wonder 
in the memory of all the kings of the East, whereby they 
would be curbed, and we should always be feared and re- 
spected by them ; and that if he were to depart from there 
without the chastisement that he deserved, it would be not 
only a great grief and pain to all that had come with so great 
willingness to join hands with them, but a shameful affront, 
because then it would assuredly be said that through fear 
they failed to attack him, and that he made a pretence with 
his coming." It was well understood that Manoel de Sousa 
much desired to take part in that business without Dom 
Paulo, that the whole of the honour might be his, because he 

No. 60.-— 1908.] couto : history of oeylon. 


could not rid himself of envy for so great a victory as God had 
given him over Raj ale : and that if God should grant him that 
over Raju the glory of it would all be his ; because by nature 
he was ambitious of honours, and desired to be present on 
occasions of being able to gain them 1 . Joao Correa de Brito 
took in hand to speak on that matter s and said that the 
viceroy, in addition to his instructions, in all his letters had 
commanded him that that affair was not to be carried out 
without Dom Paulo de Lima : that it was not known what 
he might suggest ; but that he likewise knew that Raju 
would not await battle, but rather take steps to withdraw : 
that he was of the opinion of Manoel de Sousa, that before he 
raised his camp they should attack him, as without doubt 
victory was in their hands. This opinion appeared to be in 
accord with that of Manoel de Sousa ; but Joao Caiado de 
Gamboa answered, that they had to vote on one of two sup- 
positions, whether Raju was to raise his camp, or not : because, 
if the matter of his determination was doubtful, it would be 
well to wait for Dom Paulo, who could not be delayed longer 
than the next day, since the viceroy had so commanded, and 
that for this very reason Thome de Sousa de Arronches, who 
had in his armada very good troops, was cruising about 
waiting for him ; that they should send out spies of confidence ; 
and that when they had certain news that the enemy was 
shifting his quarters, then they could set aside all the instruc- 
tions. The rest of the captains and fidalgos that were there 
voted for the same opinion, chiefly those of the company of 
Dom Paulo, who spoke on that matter more at length : be- 
cause, as they belonged to his command, and knew that all 
that had been discussed was to the end to deprive Dom Paulo 
of that honour, the matter having been debated, it was re- 
solved that he should be waited for, and that they should 
obtain information ; and that on receiving advice that Rajii 
intended to raise his camp, then they should attack him, 
because in that way they would have the opportunity of 
gaining a great victory over him, whereby the honour would 
belong to all. And so they rose, incharging on the captain 
the obtaining of information, who sent out his spies, all 
getting ready, in order, on receiving the alarm, to go out 
against the enemy, word being at once sent to Thome de 
Sousa that as soon as Dom Paulo arrived he was to take him 
in his swift ships and come to Columbo. 

1 Manoel de Sousa had offered himself as commander of the expedi- 
tion against the kings of Achin and Johor ; but the viceroy had chosen 
D. Paulo de Lima. 



[Vol. XX. 

Dec. X., Bk. x., Chap. xvii. 

Of how Raju secretly decamped, setting fire to the arrayal : and 
of how our people went out against him : and of what befell 
them during the pursuit, and of what happened besides. 

Raju, — seeing the arrival of Manoel de Sousa with so many 
ships, and of part of the armada of Dom Paulo de Lima, who 
was expected daily, and was coming after gaining a victory 
over a king so great as the one of Ujantana 1 , and after destroy- 
ing a city of his so powerful and strong and so full of troops 
and artillery ; and calling to mind the harm that he had 
received from us, before such great succours had come, and the 
destruction that had been caused to him on one and the other 
coast by the armadas of Manoel de Sousa and Thome de Sousa 
de Arronches ; and that so great a force as had reached them 
was not for the purpose of being shut up in the fortress ; — 
picturing to himself his total destruction if he waited for our 
people, took a resolution to withdraw, without telling anyone. 
And for the greater dissimulation he determined to deceive 
our people and put them off, in order to be able to withdraw 
in greater safety : and so forthwith on that day he commanded 
to throw a letter into the fortress by means of an arrow, in 
which he begged the captains to give him leave to send 
ambassadors to them to treat of matters of importance, be- 
cause he was undeceived, and saw that just as they had not 
been able to capture Ceitavaca from him, so he could not 
capture Cochim, not to speak of Columbo. This letter was 
carried to the captains ; and all having met in council, the 
matter was debated, and they agreed that the ambassadors 
be heard, as at least it would serve as a diversion until the 
arrival of Dom Paulo de Lima. Upon this reply there came 
to them three or four ambassadors with their attendants, 
who were well received by the captains ; and the first thing 
that they asked was, that the artillery should not be fired 
from the fortress as long as they were there ; and presenting 
their credentials, all the captains of the succours being present, 
they said that their master Raju had commanded them to 
say that he had a very great festival, which would come on 
three days from then, the which he was forced to celebrate 
in Ceitavaca, and that during that time he would accept 
terms of peace ; and that if not, there was no need to speak 
of it, 

1 This name is here, as in other places in the printed edition, incor- 
rectly given as " Viantana." It represents Malay Ujungtanah (see 
Hob. -Job. s,v.).